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THE ROYAL ARSENAL 

PART I -THE BACKGROUND 
r. Armament administration-the Wardrobe-1066-1414 
3 
2. Armament administration-the Office of Ordnance­r414-1670 
32 
3. Crown Establishments at Greenwich 
83 
4 . Woolwich prior to the advent of the Warren 112 
5. Crown Establishments at Woolwich pnor to the advent of the Warren 
P A RT II-BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
6. The beginnings of Tower Place 177 7. The Warren 1701-1720 231 8. The Warren 172r-1749 274 
g. The beginnings of the Royal Regiment of Artillery 302 r o. The establishment and early years of the Royal Mili­
tary A cademy in the Warren 345 1r. The Warren 1750-1775 393 12. The Warren 1776-1800 451 
PART III-ADOLESCENCE 
13. The Warren during Napoleonic times 
497 r 4. The Royal Arsenal during Napoleonic times 551 15. The Doldrums 1816-1839 602 r6. The beginning of a Trade Wind 1840-1850 664 
VOLUME II 
r 7. The last years under the Board of Ordnance and the Crimean War 723 
18. 
The early years under the War Office 787 

19. 
The Morley reforms 840 

20. 
The closing years of the nineteenth century 870
l 
CONTENTS PART IV-MATURITY 
21. The opening years of the twentieth century  9II  
22. The First ,t\'orld War  949  
23. The uneasy years between  991  
24. The Second World War and afterwards  1024  
APPENDICES  
I. List ofKeepers ofthe Wardrobe, Masters and l\!Iasters­ 
General of the Ordnance and subsequent Arma­ 
ment Chiefs  1035  
II. Principal Officers of the Ordnance  1041  

III. Constitution of the Board at various dates 1047 
IV. Armament administration-Board of Ordnance, War Office, Ministry of Supply and War Office. From 
1671 to the present day 
V. Complete list of armour held at Greenwich in June 1611 
VI. Officials at the Royal Arsenal at various dates 
VII. Certain establishments and rates of pay 
VIII. Certain employees and rates of wages in the Royal Arsenal between the years 1800 and 1855 
IX. Woolwich establishments in certain years 
1099 1102 1123 
1133 1280 
X. Number of workers employed in the Royal Arsenal 1289 
XI. The acreage of the Royal Arsenal at various dates 1292 
XII. Transport in the Royal Arsenal 1293 
XIII. Divine worship, schools, police and security 1317 
XIV. ,vater, fire services, gas and power 1349 
XV. Survey of some of the principal stores made 1n the Royal Arsenal 1374 
XVI. Other Departments in the Royal Arsenal 

XVII. !vfanuscripts relating to Ordnance matters 
Bibliography 1457 
Index 1459 

Illustrations An Ordnance Officer of the time of Charles II 
Frontispiece
I Edward III inspecting his artillery 
facing page 142 
2 The Royal palace at Greenwich, 1558 
143
3 (upper) Tower Place, 1545 
158 
3 (lower) Burst gun at Moorfields 
158 
4 (lejt) Front gate for ships' c':1-rriage house, 171 7 
1 59
4 (right) Front gate at Woolw1ch, 1717 
1 59
5 Part of the great pile of buildings, Woolwich 1 71 7 
360
6 The Royal Foundry, Woolwich (Sandby) 
361 
7 (upper) View of Woolwich Warren (S. & N. Buck), 1739 
376 
7 (lower) Cadets' Barracks at Woolwich, I 752 
376
8 (upper) Carriage shed for Land Service 
377
8 (lower) The Granby Medal 
377 
9 The Royal Military Academy (Sandby) 
600 10 A gun being bored in the Royal Foundry, 1773 
601 I l Withdrawing the castings from the pit. Royal Foundry, 
1 773 616 
12 (upper) View from Rupert's walk, 1749 
617 
12 (lower) The Royal Laboratory, c. 1750 
617 
13 Laboratory Square, c. 1750 
842 
1 4 M oulding pellets in the Royal Laboratory, c. 1750 
843 
15 Pumps in the Royal Laboratory 
858 
16 The visit of George III to the Royal Foundry, 1773 
859 
17 Making charges, Royal Laboratory, c. 1750 
97°
18 V iew of hulks and convicts at Woolwich, 1779 
971 
The seat of Sir Gregory Page at Blackheath, 1783
19 986 20 (upper) The main gate, Royal Arsenal, 1825 
987 
20 (lower ) The entrance to the Royal Arsenal, c. 1850 
987 
2 1 T he Royal Arsenal, 1 847 22 (upp er) Model of horse boring-mill 22 (lower) Girls making cartridges, I 862 
TEXT ILLUSTRATIO S 
Fig. l Bodham's sketch of the gunwharf Fig. 2 Two plans of Tower Place Fig. 3 Plan of the old Academy Fig. 4 Elevation of proposed gateway, 1828 
MAPS 
I. Woolwich Warren in 1701 
2. W oolwich Warren in 1 7 1 7 
1002 
1028 
1028 
167 
facing page 206 
349 
629 
facing page 231 " ,, 258 
'An exact survey of the Warren in Woolwich', 1749 ''
3. " 274 
4. 
'Plan or"Woolwich Warren', 1777 " ,, 451 

5. 
The Royal Arsenal, 1867 " " 8 


. 
lX

Vlll 
Preface 


Up to now no Boswell has appeared to interpret the Royal Arsenal to the British people; its story therefore has remained untold. From the historical point ofview this is a minor tragedy as in recent years the_ han~ of the winnower has been busy, and many documents, which might have shed light on certain aspects of the subject, have been ruthlessly destroyed. Had such a history been written only forty years ago, much valuable material, now irrecoverable, might have been preserved. 
For wellnigh a hundred years Woolwich was the only Crown Es_tablishment which manufactured warlike stores and thus may be sa id to have been the matrix out of which all other government fa ctories evolved. Today circumstances are different; the Woolwich w orkshops are but the few among the many which supply the equip­ment required by the Fighting Services. The Royal Arsenal has therefore shed some of its ancient glory and, though still of national importance, has lost its proud position ofpre-eminence. Nevertheless it still clings to its traditions. · 
Having lived and worked in the Royal Arsenal for many years, I 
was overjoyed at the opportunity afforded me of adopting Boswell's 
mantle and presenting a historical account of the establishment in 
which so many happy years of my life have been passed. 
F irst and foremost my most grateful thanks and appreciation are 
d ue to the late Sir Henry Tizard who urged and encouraged me to 
persevere in what has proved to be an immense task, and to the 
'Tru stees of the Leverhulme Research Fellowships, whose generous 
two y ears Research Fellowship enabled me to undertake it. Without 
th e Trustees' kind and welcome assistance, this history could not 
h ave appeared in print. 
I should also like to record my gratitude to various officials and 
official bodies who have unstintedly preferred their help. In particu­
lar, I would mention the assistance I have received from the staffs 
of the Public Record Office, the War Office and the Royal Arsenal, 
all of which took great interest in the task I was attempting. To 
single out names is perhaps invidious, but I do most earnestly wish 
to pay tribute to the unfailing courtesy and ungrudging aid rendered 
me by Mr E. K. Timings of the Public Record Office; by Messrs A. 
S. White and D. W. King of the War Office Library; by Mr G. J. Roberts of the War Office Registry; by Mr W. H. Davison of the War Office Records Division; by Mr J. S. Grew of the Armaments Research Establishment; and by ColonelJ. C. E. Pellereau, Mr T . G. Taffs, Lieutenant-Colonel P. A. S. Holmes, Miss Sheryer and 
. 
Xl 



PREFACE 

others of the staff of the Chief Superintendent, Royal Ordnance Factories, all of whom have sacrificed time and energy to come to my assistance. 
Finally, homage should be paid to all those countless and forgotten clerks and scribes who, throughout the centuries kept such meticu­lous details of all the incidents, trivial or otherwise, which occupied the Office of Ordnance throughout its long career of statecraft. 
Blackheath OLIVER F. G. HOGG Autumn I962 
.. 
Xll 
Introduction 
Voltaire once remarked that ifyou wished to converse with him you had to define your terms. It is a logical statement and one that should obviously be applied to any history dealing with an Establish­ment so difficult to define as the Royal Arsenal. Is it a specific area on the m a p or is it a government department where equ_ip~ent_for the fightino-forces is manufactured and stored? Many mstltutlons have chan~ed their locality and continued their work in new surroundings and among these must be included the_ Royal Arsei:al ' hich functioned in a humbler capacity at Woolw1ch half a_ mi~e further up the river before it was transferred to its present site m 
1671. Before a standing army in England was authorized, the Office of ~d · · d · 1 · g ships of the Royal 
0 I n a n ce was mainly preoccupie in supp yin d N avy and the connection between that Department of state afin 
' h. • · t ociation accounts or
t h e A d miralty was very close. T 1s 1nt1ma e ass h 
· t Deptford Chat am,
th e early development of Ordnance services a ' . 
Portsmou th and other dockyards, which thus allows the presumptio~ with a fair d eg ee of certainty that Ordnance storehois~ wer~~:t up at Woolwich when Henry VIII built the royal doc t ere a 
the year 1518. h •te of the present Origin ally housed on the gunwharf near t e s1 ed to To wer free ferry, the Ordnance depot at vVoolwich w~s m~:hat property Place on Woolwich Warren when t~e Cro"':n pu;~ a~his new home, 
1 1 
of 30 acres from Sir William Prichard 1~ h/ • •ghteenth century 
originally referred to as Tower Place, was inTth eRe1, zArsenal a name k 1 · 80 5 as e 0) a ' 
nown as The W arren, and final Yin 1 d to mere storage, suggested b y George III. Manufacture, as oppose. built there and 
commenced in 1696 when the new Laboratory ~v~ Palace and re­the Tilt Y ard Barn was removed from Gr;:nwic1 therefore, as an erected on W oolwich Warren. The Royal rsena ' 
entity has survived for some 4oo years. d ·t derived from four
1 
As a public institution on its present groun sources: 
(a) 
The Wardrobe and Ordnance O~ce 

(b) 
Crown Establishments at Greenwich ( ) W · · 67 I h e of Tow r 


c oolw1ch town pnor to 1 ich before the pure as 
(d) Crown Establishments at Woolw Place . h . .,0v n the tap ry. f 
wh1c is ,~ ·1 ·f · 1 
a 11 of which form the threads from lected at p n 1 JU the Arsenal's saga and these sources are neJ e. lopm nt. is to be done to the story of its subsequent 
xiii 



TRooucTION 
IN ·m 1 
d the greatest di cu ty in reco . 
would fin h · ht h glliz­
could they but retur?, twhile labours. In t e e~~ eent centll ing the scene of their ers . . g both civil and military member ryf
·tcontairun h w so
Woolwich was one uru o distinction between t e_ arren and the the Ordnance. There was~ poses they were integrated. b th 
. . t ative pur R 1 A .oo
Garrison; for adnums r A .11 ry and the oya c.aderny fc 
. t of rti e 1 b 1 . or
the Royal Regimen . erienced peop e e onging to th 
. and inexp .c. d . h e
'instructing the raw Office were .1orme in t e VVarr
Ordnance 1 d en,
military branch' of the 1 .cactories was c asse as milita 
k · n the ear Y .1, . ry
and much of the wor i C R E. Woolwich w as appointed
when a · · d ' 
employment. Later on, d ds on the marshes an dealt With he had his headqu~rters an ~ar as a whole. The transfer of the building problems in the statibon acks on Woolwich Common m· 
. h . new arr .
Royal Artillery to t eir R 1 Military Academ y to its new 
0 
1 778 and the removal of theSh ~\s Hill in r806, fostered the premises on the slopes_ ofh 00 ere beginning to d evelop. In the 
• d · which t en we •
separatist ten encies . s departments in the Arsenal 
. h t ry the vanou .
early runeteent cen u , . d from the soldiers on the hill became more and more di:o~ce Woolwich Garrison still resided though the Commandant O t e th titular head of the Establish­
d
within the Arsenal walls au w~s e th century there were five 
"ddl f the runeteen
ment. By the nu e O • the Royal Arsenal namely 
. d d t departments in 
comp1ete1y in epen en G F tory the R oyal Carriage
the Royal un ac ' 
the R oya1 Laboratory, . t t and the Storekeeper's
1 Engineer Depar men
Department, the Roya . · t the other and they 
. h aid much attention o
Department. Neit er ~ he head uarters of the O ffice only corresponded officially through t ~ t f 
. L don They each paid their own r a es o w ages 
of O rdnance 1n on · 1 t· s Such common
d
and functioned under separate rules au regu a wn · . d t h 
· · b ooled were ass1gne o t e 
services which had perforce to e P 1. ·t d t t t d 
· · · · h t a very 1mi -e ex en ac e
O
Junsd1ct1on of the Storekeeper, w O E br h t as the chief administrative official of the whole s~a is ;1~n Offi After the War Department took over the functwns O t e . ce · · ·1 d ·1·t ry elements at W oolw1ch
of Ordnance 1n 1855 the c1v1 an nu 1 a became still more seg;egated. The Royal Laboratory, the Royal Gun Factory and the Royal Carriage Departments became three of_the manufacturing departments of the Army, the Arsenal works services became independent ofthe C. R. E. Woolwich and the Storekeeper's organization became part of the Ordnance Store Department. Subsequently the Ordnance Store Department, having passed through the stage of the Control Department, developed into the Army Ordnance Department from which in due course the Naval Ordnance Department hived off. In 1888, as the r~sult of the recommendations of the Morley Committee, the three independent factories were united under a chief executive with a headquarter staff, since when they have gradually become three sections of one 
. 
XVI 


INTRODUCTION 
organization. This Director-General of Ordnance Factories since
' 
I 899 renamed the Chief Superintendent of Ordnance Factories, was charged among other responsibilities with those of all common services; police, fire-fighting, buildings, roads, gas, water, power, etc. Another result of the Morley Committee's deliberations was the settin~ up of a~ in~ependent ins1:ection staff, thereby relieving the factor~es of being Judges of their own and of trade production. Certain research organizations which had been formed within the Arsenal were grouped together in 1907 to become the Research Department. After the ~nd of the first World War a Naval Inspection Department and a Design Department were established. In addition 
to these, other bodies like the A.D.M.T, the W.D. Chemist, the Ordnance Commi~tee and other minor offices had come into being so that by the third decade of the twentieth century, the Royal Arsenal sheltered many departments besides the factories which were quite independent of C.S.O.F. save for essential services common to the whole area. 
T~ese _ramific~tions have made the presentation of the latter part of th i~ h~story d:~cult. Up to the end of the eighteenth century the story is simple; it is purely that of a slowly evolving single organism. As such it has been treated chronologically. Volume II has presented more complex problems. Although the chronological approach has 1-r1uch to recommend it in theory, it is apt to fail where many factors, only vaguely related, are expanding in divergent directions. Again, treatment on the lines ofindividual factories is unsatisfactory, especi­ally a s, in la ter years controlled by a central staff, they have tended to b ecome homogeneous. A third method of procedure, namely by 
considering fundamental services essential to all, also has its obvious d rawb a cks. A compromise has therefore been adopted. 
During the course of their long history, the Royal Ordnance Factories at Woolvvich have been under the jurisdiction of four D epartments of State, one of which was a temporary war-time 
M inistry. These are : Up to 1855 the Office of Ordnance 1855-1915 the War Department 1915-1920 the Ministry of Munitions 1920-1939 the War Department 
1939-1959 the Ministry of Supply 1959-the War Department When the Secretary of State for War received by Letters Patent, 
dated 25 May 1855, the mantle of the Principal Officers of the Ordnance on the abolition of the Board, the change of overlordship was final and complete. The Ordnance Board Act of 14 August 1855 (18 and 19 Victoria, Cap. CXVII) makes this quite clear. All Pow r , Authorities, Rights, Privileges, Lands, Hereditaments, Estates and 
XVll 
2 
INTRODUCTION 
Principal Officers and 'be trans" 
r .
s from the ' p . .1.erre...i
Property were to pas . ble by Her MaJesty s nncipal Secret 
\l 
to and vested in a~d ex;:f~sa to whom Her Majesty shall think 6.:1:y of State for the Time W g Department'. Woolwich Arsenal Pa to intrust the Seals of the th:rWar Office. The Ministry of MunjJ~eq over body a?"d soulIt~xistence on 9 June l 9l 5 as a result of ths entered on its lega ( and 6 Geo. V, Cap. 54-2July 19 e Munitions ofWar Act 19; 5 ~trol of the Woolwich factories. A.t ;g) and on that date ass_ul_rr:e ~ November 1918 the question of the 
. . of host! ities i f . . . e
termmation_ . tion of Woolwich and o its reorganization Was future admimstra . Its fate however, was closely bound
Committee. , Upd
referre to a . t d Ministry of Supply, and, pending with that of hthe prot~teecr e little could be done about the Royaal 
. . on t at ma ' C b. .
dec1s10n . When in March 1920 the a inet decided not
Ordnance Factories. M" . f S 1
d "th the Bill for establishing a inistry o upp Y, it Was to ~roceeh WI h Woolwich factories should be retransferred to the
decided t at t e 6 J 
tment-their spiritual home for 5 years-on l une I 920.
War Depar M" . . 

This temporary control by another i;11~try w~s a passing phase and had no lasting effect on the Arsenals inner life. 
The Ministry of Supply Act (2 and 3 Geo. -yr, Cap.. 38) dated 13 July 1939, was mainly an enabling Act_ by whic~ functions could be transferred to the Ministry by Orders in Council, when and where considered advisable. Under this Act the Royal Ordnance Factories acquired a new overlord-the Minister of Supply. It would appear from this Act that the transfer was not to be absolute and could be revoked by an Order in Council should circumstances dictate such a policy. Eventually such a change of policy did occur, for on 21 October 1959 the Ministry of Supply under Statutory Instrument 1959, No 1768 became the Ministry of Aviation and its military 
departments including the main bulk of Woolwich Arsenal again reverted to the War Department. 
In a work of this character it is inevitable that the end should be less detailed than the beginning. In this way it differs somewhat from the norm ofhistorical surveys. Three reasons account for this. First, security must be observed; secondly, little of universal interest has happened since the Royal Arsenal reached its zenith in size and 
~mportance in 1918, and, thirdly, modern records, owing to increase 1n ~ulk and lack ofstorage space, are more prone to destruction than their counterparts of yester-year. Much that has taken place in the '!1°yal ?rdnanc~ Factories in recent times is mirrored in all large1n?ustnal establishments, and is thus out of place in a narrative of th~s nat~re_whfch is primarily based on antiquarian interest. 
We ~vein time, and the past must always be the most momentous 

part of1t.' 
xviii 




The Background 


Chapter 1 
Armament Administration The Wardrobe Io66-I4I4 

In feudal time all monies connected with the provision maintenance
' ' 

and storage of warlike equipment were regarded as a court charge personal to the ruler and not as a liability falling upon the national exchequer. Records of household expenses rather than other state archives must, therefore, be explored for the origin and early history of armament administration. Pandora's box in the case of weapons and their development was the royal treasure chest of long ago. 
In the middle ages the standard of life was much simpler than it is today. Not only was a bathroom unknovvn but few even of the wealthier nobles enjoyed the luxury of a private bedroom. Those who did so usually had a closet attached to their sleeping apartment in which their clothes and valuables could be placed. In the royal household the bedchamber, constructed on a more pretentious scale, normally had a room leading off it wherein the sovereign's personal belongings could be safely stored. 
Although in the empire of Charlemagne the highest officer ofstate was the m onarch's camerarius or chamberlain who was assisted by a nu1nber of minor officials termed cubicularii, there was no correspond­ing court functionary in Angl?-Saxon England. Instead, there existed a group of royal servants entrusted with analogous duties who were sometimes referred to in continental parlance as cubicularii or camerarii or more often by their English names burthegn, bedthegn and hroegelthegn. The two latter corresponded to the cubicularius and vestiarius respectively and might in modern language be described as 'the groom of the chamber' and 'the keeper of the robes'. With the coming of the Normans the terms camera and garderoba were intro­duced, but owing to the wardrobe being a mere coffer in the chamber at this time, the distinction between the two nouns was vague. The words thus became almost synonymous; so much so that in the eleventh century an official could equally well be designated camer­arius or garderobarius. By the following century, however, the word garderoba or wardrobe had assumed its contempora:y me~ning and indicated a place for the custody of clothes. In particular 1t denoted a small apartment like the present-day dressing-room, communicat­ing with the chamber, in which apparel and other objects could b 
deposited. 
3 
THE BACKGRovND 11 
ore liberal a owance of 
. • had a rn •
king as befitted his majesty,. b. cts and, 1n consequence

Th
e ' · · f his su ~ e ' d · ' 
·ment than the maJonty o . . safe custo y in an annexe

fine r ai fc k · g 1t 1n h b
h d re cogent reasons or eep1n . s roorn t us ecarne a 
a thmoroyal bedchamber. This contlg~olus of value of which the to e . fc d" g artIC e . ' d b 
. of safe-deposit or guar m lt the kings war ro e in

species . d As a resu , 
h had immediate nee . d . to a treasury, a strong­

monarc d lope 1n . . 
f his castles and manors eve b but for his Jewe1s, orna­h

eac o . fi d "lken ro es 1 fi . 
room not only for his urs an s1 . late and cost y urmture. store of coined money, bullion,k:p 's devotional books, the 
ments, . Id I h the mg . .
Such repositories wou a ~o ouse d other diplomatic records, nts of his chapel, his charters an 
orname 
and lastly his arms and armour. re certainly no less prevalent da)'S when theft and larceny we f kings was constantly
I
n d h ty even o . . h
th n they are to ay t e proper d the penpatetic abits 
.;osed to the risks of robbery and ?re, ~ess travel during which 
e; medieval life involved the court 1? r-f the precious contents of 
~he utmost vigilance had to be exerc1s;e ~arded. It is _not :urprising 
the w·ardrobe were to be adequately sa g kings stress is laid on the 
therefore that under the early Norrnanf; ture of the wardrobe. In 
strong-box rather than_ on the strong-:oo;ee~rne ofJohn, for prior to 
f. et such an emphasis endures until E r h camera had followed a t king's reign the development of the. ng ibs. th to an exchequer
th

a It had given ir ' 
the normal European pattern. . h ld affairs and quite
-f: t in house o

but was still the d om1nant ac or d d to break away as a oYer-shadowed the wardrobe which had ten e 
separate institution. . blic records occurs in the The first mention of the wardrobe in pu fG"lbert the wardrober 
h · 111 speaks o 1 

reign ofHenry II vvh en t e pip~-ro d Middlesex accounts in I I 67. Again in l l 76 the sheriffofLondon anf I shillings author-
h yment o I o · ' 
fc

in the pipe roll2 ° £that year or t e pa . 't0 make the king's 
·t t0 Al th the engineer'

ized by roya1 wn , no ' however rare and it wardrobe at Westminster'. Such references :e the king's wardrobe is not until King John ascended the thr?1:1e t .: ortance. The first in England assumes a measure of nsmg _1 dprefer to it simply as allusions to it in the chancery rolls of th~ peno . d. later on the a place or receptacl_e which can ~e built o~rep;;~ ~s the place of term is extended to include the obJects store as . ft rds th storage All through this reign and for a long time : ~rwa t ~ wardrobe is described as something which has to e ransp:r e with the king as part of his luggage. These ceaselehss ~oveme~-! ;~e
1

meticulously detailed in the chancery rolls of t e tlfmhe :1n e 
. d d t existence o t eir own a

wardrobe accounts assume an 1n epen en d H IiI change in the financial system which occurred_ ~n er enry · From about 1222 to I 322 the membranes containing the wardrobe 
1 Pipe Roll, IO Henry II, p. 20. 2 Pipe Roll, 23 Henry II, P· 1gB. 
4 
THE WARDROBE 1066-1 414 
accounts, which included military expenditure, were placed at the end of the pipe roll in each year and are referred to in the ro11s themselves as the Rotulus Computarum, but from the sixteenth year of Edward II separate rolls for these accounts were made up. 
This changed aspect of the wardrobe was the outcome of natural growth stimulated no doubt by the wanderings of the court from place to place which frequently exposed it to the vicissitudes of nomadic existence. To protect the king's valuables therefore agairist the hazards of the road a special staff of officials became necessary to perambulate with the wardrobe. Such a body of men had to include not only carters, sumpters, guards and sergeants but, in addition, persons of trust who could rise superior to the temptatic:>ns to which they were subjected and who could undertake the admini­strative work connected with their task. Courtiers placed in positic:>ns such as these were thrown into constant intercourse with their sovereign and thus, if honest and competent, became in course of time the king's confidants and advisers. This ultimately resulted in the wardrobe having a special organization of its own which o"""Ver­lapped and eventually overshadowed the parent organization of the ch amber. The latter had survived with difficulty the birth-pangs of the exchequer, now it was assailed again in like manner. This second parturition was further to limit the progress of the charriber and stunt its growth. As regards the wardrobe the results were f"ar­r aching for it developed into a powerful institution assuming a -role of prime importance in the royal household. 
At one time John's ward.robe was carried about in two co-ffers placed on two long carts.3 The c~rter in charge ~ad control of nine h orses4 and received 3¼-d. a day 1n wages.5 Bullion, arms, arrriour, saddlery, cloth, etc. packed in the boxes followed the king ori. his journeys, and their carriage was usually effected by hired waggons as when in r2 r2 three shillings was paid for conveying the 'ha.:rness of the wardrobe' from Lambeth to Odiham in two days.6 Sometimes resort to water transport was made, for in the same year 4d-was paid for the hire of a boat to ferry the wardrobe belongings from Westminster to Lambeth when London Bridge had broken down.7 
The staff of the wardrobe was steadily increasing. Whereas under Henry II there appears to have been only one official, under John the number of officers and servants specializing in this wor"k had grown apace. In 1212 there were four car~ers of whom Odo vv-as the chief,s but later on in the same year their number had swe11ed to 
3 Rot. Lit. Claus. 1204-1227, vol. I, p. 182. 4 Rot. Lit. Claus. 1204-1227, vol. I, P· 159. 5 
Rot. Lit. Claus. 1204-1227, vol. I, p. 218. 6 (Misc. Rolls 14John). Cole's Records, p. 231. 7 (Misc. Rolls 14John). Cole's Records, p. 232. s (Misc. Rolls 14 John). Cole's Records, p. 236. 
5 

II 
.­


THE BACKGROUND 

eight and they had charge o~. twenty horses.9 In addition to. these were five sumpters (summetarzz garderobe), drivers of pack arumals, whose names wereJohn Cointance, Luke, Hugh, Ralph and Walter.10 Of superior status were ~erymus, valet of the wardrobe (valettus garderobe) in 120711 and Simon, the Portevin, 'our sergeant of the wardrobe' in 1203,12 both of whom were persons of sufficient stand­ing to receive considerabJ~ s_ums of money. Then there was Ives, usher of the wardrobe (ostzanus garderobe) in 1212 or 1213 who had charge of the wardrobe carts and seems to have been responsible for the repair of the boxes ~nd for the maintenance of their contents.13 Finally in a class by himself was Odo, the clerk of the wardrobe (clericus de garderobe)-not to be confused with Odo, the carter-who was functioning at any rate between 1213 and 1215.14 He was responsible for the expenses and receipts of the wardrobe, for draft­ing writs and warrants affecting his office, and for the custody of departmental rolls. He also d_rew up the annual account, presenting it to the exchequer, and was 1n fact the wardrobe's official chief and the first recorded recipient of this dignity. The wardrobe like the chamber, was supplied with funds partly from sums transfe;r d from the exchequer, partly by sums paid in directly from th cou n try, 
and the accounts are careful to distinguish between the allotm ent from the exchequer and the direct receipts. The latter varied between £3,000 and £5,000 at the period under review namely the beginn ing 
of the reign of Henry III. ' 
As the activities of the wardrobe expanded in ever-widening circles its staff of clerks grew, and the head official of these, ho controlled~ the ~ffice, was in turn ca!Ied ~he treasurer and finally in 
1234 the keeper. 5 These :lerks were lzteratz, not knights or territorial magnates, though occas101~a~ly lay officials were appointed. C on­sequently the keeper and his immediate subordinates, if not in w hat we should now term holy orders were neverth 1 1 d lly
ended their days presiding ov'er s ~ es~ c ergy an u_Su~ 
ome ecc1es1ast1cal see or en1oy1ng

some lesser benefice. J The Household Ordinance issued by Ed d I W .
N b war at estm1nster on 
13 ovem er 1279 throws further light upo th d b d 
except for minor eh fc • n e war ro e an , 
. anges, oreshadows its organization for the next I 50 years. I t conJures up a kaleidosco ic . . . sergeants-at-arms, marshals h P ~Icture ofknights, esquires, 
, c amberla1ns, yeomen, ushers and 

• (M~. Rolls 14John). Cole's Records 
:: (Misc.. Rolls 14John). Cole's Records' p. 2462. Rot. L,t. Pat. 1201-1216 p 79 ' p. 23 · 
11 RtL" ' ..
u o : it. regnanli Johanne. p. 105. 
u (MISC._ Rolls 14John). Cole's Records 
Rot. Lit. Claus. 1204-1227 vol I ' pp. 2 42-244. 
Rot• L ·t C'' ' · • p. 132·
i • ,aus. 1201-1216 p 

141 u Walter ofKirkham was m'ad~ Kc;per of the 
Roll o. 79• 19 Henry III, m i8d.) wardrobe on 17 May 1234. (E.372. Pipe 
6 


THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 
laymen among whom move the various classes ofclerks few in b 
and po . k O f h" ' num er 
. ~r fi1n P?C et. ut o. t 1s motley emerges the wardrobed efin1te 1n unct10n and establishment, the governing bod • • ' 
f · h· f ffi · Y cons1st1ng
o six c 1e o cials, five of whom had the following sp · fi • 
and duties: eci c tit1es 
The Keeper who, as chief executive officer, was respo 'bi fc 
. li d d . . . ns1 e or 
generaI discip ne an a m1n1strat10n. He forwarded his roll of 
accounts to the exchequer at the end of every regnal year. 
The Controller who, as general secretary, guided office routine. He sent a counter-roll to the exchequer annually as a check h roll furnished by the keeper. In addition, he enrolled allupoln t e 
· k · re evant
muruments, ept the pnvy seal and acted as the king's •Private
secretary.16 The Cojferer who, as the fin_ancial and accounting authorit h andled the monef ~nd dealt with the household bookkeeping.17 y, T he Usher (Ostzarzus) who was concerned with expenses d 
. 1 d. h an 
arrang~1:1ents 1nvo ve 1n t e ~onstant movements of the wardrobe. 
In add1t10n, he was charged with the safe custody ofthe wax-candl 
and the fuel, an important duty in those days. es 
T he Sub-Usher (Subostiarius) who had to proceed in advance of th king and arrange for the necessary lodging of the ward.robe. e 
The detailed duties ofthe keeper ofthis period have been preserved by Fleta, who in his book Fleta Seu Commentarius Juris AnglicaniIB gives the follm,ving passage: 
To him is com_mitted the care o~ the ex~enses_ ofthe king and his family, who together with a clerk, associated with him as a comptroller shall keep a record of what belongs to their office. He shall keep the 'king's money, jev els, gifts and private receipts, and shall make a separate roll thereof, which shall be returned annually into the exchequer. And in another roll, which shall be examined by the steward, treasurer (or keeper) and comptroller, he shall enter the daily expenses (expensa quotidiana); also necessary expenses, in which the buying of horses, carriages and many other articles shall be comprised; also gifts, alms and oblations; wages of knights and archers; messengers, foreign fees, presents or accommodations; also the expenses of the wardrobe, in which the buying of cloth, furs, wax, spices, linen, and such like, shall be comprised; also of jewels, foreign expenses, ambassadors, falconers. 
16 !~e counter-roll presented byJohn Benste~, Co_nt~oller for the )'.ear 1299-1300_ (Liber Quotidianus Contrarotulatoris gardrobae 28 Edwardi I) 1s m t~e possession of the Society of Antiquaries of London and was printed by that Society m I 787. The roll for the same regnal year presented by John de Drokensford, the keeper, is in the British l\{useum. 
17 The clerks of the Cofferer became in a later age the source of the Board ofGreen Cloth. still the accounting office of the royal household, presided over by the Lord teward. The Cofferer and the Clerks of the Green Cloth were abolished in I 782 by Burke's .\et for Economical Reform (22 George III, Cap. LXXXII).
18 ~ook II, chap. 14. Fleta seu Commentarius Juris Anglica11i is an ancie_nt En li h law treat1~e, an abridgment of Bracton, dated about 1290 (ed. Seldon 1685) said to hav b n com_P~led in Fleta, in the Fleet prison by some lawyer. Henry Bracton wrot D ,·o ,. etuduubus et legibus Angliae about 1269. 
7 
E BACKGROUND TI-I onvene every night the stew er) ought also to c rn troller and his clerk• ard The treasurer (or teepharnberlain, the co Jd knights sergeants of the



:a:~a~1:~•~~;1:~1\ (a:~\~da~~\~:~:\:~b;i:~ee:~:~?:~ of:~: 
rnarshal; the ushers oft e an baker, and :ler s:read wine an'd al~-Were

::~~~nt!~~:t:££iiS::.~~:i~k~'.e~~;:if;;::;{';~~t;~f,~~:~~%?1 
cup~, sal\: sc~llery or sauceryrnat :at p;ssed in their respective offices. pou tryrn ' to ive an account o w eant for the care ofthe sumpter~ ,vere neceslsary fhe door-keeper, the serlg who should answer for th
lso the a rnoner, h rnarsha sea, e 
a d carriages; the clerk of_ t e showing of horses, harne_ss or trappings an f hay and corn, litter, f sergeants, esquires, clerks and expenses o d carriages and the wages oho were newly admitted to the for horseds ~;was his ducy-to know those wt of duty; and to withhold the 
boys; an i ho went OU . 1 r 
f the king, and those w . h kin<T's specia 1cense, or were 

wages o b t without t e o 
es of such as were a sen
g

wa . ' . &c h
not in the kmg s service, . . . f the fourteent century Was 
O 

The wardrobe at the_ be~in~fsg late, cloth, linen, furs, wax., responsible for purcha~1ng JeWd 'Jchment, ar~s, armour, equip-ices leather, timber, iron, lea ' P.th other perishable and non­
p
s ent' food and wine together Wlh k' g's household including his 
m ' . fc h se of t e in h 11
perishable supplies or t e u as thus very muc swo en in men-at-arms. The annual account w 
19 

times of national emerg~ncy. ed by the wardrobe are clearly The financial operations co":er . t which the counter-roll of indicated by the thirteen he~d1ngsb iln: cover a wide field : . di .d d These given e o
1299-1300 IS Vl e . 
( 1) Charities and alms. nnected with the royal house­
. d 11· g expenses co

(2) Necessaries an trave m 
hold. h al household. 
(3) 
Victuals and stores for t e roy ard I and his consort. 

(4) 
Gifts and rewards made by E~w , household, and wages due to 

(s) 
Payments to knights _of the kmg s bannerets, knights and ~sqmres. and ser eants-at-arms of the king's 

(6) 
Wages due to engineers, archer_sh a~ents and defensive works. 


d connected wit arm d · 

househoId an expenses Id' d workmen employe 1n war. 
(7) 
\,Vages due to archers, foot-so iers an ses in the war with Scotland. 

(8) 
Wages due to seamen and naval expen 

(g) 
Expenses of the king'~ m~ssengers. d falconers, and expenses (io) Wages due to the kmg s huntsmen an 


connected with the chase. kn' hts and esquires for their robes. ( I l) Moneys allowed to bannerets, ig t .ewellery plate
(12) Money expended on gold and silver ornamen s, J ' ' 
&c. fi &c
(13) Money expended on wine, cloth, urs, wax, · . . . h diture is one concerning the period 
11 The earliest MS. extant regarding sue expenf h • • t clerks Walter of Brackley5January 1224-10 April 1227 when the accounts o t eJom and Walter ofKirkham were presented to the Exchequer. 
8 

THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 
The functions of the wardrobe, therefore, included certain of those which in these times have devolved upon the Service Ministries, the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Supply and the Ministry of Food, and the wide range of its activities outlined even then the corning shadow of totalitarian war. Among its more specific duties in the military sphere may be mentioned the supply of a certain quota of fighting men including specialists, the provision ofwarlike and other stores, the appreciation of horses, the purchase of chargers at home and abroad, the numbering of casualties in action, the transmission of orders, the conduct of diplomatic missions, and the payment and mustering of troops. Besides carrying out its household duties the 
' 
wardrobe acted as a naval and military pay office as well as a clear­ing and supply department controlling the purchase, manufacture and maintenance of equipment. It co-ordinated such engineering, mechanical and technical services as then existed. 
Let us glance for a moment more closely at the counter-roll to ascertain the armament then in use. As is to be expected these weapons were not very formidable, and in essential design had not differed from those current at the fall of the Roman Empire. They m ay b e summed up under two headings: personal arms which in­cluded the long-bow, the spear, the sword, the gisarme and the cross­b ow; and warlike engines (ingenia) such as the balista, the tribulus, the belfry, the cat, the ram and the espringald. The latter were under the charge of a chief engineer, termed attilator or artillator. 
Almost a century before the period we have just been considering it b ecame apparent that wardrobe purchases fell into two distinct cat gories, namely items such as food and other daily consumable con1.modities which had perforce to be obtained locally, and non­perishable goods which could be bought in bulk in the cheapest markets a nd stored against emergencies. In the latter class would figure cloth, timber, metals, leather, arms and armour. Buyers from the wardrobe, therefore, scoured the country and even the king's overseas possessions in search of provender, visiting fairs and other marts on behalf of their royal master. In due course the transporta­tion of such produce in the main itinerant wardrobe was found to be highly inconvenient, consequently the practice developed of storing it in special buildings set apart for the purpose. The ward­robe therefore, tended to extrude a daughter organization which rem~ined stationary and spent its energies in acquiring and holding stock while the parent stem dealt with routine administrative ,vork, followed the court, and attended to the wants of the hospicium. Since 
cloth was still the prime necessity to be considered, the king's tailor took charge of the buying at fairs. Thus was the great wardrobe (magna garderoba) born from the wardrobe p~op,er, .attaining its independence in 1253 under Roger de Ros, the king s tailor, although 
9 
!{GROUND
THE BAG • 
me twenty years earlier u 
• 11 ·ndependentso ncter 

. h d b me virtua y i 
1t a eco ·11 .,o · th t the great w 
William of Haverhi .~ d rrom the forego_ingM~ fi hardrobe 
t be assume ii d be hke Inerva rom t e he It mus\~o med from the war r_o d the king on active service ad 

sprang fu y ;\it never accompa:efor its expenses as the coun~ It of Zeus, or t aount to the wardroCe mplete financial autonomy ....~r­still had to ace 1 shows. 0 M vvas
11 f 8 Edward I clear y Ordinance of ay r324 pronounced ~~t :Ca~ized until the E~chequ~rthe great wardrobe b~came_a distinct fthis separation an ertain proportion ofIts ofiic
the terms o . E en then a c . ers 
and separate institut10n. v r during foreign ":ars to cope With the . d to leave the count y bl s inherent In an overseas Car,..
continue 1 pro em d · h N 
•q­

adrninistrative and supp Y, last tour abroad was unng t e ether­. Th great wardrobe s bl. hed at Antwerp b etween th 
Paign e . as esta IS 1 1 . e 
· paign when It w . . ed permanent y sett ed 1n thi

Iands earn Thereafter It remain s years 1338-I34°· 
h. f runctions. The first w as that

country. b h d five c ie J. 1 
• 

The great wardro e _a b the agency ofpur~hasers, pnsers_and ·on. the assembling Y d·t· fcor which 1t was responsible
of collecti · . mmo i ies . 
urveyors of the various co llected his stock.21 The second Was p m,htor etprovisor, the keepekr. co p of raw material ob tained froin
As e r th wor Ing u · d · 
t ofmanufacture: e . d t· le ready for 1mme 1ate use. As
th

a h finishe ar IC h 22 Th 
ther sources into t e . d d the royal works ops. e third 
o perinten e .c. d 
fiabricator the keeper su terials and manu.1acture goods.
' both of raw ma 23 Th r 

was that ofstorage, . h of the storehouses. ...e J.OUrth 
was in c arge d f

As custos the keeper d Ii ofitems from store an o output
' . .b . . the e very . d d d 

was that ofd1stri utwn · t whom the long h a or ~re such 
. tO the persons o . d h

from the factories z·b t the keeper dehvere o t e con-
d As z era or, bli . f

delivery to be ma e. d 0 f accounting: the o gation o the 
th

sumer.24 Lastly came e u~ nd to render detailed testimony 
11 ·t transactions a .bl

office to record a 1 s As l • s the keeper was r espons1 e for 
. d penses c erzcu , . . d

ofits receipts an ex · 25 What a lesson in cont1nu1ty own the finances of his department. 
to the present day! f . . tence the great wardrobe, like its 
ly stage O its ex1s . . .

At a very ear d clivi·ty towards d1ssoc1ation, one 
· · showe a pro • 

parent orgamzatwn, teri·als cloth and the business of 
. ti g on raw ma ,
portion concentra n . .t lfwi.th the king's personal property 
. . h Oth concerning I se
tailoring, t e er f fi ht" requisites. This pril!J) wardrobe soon 
including the supply O g ing . . 
Th. · the first occasion on which the title Great 10 Close Roll, 37. Henry III,rdm ~i~ Gr:ai: Wardrobe was abolished in I 782 under Wardrobe appears m the reco s. Geor e III Cap. LXXXII) • 
2 2

Burke's Act for Economical R~form if( 0 d ~ Stor:s between the two world wars. u Typified by the Deputy Director O r naOdnance Factories. aa Tow typified by the Con~ro~lerl oSif, Roka~he/of the Board of Ordnance. Now typified by u Corresponded to the Przncipa ~oredneer D ts 
. Offi Of Central Or ance epo . .fi d b eh· f
Ch1ef Ordnance cers k ifD 1. . fthe Board ofOrdnance. Now typ1 -ie Y 1e 
u Corresponded to the Cler. 0 e zvmes 0 
O rdnance Officcrs h k oifthe Ordnance of the Board of Ordnance.
dcd. ,..,



u Correspon to t e uer. 
10 
THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 
portrayed a similar tendency, for even the meagre weapon pro­gramme of the time necessitated a technical background not called into play in dealing with the monarch's clothing, jewellery and documents. This background perforce contained a modicum of skilled craftsmen and workshop facilities, and thus the separation of the arsenal branch was only a matter of time, especially as the great wardrobe's munition section was located in the Tower of London. A further sub-division therefore eventually took place when the wardrobe ofarms became the privy wardrobe in the Tower on 17 July 1323 under the keepership ofJohn Fleet.26 
Again it is necessary to stress two factors which appear to contra­dict the foregoing delineation ofwardrobe evolution. One is that the great wardrobe still continued to take an active interest in warlike stores after 1323, the other that the inception of the privy wardrobe long ante-dated its emergence as a separate institution. In support of these contentions the following may be instanced: 
(a) T he king's armourers and pavilioners received their wages from the great wardrobe up till I 399. 
(b) In 1328 the arms and armour contained in the itinerating garderoba armorum were still under the jurisdiction of Thomas Ousefleet, keeper of the great wardrobe, and the expenses of their movements were charged to the great wardrobe account.27 
(c) In 1334 John Fleet, keeper of the privy wardrobe, was paid his 
ages by William de la Zouche, keeper of the great wardrobe,28 and the earliest surviving account of Fleet's expenses is dated de tempore magistri W illelmi de la Zouche, tune clerici (magne) garderobe regis.29 Later William 
orwell, another great wardrobe keeper, paid Fleet not only his salary but also his expenses in connection with making and repairing the military quipment belonging to the privy wardrobe.30 
(d) 
Down to the middle of the fourteenth century the keeper of the great wardrobe was delivering bows, cross-bows, sulphur and saltpetre, in addition to m etal, for the manufacture of war-machines and missiles. 

(e) 
As early as 1226 there was in existence a parva garderoba (small wardrobe) which by the latter part of Edward I's reign had become a modest organization controlled by a clerk with two valets of the chamber to assist him. 


(f) In 1253 a subordinate clerk of the great wardrobe, William of Ax.­mouth, described as custos ingeniorum, had charge of all arms and warlike apparatus.31 
Four chief stages can be distinguished in the history of the privy wardrobe. The first began in the early years of Edward I and lasted till 1323. During this period a parva garderoba existed as a repository 
2o Issue Roll of the Exchequer, No. 225, 1 Edward III (mid-term). 
27 Exchequer Account, 383/19. 
28 Issue Roll of the Exchequer, 276/11, 8 Edward III (Easter term). 
29 Exchequer Account, 386/15. 
30 Issue Roll of the Exchequer, 294/19, 11 Edward III (Easter term). 
31 Roles Gascons, Paris 1885-1906, vol. I, p. 437. 
II 

TI-IE BACKGROUND 

. ment It was under the char for the storage of military equi)Iy ac~ompanied the court Oge _of 
. I nd norma. . I b d" n It

permanent offic1a s a d being strict y su or 1nated to s 
. depen ence, b I . the

travels. It had no 1n d b and the cham er. t was, 1n short wardrobe, the great warhro e three institutions could deposit ' a 
. d here t ese d I a11y

species of epot w. he had need. The secon stage asted fro special article ofwhich t . Y .d nt with the long keepership ofJ hrn.
d was co-1nc1 e . . ffi d b o n

1323 to 1344 an_ became an orgaruzat1on sta e y its ow11Fleet. The repos1tory_no:i . t woven with the wardrobe, the gr
1

clerks, but still inextncab Y ~~~ough it was still liable to follow ~t 
wardrobe and the cham edr. y to go extra curiam, as a branch wh1· he h Id . t h wed a ten enc T c
house o , 1 s o . d uarters settled in the ower. Over thi may be term~d it~ heah~ s ecial control though he still exercise~ sedentary sect10n Fleet di t P. The third stage covered the Yea 
h · · t noma c WI0 • rs

aut onty over 1 s . which the Tower establishment complete! 1344 to. 136o, dur:ng "th the privy wardrobe at court. T he las~ severed 1ts connectwn WI when the privy wardrobe at the Towe
6

stage was subsequent to_ 13ti~n both administratively and financiallyr ained complete emancipa . · · · 
g . . d till 1407 when its energies were, 1n turn 
This phase continue t ' 
absorbed by an embryonic Ordnance departmen . Besides this headquarter establishment, however, some body of the capital had perforce to guarantee that the 
persons away from S f w· ·11 (
arms held in the provinces under the tatute O inc _eSter Stat Wynton Edwardi I: Statutes of_ t/ze Realm, vol. I, p. 95) ~~d oth~r mal.ntained 1n a proper state of repan, and It 
ordinances were C · ·d d , 
t th·s J"uncture Lieutenants of aunties, a1 e oy two 

appears that a 1 • "bl .c. 
· hundred were in the main respons1 e 1.or the

constables 1n every , . 
provision and care of offensive weapons and armour. Skilled crafts­men oftheir several trades, such as master bowyers, m aSter fletchers, master carpenters and master smith_s _had patents a nd_ recei~ed salaries from the Crown by way ofreta1n1ng fees so that their services could be secured on demand for putting the limited armament ofthe period into a serviceable condition. These pers?ns,.famous for con­cealing their art, styled themselves maste1:s of th audznances, the word according to some authorities being denved from Thor, the Scan­dinavian God ofThunder. At this period the monks, who were often fighting men seeking the salvation of their souls, undertook the care of earthworks and defensive masonry, being entrusted with the necessary moneys for their upkeep. The responsible headquarter, i.e. household, official in charge ofsuch arrangements was the clerk ofthe king's works, two well-known holders of this post being William of 
Wykeham and Geoffrey Chaucer. Upon a governor being appointed to a garrison or castle, a special commission was issued under the great seal appointing commissioners to take an inventory of all the impediments of war. The governor then entered into articles of 
12 



THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 
agreement with the st~~e, where??', in return for the supply of armour, ar~s, ammun1tlon, prov1s1ons, victuals, soldiers, artillers, gunners, artificers, and for th~ money wherewith to pay them, he wo~ld undertake to defend his command against all enemies and traitors. 
From the dawn of the constitution, the Tower had been the country's workshop in which the king's artificers plied their trades. Among these may be ~ited the cissor (tailor), the pavillonarius (tent­maker), the fab~r (snuth), the carpentarius, (carpenter), the sellator (saddler), the pzctor (painter), the tapicer (upholsterer), and the armator (ar~ourer). The latter office was naturally of prime im­portance since the king's success in war depended in no small measure on the capabilities and character of his armourer. Con­sequently, as early as 127532 the armourer's duties had become too 01:erous for one man to discharge, and certain functions in connection with the office were transferred to subordinates who in time de­veloped into independent specialists on their own. These were the erubiginator (polisher ofarms), the lanceator (lance-maker), the galeator (helmet-maker), and the broudator or embroiderer. In addition there was the ~echnical officer who dealt with the heavier type of offensive weapon 1n contrast to those who concerned themselves with defensive equiprn.ent. I--Ie was known as the balistarius, afterwards denominated attilator,33 who was responsible for the manufacture ofcross-bows and other more massive types of military engines (petrariae balistae springalds, mangonels, etc.). ' ' 
As early as I 213 Geoffrey de Mandeville was commanded to hand over the T ower to the Archdeacon of Huntingdon and to deliver to that functionary all the incarcerated prisoners together with the arms and other stores there.34 During the reign of Henry III many in­stances are recorded ofnotices and orders concerning engines ofwar arms and other military items which reposed in that fortress: R eferences also occur in connection with payment for materials and the wages p aid to smiths and other artificers employed in fabricating the elementary types of weapon then current.35 In 1217 the Arch­deacon of Durham was directed to deposit in the Tower 26 suits of armour, 5 iron cuirasses, one iron collar, 3 pairs of iron fetters and 9 iron helmets which had been left in his charge by King John the year before.36 In 1290 and 1294 orders were given to issue certain 
32 Hugo le jleccher, artillator quarell?rurn regis _in ~urri reg is Londoniarum. Issue Roll, No. 25. 2 Edward I. (Hugh, the arrowsm1th, the kmg s maker of cross-bow bolts in the king's Tower of London.) 
33 Also spelt artillator and finally artiller. 
34 Rot. Lit. Claus. 15 Hen. III, m 5. 
35 Rot. Lit. Claus. 2 Hen. III, m 13; 5 Hen. III, m 4, 8 and 12; 6 Hen. III, m 4; 8 H n. 
III, p. 1 m 15; 8 Hen. III, p. 2 m 2; g Hen. III, m 8, g, 10 and 17; 12 Hen. III, m 3; 17 Hen. III, m 17; 19 Hen. III, m 15; 39 Hen. III, m 7d; 53 H en. III m 6 36 Rot. Lit. Claus. 2 Hen. III, p. 1 m 13. ' . 

-ACKGROUND


THE B 
d dispatch them to Dover Castlea7 . 
engines from the Tow.~ a~ce three others which had been Use~nd for returning to the sa1 p ·ham3s and Bedford.39 at the sieges of the castles at B~dward III was underta!<-ing his w 
Later on in 1342 when tain formidable machines Were a.rs
fi d that cer . sent

against France we n d . h with a view to accompanying from the Tower to SUan /VltCunately for Edward there appearectthe
s n1or . · , h d to

king's army O\ ers~a ·. d thus his 'siege train a perforc
hi Pmg an . th L. e to

be a dearth of s p bsequently given to e ieutenant 
. d O ders were su h . . h of

remain beh1n . r t r carpenter aut onzing t em to s .
king's mas e h . eize

the Tower and the h recious cargo bac1< w ence it cam 4-o enough vessels to transport~ te pd by letters patent and received le.d 
. • s app01n e 2 •
The balistariu.s wa Henry III, m 4 states: d 41 Liberate Roll, 11 . . 

per ay. k" a's cross-bowman, staying in the Tower f 
Liberate to Roger, the Illo for the arrear of his wages for 220 da o London, who ha~ 12d. ~:~b~ 7t:~h year until St. Peter ad Vincula, b~~ to wit from Christmas nd to William, the cross-bowman and Philip le days being reckoned. A h . by the king's order, each of whorn h 
t ·no-t ere1n . as

Conyers (converso) s ayi f their wages for the same tune. And t
b
fc the arrears o d o

7½d. a day, 75~· or k" a ·n the said Tower, who has 4 . a day, 5s. for 
Thomas le Smith, wor mo I . the arrears of his pay for the same time. . . folds it will become apparent_ that such an arrear As this history :1n d . ·dent With sorrow 1t must be recorded 
no isolate inci · . 

of wag~s was ( was commonplace up to the eighteenth that this regrett~?le p:a~;fitarius was provided with a suit consisting century. In addit10n t et fi rred with lambskin42 and h ad a n allow­of a doublet and surc;a43 ~e was in fact a very important official. ance for three shervanffis.. I named attilator balistarum who furnished 
There was anot er O cia H d" · 
nts for the cross-bow. e was 1st1nct and 

the harness and accoutreme d b h d I 
robabl under the orders of the balistarius. No ou. t e ~a t with p y • • ·d , Of the weapon on behalf of his superior. The 
the 'ammumtion SI e Ed I 
h. ffi · the reigns of Henry III and war d were 

wages of t 1s o ce In d 
l.d d 44 The master smith who temp Edward I, ha a fee of4½d.
72 • a ay. ' h d T
a day from t e war ers or ower 

a day firom the Crown and 3d• . 
· tment oftwo messuages on Wharfham, 1.e. Tower 

guards, an app01n . . . 
reel of land within the Palace of Westminster 1n

Wh rf. d
a ' an a pa h. f f h ki 
W .lliam de Ramsey was made c 1e mason o · t e ng

I 445• In I 335 I . ' 1 . 11 ' 
in the Tower and chief overseer of all the king s wor {S in a his castles on this side of the Trent with an appointment of one robe 
31 Rot. Lit. Claus. 5 Hen. III, m 4· 18 /wt. Lit. Claus. 5 Hen. III, m 4· 39 Rot. Lit. Claus. g Henry III, p. 2 m 2. ,o Rymer's Foedera, vol. II, pars ii N.E. 41 Cal. Lib. Rolls. Hen. III, 1226-1240, p. 43· 41 /wt. Lib. Claus. g Hen. III, p. 2 m 2. 
Rot. Lib. 46 Hen. III, m 16. "Rot. Lib. 1 Edward I, m 3. 
THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 

yearly and 12d. a day paid at the Exchequer; and at the same time and manner William Hurle was made chief carpenter. These men were of co1:1r~e a master mason ~nd a master carpenter respectively. In 1377 W1Jliam Snell was app01nted Keeper ofthe king's armour in the Tower at 12d. a day.45 
In 1377 also Richard Glovere was granted 'armurer of the office of the king's helmet-maker (galeatoris) within the Tower of London to hold for life during good behaviour taking for his wages in the office 12d. a day by the hands ofthe keeper of the great wardrobe as William Swynley last helmet-maker within the Tower took in his life time'.46 
On 28 May 1395 Stephen Sedar jleccher was granted for life the office of keeping and repairing the king's arrows in the Tower of London with 6d. a day at the Exchequer for his wages.47 There was also a king's plumber for we read that William Robert was granted for life on 4 November 1399 'the office of king's plumber with wages at 12d. daily at the Exchequer and a livery of cloth for his vesture yearly at the hands of the keeper of the great wardrobe, as other esquires of the household have'.48 In 1398 Robert Bridford was by patent appointed to the office for keeping and making the bows and allowed certain houses pertaining to this office, and in 147 3 the like p atent passed to Thomas Masburgh. The further patent dated 8 Feb r uary 147449 states: 
Grant for life from 3rd August last to Thomas Masburgh of the office of surveyor of the king's bowmakers within the Tower of London, the office of keeper of the king's bows within the Tower and the office of keeping, making and providing the king's bows in the said Tower and the town of Calais, the land of Ireland and elsewhere and cords for them
' 

receiving 6d. daily from the issues of the counties of Surrey and Sussex, as granted to Robert Bridford, late holder of the office to Richard II by letters patent and a mansion within the Tower with a garden adjoining situated between the tower called 'the rounde toure of the artric' on the west and the tower called 'the kinge's loging' on the east50 with a livery of the suit of yeoman of the chamber yearly at Christmas at the great wardrobe; in lieu of a like grant to Nicholas Wydower by letters patent dated 20th November 6 Edward IV surrendered. 
Ins_tances of appointments such as these could be multiplied, but 

45 Rot. Pat. 1 Richard II, p. 2 m 30, dated 17 July 1337. This patent reads: 'Appoint­ment during pleasure of the king's yeoman William Snell to the office of king's armourer in the Tower, receiving 1 2d. a day for himself, 6d. a day for a yeoman under him and 3d. a day for a groom, besides his vesture every year at the great wardrobe. The like of John Warde to the office of tent-maker with the same fee as Thomas de Thorneton the tent-maker of the late king, 4d. a day for a yeoman under him and his vesture as above.' 
46 Rot. Pat. 50 Edward III, p. 2 m 4, dated 13 January 1377. 
47 Rot. Pat. 18 Richard II, p. 2 m 12. 
48 Rot. Pat. 1 Henry IV, p. 2 m 25. 
49 Rot. Pat. 13 Edward IV, p. 2 m 12. 
60 Wakefield and West Smithfield towers. 
3 
enough evidence has been produced to show that by the middle of the fourteenth century the Tower had become the principal store, factory and repair depot in the kingdom. 
These men, who fell into two classes-esquires and yeomen-were respectively masters and men, and they formed a small permanent nucleus who spent their lives working in the royal service. Although their annual turnover in terms of money may seem of little account to modern ideas, they did, to the best of their ability, take such steps in peace as would_ meet ~ei:nands in war. Their wages were not excessive-the officials r~ce1v1ng a shilling and the workmen usually 
4d. to 6d. a day-and th_eir total numbers were small, rarely exceeding The peace establishment of this cadre in 1344_ 134 751 com­

350. prised: 24 masons 24 pavillioners 138 carpenters 60 warriners 1 cooper 
7 armourers 13 smiths 
12 artillars and gonn rs 57 engineers 

?ffici~l terms were ver; confused in Plantagenet times a nd the des1gnatwn ofJohn Fleet.:> who presided over the destinies of the Tower workshops was no exception to th· I h . · ·nal
. 1s ru1e. n IS ong1 app~m~ment_,on 1 7July 1 323 he is described as keeper of the part of the kings wararobe zn the Tower oif London at f h"lli s a 
53 H d d h • a wage o roo s I ng 

year. e ten ere is earliest surv1·v1·n l k if the
54 s · h . g account as c er o 

chamber. omet1mes e Is referred to as · if h h b t the Tower of London, at others he is mentionedrecezver ol kt e c ham er da obe 
. as a c er~of i e war r · 

In a fiurther account he 1s called clerk if th k. , ll 
he has been named keeper ofth . ' o e ~ng s arms. I1:-close ro s 
. , · t l • h e kzng s armour zn the To wer5i) a nd keeper 

oif the kzng s vzc ua s zn t e Tower 56 F" reappointed by patent in which h Ina11Y on 17 May 1338 he _w~s 
jewels, armour and other thin s in th e wa~ styled keeper of the ~zr7:g s day s1 Despite the v g . e Tower with the wage ofone shilling
a 
· aganes of h · ffi · 

clearly the head of the w d b is O _cial nomenclature he was 
ar ro e orga · · h nd

under him worked an • mzat10n 1n t e Tower, a
assistant Tho f p h s

J'eoman of the king's arms in th ,..,.., mas o etersfield w o wa 
. d E e .I. owerss and II ff I ady

describe . ven prior to Fleet i e . a sma sta as a re household official Albinus s r' · · in February 1290, there was a the king's chamber) who' cu ifer de camera regis (Aubyn, esquire of 
' as custos armorum regis (keeper of the king's 11 Addl MS. 5758, fa83
11 Sometimes spelled Fl;t, 11 Issue Rolls of the Exch; u :: Exchequer Account, 386/1;~ No. 225, 1 Edward III (mid-term)
Cal. Close Rolls, 1339-1341 · 
H Cal. Close &lls, 1339-1341 ' p. 83· ., Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1338-1340 ' p.8140.11 Enrolled Accounts (W cl' p. 2• 
ar robe and Household) 3/37d. 
16 


THE WARDROBE 1 066-1 414 

arms) in London and Gascony, appointed a valet named Alexander to act as his deputy in the Tower armouries.59 These records show the slowly evolving shadow of an ordnance system on the screen of progress. 
The store inventories of the privy wardrobe indicate that large stocks were held on charge but a glance at the individual accounts show that the type ofstore ":'a_s slowly changing during the fourteenth century. Thus 1n. 1360 Wilham Rothwell, the keeper, had in his custody 4,062 painted bows, 11,303 white bow staves and 23 643 sheaves of arrows.60 In addition to these there was an imm~nse variety of other arms and appurtenances, such as quivers, saddlery, cross-bows, bolts, shields, pikes, lances, helmets, hatchets hauberks Gl habergeons,62 balistae, tools, tents and raw materials gen~rally. Lat~r on the number of bows and arrows held on charge decreases while the amount of armour increases. For instance in 1381 when John Hatfield handed over the keepership to John Hermesthorpe, he transferred among other things 1,469 breast-plates, 77 cross-bows, 2 1,000 bolts (quarrels) and 21,000 caltraps.63 The reason for this change is not far to seek. It was a time ofcrisis in armament develop­ment corresponding to that of the twentieth century. Then it was the voice of the fire-arm clamouring to be heard, now it is the sten­torian tones of the guided missile and atomic weapon ringing across the world. Man being a conservative animal alterations were slow to appear; thus the turnover partook of the inevitability of gradual­ness. Legend records that Berthold Schwartz, an Augustinian monk and alchemist of Freiburg im Breisgau, built the first cannon in Europe in 1313. Whoever may be credited with its invention, how­e-er, the original gun must have been extremely primitive, and during its infancy cannon could only have played a very minor part in the symphony ofwar. Thus, although artillery in the modern sense of the word began to assume a definite place in the country's arma­
m ent by I 450, it had taken a century of effort on the part of the gunner before he could convince the world that the new weapon had come to stay and could no longer be denied. The earliest mention of guns in this country occurs in the City of London archives.64 The record mentioned states inter alia that 'in the Chamber of the Guild­hall there are six instruments of latone, usually called gonnes, and five roleres for the same. Also pellets of lead for the same instruments, 
69 Chancery Miscellanea, 4/5, 2d. 
00 Exchequer Account, 392/14. 
61 A complete suit of mail, a hood jointed to the jacket with sleeves, breeches shoes 

and gauntlets of double chain mail. -' 
62 A small coat of mail without sleeves. 
63 Exchequer Account 100/14. A caltrap was a four-spiked iron instrument in the sha p 

of a skeletal tetrahedron which was thrown on to the ground to maim cavalry. It , ·as so constructed that one spike always assumed a vertical position. 
64 13 Edward III, 1339. Letter-Book F, fly-leaf. Quoted from Riley's ~H morials of London and London Life in xiii, xiv, and xv Centuries. p. 205. 1868. 
17 



THE BACKGROUND 
which weigh 4½ cwt. Also 32 pounds of p~wder fo~ the sai~ instru­t , This passage which 1s of such singular interest 1s worth 

m;:ti~g in the original. 'Item, in Camera Gildaulae sunt sex Instrumenta Je !atone, vocitata Gonnes, et quinque role~~~-ad_eadem. Item? peletae de plumb'!. p eisdem Jnstrumentis, quae ponderant zzzzc lzbrae et demzduum. Item, xxxzt z[:rae de pulvere pro dictis !nstrumentis.' These_weapons are und?ubtedly the gunnae mentioned 1n the Chamberlain's accounts which were delivered in September 1339. From this extract we learn that these cannon were made of latten,65 fired lead balls and were moved 0 1! rollers. The use of the word vocitata which means 'usually called 
shows that guns even by 1339 have become comparativ~ly well known. These particular gonnes, together with certain sp~1nga~ds, quarrels, etc. were provided by the City against an expected invasion by the French. 
We learn from Fleet's chamber account (25 January 1333-3 I July 1334) that gunpowder ~1;d its ingredients were being used in ~ngland at this early date for nnhtary purposes, though no evidence 1s shown therein to what purpose such use was put. The City chronicle, ho ­ever, leads to the assumption that it was employed as a propellant. Obscurity then prevails till almost halfway through the century when Robert MildenhaII's privy wardrobe account (17 Oc ober 1344-2 9 October 1351) again throws some light on the artillery po ition. On I February 1_345 Ed~ard III orders his privy wardrobe keeper to repair and ship all available guns and projectiles overseas for his pro­
di · 66 L" l d bt

jected expe tI?n. . 1tt e came ofthis, but the preparations no ou proved useful 1n VIew of the forthcoming Crecy campaign, for on 1 October ofthat same year Mildenhall was instructed to con struct l 0? ribalds for the _king:~ passage to Normandy (ribaldos pro passagio regz: ~ersus f!ormanmu":)-These m~chines were groups ofsmall bombar? 
1n which the uruts could be either fired simultaneously or in rapid s~ccession. The sma_ll barrels, assembled together and mounted in a smgle portable carnage fitted with two or four iron-hooped wheels some~hat a~ter the style ofa road sweeper's cart, discharged quarrels, ~ sRec1es ofiron dart feathered with brass or latten. The quarrel w~s snmla~ to a ~ross-bow bolt. Additional information concerning this or~er 1s furmshed by the Issue Rolls of the Exchequer 1345-1347 which show that between 1o October d M h 1346 
Mild nh 11 "d 1345 an 13 arc 
e a was P~1 _£124. 18s. 4d. from exchequer funds for the cost ofthese guns 1n eight different sum f . t On the
ti th fc s o varying amoun . 

assump ?0, er~ o_re, that the account was not closed till the goods were delivered, 1t 1s reasonable to h h "b lds were
h suppose t at t ese rz a

finish d b fc 
e e ore t e commencement f th C , . F ther 
o e recy campaign. ur

11 Latten or !atone; a hard yellow 1 ·es 3rd series, vol. xii has an exhaustive a ~-ef , clos~ly resembling brass. Notes and Queri ' " Pipe Roll, 27 Edward III m r ic e on th1S metal. 17 Pipe Roll, 27 Edward 111; m 34:
34 18 
THE WARDROBE r 066-I 41 4 
evidence is also adduced from these rolls that the work was carried out in the Tower of London by Crown artificers. The iron-work was fashioned by Walter, a king's smith (faber regis in turri Londonarium), and Richard of St. Albans, the king's carpenter, prepared the wood­work. 
On 4 March 1346 Edward III ordered the repair and shipment ofcertain guns kept in the Tower in the custody ofThomas Rolleston, a clerk. The latter, a subordinate of Mildenhall, clearly had charge of the artillery for the 1346 expedition. In March 1346 'powder for engines' was actually being produced in the Tower, for the great wardrobe, in obedience to a writ of 10 May of that year supplied Rolleston with 912lb. of saltpetre and 8861b. of quick sulphur for the 'work of the king for the use of his guns'. Further issues were ordered three days later. Obviously manufacture was proceeding apace, since between May 1346 and September 1347 no less than 3,6381b. ofsaltpetre and 1,662lb. ofquick sulphur were released from the great wardrobe's stocks to meet the needs of Rolleston and his band of powder makers. These supplies were obtained through 
illiam of Staines, a citizen and spicer of London68 who was de­scribed in 1344-1345 as apothecarius regis. 69 About the same time money was being received by Rolleston from the chamber for warlike purposes. These and other entries indicate that the main purpose of these efforts was to supply a train of artillery for the siege of Calais whi h terminated in the fall of the town in August. The part played by th e bombards in the concluding phase is described by Froissart in his Chronicles. 70 
T h ere h as been much controversy over the probable employment of cannon at Crecy. The celebrated historian John Villani, who is noted for his scrupulous regard for truth, states emphatically that E dward I II during the battle had, intermixed with his archers 'bombs which, by means of fire, darted small iron balls for the purpose of affrighting and dest:oying the horses; and_ that this ki~d of missile caused so much noise and tremor, that 1t seemed like thunder from Heaven, whilst it produced great slaughter amongst the soldiery and the over-throw oftheir horses'. Villani died ofplague at Florence in 1348 and therefore must have written his account of the battle ofCrecy immediately it had taken place when all facts were known. Rapin says that the English first used guns at Crecyn and quotes Mezeray as his authority. Francois de Mezeray writes: '11 faut aussi remarquer que les Anglois avoient en cette fameuse journee quatre ou cinq pieces de canon qui donnerent bien de l'efpouvante, 
68 Cal. Close Rolls, 1343-1346, P· 340. 
69 Enrolled Accounts (Wardrobe and Household) 1 ro. 3, m 42. 
70 Johne's Edition, vol. I, cap. (?XLI_Y, p. 185. 
n Rapin's History of England written m French. Eng. trans. . Tindal. London, 1732, 
2nd ed. vol. I, book X, p. 425. 


THE BACKGROUND 
car c'etoit la premiere fois qu'on est vu de ces 1:1achines foudroyantes clans nos guerres.'72 The evidence for and agamSt has b~en exhaust­ively summed up by Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Burne D.S.O., in the Royal 
Artillery Journal.73 By now the gonner had made his appearance: He must _not, how­ever, be confused with, or ac~epted as, the ~ttzlat~r or artzller und~~ another name as both were simultaneously in existence by 1346. The latter was the cross-bow and balista expert w~ereas the forz:1er specialized in the casting and handling ofgonnes. ~either :Vere so_ld1ers in the fourteenth century, but engineers followmg their parucular callings who, as the common soldier of the period was quite un~ble to understand the simplest technicality, usually manned the engines they had made when occasion demanded. They were often hired for this purpose, and in times of emergency functioned under a rnaste~ gunner specificallyappointed to take charge of 'artillery' operations.7" At the siege of Calais gunners received 3d. to 4d. a day. Hurn.an nature remains a constant factor in life, and just as the coa cbrnan ofthe last generation changed his trade and became a chauffeu r wh~n he realized the automobile was replacing the brougham or victoria, so did the artiller turn his hand to the art of founding when he saw the demand for firearms growing and that his own ind ·stry was fast becoming moribund. Thus the first makers of cannon and shot w ere those manufacturers of springalds and balistae who had the vision to appreciate the weapons of the future such as the Byker fa mily· Arter considerable efforts made for the siege of Calai rearrnarne?t fell mto abeyance. Only one reference to warlike stores occurs 10 o~c~al accounts during the following thirteen years, i.e. in those of William Rothwell, keeper of the privy wardrobe from g M ay r353 ti~ 2:4-June 1360, wherei? the purchase offour guns de cupro made b~ Wilham ofAldgate, bras1er, and the provision ofa pestle and rnor_ta for the manufacture of gunpowder is recorded. During this per~od John, the first ofthe Bykers, as artillator regis was known to be making and r~pairing s~rin~alds though the exten~ of his industry does not transpire. As balzstarzus domini regis infra turrim Londoniarum he received wages of 6d. a day in 1353 and rs ad • 76 I he was 
. . ay Ill 1354. n 136l succeeded by Patnck Byker his son h d d J ly r 36I
'G . , , w ose patent ate 1 u f
ds
rea : rant dunng pleasure to Patrick, son ofJohn de Byker, 0 
71 Abrege Chronologique de l' histoire d F. d fJ'l 
16~8, vol. 3, ~.P· 26, 27. e ranee by Francois de Mezeray. 7 vol. Amster a ' ' Vol. lxxvu, no. 4 p 33 ~ 1' Wrotesley. Crecy dniCal7'is p
76 Th . ' . 203. 

e appointment of master-gu · . befl Roger de Leyburn took office As th.nner is said to have been instituted in I 263 t ve been fired in action this content• is was some 60 or 70 years before any gun could a e ofwarlike engines a~d was som 1{:P cannot hold water. Roger de Leyburn had cha_tj,,
0

(C.O~table of Roch ter) and a e rnddof balistarius. He was actually Constabular de .~ .u~ machines. There were masters 6f~"¥15 to have a roving commission to inspect nuhta 71 llluc Ro.U. Pe.U.. 27 Edward III . 
, m 20. 
20 
THE WARDROBE I 066-1 4 I 4 
the office of king's artiller to make bows, cross-bows and all other things which pertain to the office of artiller in the Tower of London, he taking in that office r 2d. a day for his wages in the same manner as his father, John de Byker, had in the office.'77 Again in 1370 a William Byker had 6d. a day from the Exchequer as 'engineer of the king's war slugs within the Tower of London',78 who by r 382-88 was styled artillator domini regis in turri Londoniarum and was still supplying the Crown with cross-bows at 8s. and ros. a head. In addition, he is cited as the maker of two small iron cannon.79 
The next keeper of the privy wardrobe, Henry Snaith (30 June 1360-19 January 1365) held his office during years of comparative peace. He did little to add to the country's stock ofweapons. His sole purchases were five guns from John Cornwall, artiller, and a diminu­tive piece on 1 August 1361 from John, brasier of Cornhill. Edward p resented the latter to Lionel of Antwerp before his departure for Ireland. Snaith's only issue during the whole of his keepership appears to have been this royal gift. With the passing ofHenry Snaith war again loomed on the horizon and under the next keeper, John Sleaford (20 J anuary 1365-19 July 1378), the use of artillery was steadily extended. Fortresses were now coming in for their share in the d efence of the realm and were being equipped with cannon. In 
1365, two large and nine small bronze guns were issued on 12 June to J ohn Foxle, constable of Queensborough Castle in Sheppey. In­tak s were also made in addition to outgoings. John Salmon, mer­chant, delivered into store thirty guns and five barrels ofpowder on behalf ofthe king. On 4 March 1371, Sleaford was ordered to deliver 
i,-x o-uns, a barrel ofsaltpetre and a barrel ofsulphur to Dover Castle. By fhis time Calais had already acquired nineteen_pieces ofordnance, includino-three large guns of bronze and one of iron. 
D etail~ in the various accounts become ever more illuminating as the years progress. This fact gives a clear proof that the gun ·was beginning definitely to assert itself over the earlier engines o~ _war, however lonrr this change of outlook took to mature. Military
0 
commanders were conservative. Even the close of the Middle Ages had its 'Colonel Blimps'. Witness the cry against the hand-gun voiced by Montaigne in I 580: 
Except for the noise in our ears, to which we will henceforth be accus­tomed I think that it is an arm of very little effect, and I hope that we 
' 
shall one day give up its use. 
Artillery was regarded as an encumbrance. It was un,vieldy, heavy to drag and far better left behind when serious fighting w as 
77 Rot. Pat. 35 Edward III, p. 2 m I I. • 
78 Brantingham's Issue Roll, ed. Frederick Devon, p. 33. 
7o Privy Wardrobe account of 9 May 1382-19 January 1386 (Lord Tr ur r 
Remcmbrancer, Foreign Accounts, No. 30, 19 Richard II E). 
21 
THE BACKGROUND 

contemplated. In the minds of some, it must have borne almost a similar relationship to the personal weapon as mechanization does to the horse. Something threatened the chivalry and pageantry of the battlefield and was therefore to be wholly and resolutely discouraged. This could and was to a large extent done by the gentlemen of England who lived in an age when strategy and tactics determined weapons instead of the converse which holds today. Added to this, it must not be forgotten that the gun at this period was not only feeble in its effects but dangerous to the gunners who manned it. The initial success derived from the employment of cannon was no doubt largely psychological due to the inspiration of fear in superstitious minds, for the damage that ordnance in action was able to inflict during the first halfof the fourteenth century must have been far less than that meted out by balistae and bowmen. 
Between 1370 and 1374 the hum ofactivity was heard in the Tower workshops_; guns, gunpowder, carriages and ammunition were being m~?e and 1s~ued. Gu_ns were being definitely classed apart from other rrul~tary eng1n~s, for 1n the former year an official,J ohn Derby, called clerzcus pro officze gunnorum regis (clerk of the king's guns), appeared upon the scene and rendered his account from 1 March 1370 to 30 March_ 13z4-80 He was a clerk, not a mechanic or a soldier, but his subordi1:at10n to the_ k_eeper of the privy wardrobe proves that the accounting and adrmnistrative work in respect to cannon m ust have increased t~ a considerable extent. In other fortresses besides the Tower special officers were being selected to take charge of the ne,v wea~ons. By 1375 William Newlyn was magister gunnorum de villi 
82

Calesze81 and John Arblast v . h 
. er 1. eoman of artillery at Oueensboroug · 

There were 1n add.itio ........ 1
' n, sources of supply other than the roya

factory. Castles up and d h • • ds
own t e country furrushed their nee 

through other channels c bl .
· onsta es and captains made purchases

firom merchants as and wh . y
fi th E h en required. They received sums of mone r~m e dxc equer to settle these accounts without reference to the h~ivy war robe office. They would sometimes even go so far as to iret cannon complete with cannoniers when occasion demanded­
Ins ances were the purch f d 83 
and the disbursement base O a gun for S~uthampton for 5f. 8 · f 
£26. 5s. od. to the late kthe Exchequer in I 394 of the surn ? 
connection with h' • eeper of Carisbrooke for his expenses in 
buying powder.84 ~n~1 gu_ns an~ gunners to man them and with 
'artillery' portion of:h e ~ime Richard II ascended the throne the greater dimensions th:J:11wardrobe accounts had assumed rn~ch t ad under Edward III demonstraung '0 Archaeologia vol xxx.·. ' 11 E~chcquer Ac~unts·c•tP· ~86-387. 
81 H11 name h mg s Rememb )
11 Roger's H.~::;s that he was original! rancer 396/15. 6 November 1375. 
"Devon's 1::ue &hAgHriculture and Price;~ YC?~s-bow expert. 
s, enry III-Henry 'v10 . u, p. 559. 
'p. 226. 22 
THE WARDROBE I o 6 6-141 4 

that, alt~ough in some years the Tower's monetary turn-over may have dwindled, the more archaic implements of war were being definitely relegated to the background. 
This period of expansion is portrayed in the stained glass window mounted over.the main entrance to the Central Offices, Royal ~rse:1aL The w1ndo~, which was certainly in the Arsenal in 1750 and 1s sa1,?-to ?e la~e sixteenth century work, depicts Edward III in­specting :11s artillery. The design is supposed to have been copied from _a piece of old tapestry. The scene portrays the king, a soldier showing some ~ann.o:1 balls to his sovereign, a soldier with some gun­powder, a soldier with the match and a master founder explaining the a~vantages of a bombard over a battering ram; in addition the following courtiers surround the standard: 
Sir James Audley, afterwards Lord Audley ofHeleigh, a famous soldier and one of the original recipients of the Order of the Garter. 
Sir Guy Bryan, steward of the household from I 359 to I 361. 

Lord Henry Percy, afterwards Earl of Northumberland, a military conunander of fame and father of Hotspur. Lord Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, Captain of Carisbrooke Castle. Sir Godfrey de Harcourt. 
John Hatfield (20 July 1378-23 September 1381), the first keeper under Richard II took over from his predecessor a stock of twenty­two guns. By September 1381 this number had been reduced to eleven. Some pieces no doubt had been issued, but two were known to have been sold and two stolen when a mob broke into the Tower and raided its stores. The next keeper John Hermesthorpe (24 Sept mber 1381-8 May 1382) appears to have pursued a course of masterly inactivity during his short tour of duty and did little other than buy a small amount ofpowder. When he handed over his charge to Randolph Hatton,85 the affairs of the office may be said to have reached their lowest ebb. New brooms, however, sweep clean and Hatton, who remained at the helm till his death, accelerated matters in the first six years of his charge. During this period he spent nearly £ I ,800-a great sum in those days-on the manufacture and pur­chase of arms and equipment. These wide purchases indicate the growing importance of cannon founding as an industry in England. Hatton's accounts teem with details illustrative of the artillery of the time, and demonstrate the growing importance ofthe privy wardrobe as a factory, repair shop, storehouse, a purchasing commission and a distributive agency. The 'Trade' as we now term it had begun to develop. Upon instructions William Woodward, a London founder, made 73 cannon in five years.86 In common with other early 
85 Keeper of the Privy Wardrobe, g May 1382-16 January 1396. 86 Exchequer Accounts, E. 101, 400/22, 23. 
tructed telarza, . 87 cast pelletes -" 
d also cons h h , .1.ash·
d
gunsmiths Woo war d stone shot. By now t e arc. etypal gu lolleQ qua"efsBB and prepare d of the scale. In one direction n haq evolved towards both enll ~ piece built by Woodward, in tl~as th~ 
en-barre e fc de Th e Ott
I
large 7cwt. e ev t by the same oun r. e normal h ''et the small 431b. w~ap~eta~ed apparently 38olb. sin~e William Beavy cannon ofthe period g ast no less than 43 specimens of th· Yker 
. the Tower c b ls s" ' 
the artillator in h not a soldier, may e commernor 1Ze. Hatton, th~refore, :o~~ring his tenure of office he increas:~cl as a good art1ll_eryma ~arl 4,ooolb. of gunpowder and 5oolb. of the Tower su:pplies by~ the ~asting ofguns oflarge cali_bre a~d gene:alt. petre. He int~o~~cetive and technical acumen. With him the h~Uy showed admirus :~e in the fourteenth century was reached. Thigh water mar~ ofarti d dfll the turn of the century saw the rei ere. after the ode rece e_ i~g four years of Richard's reign, whengJnhof 
Henry v The remain d b ( J o n 
. · .d d over the privy war ro e 17 anuary
Lowick presi e Hi l t 139c 
u-.1 
November 1399) call for little co~ment. s as accoulnt shows that f 39 bronze and iron cannon, 2 3 trun <:s (telaria) .r
he he Id a stock o 1or
11
cannon 800 round stones, 848lb. of leaden pe ets, I 26lb. of gun. powder: 10s1b. ofsaltpetre,.14 iron fire-pans and 4 mou lds for c~sting bullets;s9 in addition to which, ofcourse, were numerous other Items of a non-artillery nature. . . 
Even with the ebb and flow of supplies determined by changes in the political situation from time to time, the wardrobe a ccounts of the latter halfof the fourteenth century do show that the faculty for artillery was slowly improving and that 'the devilish iron engine wrought in deepest hell and fram'd by fury's skill' was a force to be reckoned with in a changing world. The greater proportion of the pieces mentioned was constructed of cuprum, a species of toughened brass comparable to our modern bronze or gun-metal. Iron ordnance, however, increased in number as the century advanced. W eapons of cuprum were usually cast in a primitive type offoundry whereas those of iron were both cast and built up on a mandril. Manufacture, as has b~en state?, took place either in the Tower workshops or in the prennses of pnvate traders, or as we should express it today 'either under extract or contract'. Some of these successful contractors 

hesi~es William ~ood~a_rd were John Mollying of Cornhill, John Brazier of Cornhill, Wilham the Founder of London William of Aldgate, h:azier, John Corn~all and Peter the Joiner. ' 
Th~ equip1?ent necessary to render a gun suitable for service was
1

;:6e~7[ e ~Ix centuries ago. Besides powder and shot and a trunk e piece, the only accessories were: 
:: A rough wooden trunk bound . h . ·ng, 
Cross-bow bolts. wit iron, used as a primitive form of gun-mounll
•• Enrolled Acco • 
unts F1, Henry IV (Household). 
24 
THE WARDROBE I 066-1414 

(
1) A wooden tarnpion to separate the charge from the projectile. 

(2) 
A ramrod to drive home the charge. 

(3) 
A touche supplied with fire or a priming iron to fire the weapon. 


(4) 
An iron fire-pan to supply the fire in (3) or to heat up the priming iron. These fire-pans appear to have been carried about with live coals for that purpose. 


The only propellant was gunpowder, and its composition in 1350 was 
saltpetre 66·7% 
charcoal 22 ·2 o/o 
sulphur 11·1% 

The main handicap originally experienced with gunpowder was its great liability to absorb moisture owing to the hygroscopic nature of saltpetre. Powder when stored mixed for use was therefore found to be damp and quite unserviceable when required. For this reason ingredients were usually purchased and stored separately, being made up locally as and when required for immediate use. 
Comparison of prices in medieval times with those prevailing today proves interesting. They show definitely how the 'cost of living' has risen notwithstanding the fact that to obtain a true relationship, the money tokens of the fourteenth century must be multiplied by at least fifteen to attain their present value. Guns were cheap although the cost of materials was high compared with our own standards. 
1. he lowness of wages in the main would account for this combined ,-vith the simplicity ofworkmanship and layout. The price ofa cannon in r353 was a mark (13s. 4d.), and the small weapon presented to Lionel of Antwerp cost only half a mark. In 1373 a latten gun with three 'pots' could b e obtained for 20s. while under Richard II small guns could be made for about 26s. each. A heavier type constructed of cuprum was worth £3. Woodward's 47 great cannon were purchased for about six guineas apiece, while his biggest and most complicated weapon was priced at only £12. 5s. 8d. Guns were usually contracted for by weight, which normally worked out at a standard price of 3½d. to 4d. per pound. The cost of a large trunk made of wood and bound with iron (telarium) was 18s. 4d. Gunpowder, in comparison, was very expensive. In 1347 saltpetre cost I 8d. and sulphur 8d. per lb. By 1349 these figures had dropped to I 5d. and 6d. respectively. Charcoal on the other hand was cheap and easily procurable. The increased demand towards the middle of the century did nothing to lower cost. Raw materials were scarce and demand over-running supply, tended inevitably to increase prices. The 4,ooolb. of powder that H atton bought from Woodward cost the former 18d. per lb. although H im in his Origin of Artillery quotes a lower figure.90 Byker sold his stocks 
90 p. 156. 13! d. per lb. in 1375. 




THE BACKGROUND 
for i6d. per lb. Lieut.-Colonel Hime quotes from Roger's f-!istory of A riculture and Prices some illuminating figures on cost which. bear!our investigation. In 1375 the price per lb. ofthe undermentioned 
0 
metals is given as: iron 0·856d. bronze 2·44d. 
lead 0·627d. 
In a 4-25 inch gun, the cost ofone round in pence with projectiles of differing substances is as under: 
Stone  Iron  Bronze  Lead  
Price of ball  0·25  7·96  26·468  8·652  
Price of powder Cost of one round  5'12 5'37  14·07 22·03  15·44 41 ·908  20·496 28· 148  

In present day values, therefore, it cost approximately 50s. to fire one bronze shot out of a 4·25 inch gun. Putting this in another way we ascertain that a stone shot 1·3 inches in circumference cost 6s. gd. to project. 
Like all innovations, the infant science of artillery was shackled to an existing institution hoarywith age and redolentwith tradition-the privy wardrobe. As, however, this appears to be a universal law noticeable only too frequently in our own day, it i ot perhaps surprising to find that a considerable time elapsed before its control was vested in a definite organization unrelated to other crown require~ents.. Before its emancipation, a glimmer of light fore­shadowmg thmgs to come became noticeable. In Rymer's Foedera, volume IX, p~ge 49, ap~ears a writ dated r September I 4 r3 ad­dress_ed Johannz Sprong, armzgere et Johanni Louth, clerico (to J ohn Sprong, esqu_ire and John Louth,. clerk) for taking up and providing horses, carnages &c. for conveymg the king's guns from Bristol to London, Who was.John Sprong? Was he a subordinate to Simon Fleet, keeper of the ~nvy wardrobe at the time in question? His name does not ~ppear m the paten_t rolls. There was, however, a Gerard Sprong who 1s constantly mentioned between d H had several 
. 1401 an 1414. e d app?mtments an~ commissions connected with the transfer an carnage of the king's guns. He was also associated with Williaill Wood~ar~, the founder, and may have followed John Derby as clerf ofthe kings guns. Could 'John' in Rymer be a misprint for 'Gerard' or ~as the forme: s_ome relation of the latter? Further research rn.ay per a~s reveal his 1dentity.91 Louth is mer I d 'b d as a 'clerk, 
the wnt does not st h e y escn e ' a 'clerk ofthe ward bat,e ;he~her he were a 'clerk of the guns o~t ro e · e issue, however, is not left long in doU ' 
,1 Cal. PaJ. Rolls, 1399-1401 .o 161 pp, 292, 3o8, 1 pp, 'f'VO, 554, 1405-1408, pp, 60, I 13, 304, 14i3-l4 
THE WARDROBE 1 066-I 4 I 4 

for on 22 September of the following year the famous warrant which has become almost a classic in Ordnance annals, appeared.92 
This directs Nicholas Merbury, master ofthe works ofour engines, guns and other ordnance for war and John Louth, clerk of the same, jointly and severally to take up and provide stonecutters, carpenters, smiths, workmen &c. on account of the works of the said engines, guns and ordnance with sufficient timber, iron and all other things necessary for the same. It ends with the usual authority to sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, constables &c. Two other documents are addressed in 1418 to John Louth as clerk of the works of our ordnance. In 1414, therefore, is the first recorded instance of the word 'ordnance' in this connection or of the mention of a clerk of the ordnance, and that year marks the birth of the Office of Ordnance from the womb of the privy wardrobe, charged among other things with artillery matters. Thus was instituted that embryonic body which, developing into the later Board of Ordnance, laid the foundation for a system of armament administration which has persisted ~own to the present day. 
T he question which naturally obtrudes itself at this point is: 'Why should the word ordnance suddenly appear ex abrupto in documents dealing with warlike stores?' The answer is no more satisfactory than the derivation of the word itself. First appearing about 1370 as ordinatio and later as ordinatum it meant 'monastic allowance'. It did not assume a military significance till 1404 when it expressed the sense of preparation for war: This was followed in 1414 by the term ordinationum in the writ addressed to Nicholas Merbury already 
92 Rymer's Foedera 1729. Tom. IX, p. 159. Cal. Pat. Rolls, Henry V 1413-1416, p. 241. Pat. 2 Henry , p. 2 m 22. Westminster 22nd September ~414. 
Rex Dilectis sibi, Nicholao M erbury, Magistro operati~num Jn aeniorwn et Gunnarum nostrorum ac aliarum Ordinationum ~ostrarum pro Guerra, et Johanni Louthe, clerico earumdem Operationum, Salutem. 
Sciatis quod assignavimus vos, conjunctum et divisim ad tot Lathomos, Carpentarios, Sarratores, Fabros et Laboratores, Quot, pro Operationibus I~1~eniarum, Gunnamm et Ordinationum praedictorum, necessarufuemzt, cum S1ifjicienti 1vlaeremio, Ferro et omnibus alii~. Rebus,. Operationibus praedictis, similiter_ neces_sl!rus_, a~ etza~n cum Cariagio pro eisdem, cum ratwnabilzter indzguent, quandiu in O.fficiis praedictis ster~ritis, per, vos,. et su.fficientes Def!11latos ~e~tr~~• capien1um et prov!dendwn: 
Et ideo vobzs Praecipimiis quod circa Praemtssa diligenter intendatis, et ea faciatis et exequamini in forma praedicta. . . . .. 
Damus autem universis et singulis Vicecomztibus, Majoribus Ballivis Constabulariis, Ministris ac aliis Fidelibus ;t Subditi; nostris, tarn infra Libertates, quam extra, Tenoro Praesentium fi:miter ~n M_andatis. quod vobis et alteri vestrum, ac Deputatis vestns huJus modz, Jn Executione Praemissorum, lntende11tes sint, Consule11tes 
et Auxiliantes, prout decet. In Cujus &c. Teste Rege apud Westmo11asterium uicesimo secundo die Septembris. Per Breve de Priuato Sigillo. 
27 




quoted. In this warrant the word is obviously used in an omnibus sense denoting all equipment and other necessities for the purpose of waging war. Later usage has confined its sense to guns and equipment generally, e.g. Ordnance B.L. 6-inclz and ordnance stores. Sir Edward Coke, an eminent lawyer in the reign ofElizabeth I and ChiefJustice under James I, suggested its derivation from ordinance (Fr. ordonnance) because possibly the definite sizes ofbore, bulk and weights ofcharges of early cannon had been laid down in some law or ordinance since lost. This explanation is not very convincing particularly as the word in early MSS. was written Thaudinance or Tlwrdynance which after­wards became ~orrupted into Th'Ordynance and finally The Ordnanc~. Dr _J. R. Pa:tmgton considers that the English word ordnanc~ 15 denved by mistake from K(Xvwv (kanon) meaning a rule reo-ulat1on or o~dinance instead o~ from Ka.vv'YJ (kanne), a cane or 'reed.93 ~he solut10n of the puzzle lies in the reason for the chana-e of meaning ~etwee~ 137° and ~4o4. What is the connection, if°any, betwee~ 
monastic allowance and 'preparation .c. , ? p 'bly ordinatio 
. . 1or war . ossi 
deveIoped mto ordinance i e a rule O · h does bear
1 ( 111 
some relationship to a pr~s · .'b d II r regu a wn w ~ . maY 
. . en e a owance, whereas ordznatzonum have ongmated from a diffierent Th rri O d nee i e.
source. us 1 ,ze r na , · Tlzord)nance may be a word compo unded f ,.,...'h , or, t111e Scan dinavian
o 1.God of Thunder and dunamis (E d . ) h G k un for 
power. Thordynance might . th' . yna1:11c t e ree nof Thor
£ m Is manner signify the power o ' 
a re erence to the explosion and lo d . . the dis­
charge of a po d fill d u noise accompanying 
. _w er-e weapon. It 1s uncertam wheth th' h' • · b I s 
... er Is istonc document addressed to Nie O a
M b
er ury actually mitiated th tent 
creating that offi h e poSt ofMaster of Ordnance as no pa 
Merbury was t~e ;s ev~been found, and it has been assumed that sounded the deat~-k~:~l aSter. ~he Office of Ordnance, ho':ever~ doubtedly derived .c. • of the pnvy wardrobe from which 1t un 
. . 'ior smce 1407 th 1 h d ned to 
a livmg death the k . . e atter ad been con em . All keepers a;pointe~epe~s bemg m a state of suspended animation. 
fees of office, rendereds;osequent to that date, though enjoying ~he neither funds at the' d' accounts. They were figure-heads havin~ accounting keeper w;r Hisposal nor authority to wield. The Ias February 1405 94 wh s_ enry Somer, king's sergeant appointed I 3 
' 0 m 1407 bee B ' I · telY
ehancellor of the E h ame a aron and then u tnna 14°7 but the voice of:~ ;quer. Not only do all accounts cease after Keepers were subsequ n elmporary archivists is silent regarding theJil• 
t 11 ent y appoint d d the
pa ent ro s for the h 1 e an their names appear on 
O
named masterkee"er bw e of the fifteenth century but the post, re­
. r ~ame · ,
SIOners. The holders w a smecure, a life appointment for pen-f 
ere usually . h s o 
., A 11i· ,,_, .r esquires, sergeants and us er 
" ,.._, ,s_,J o., Grttk Fire and G ""'· PaJ, R.olls JAn1 unpowder P 116
' ,... -1405, p. 489, ' . . 
28 

THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 

the chamber and they held office with the appointment, fees, wages 
an~ profits, houses and easements; their salary of 1s. a day either 
paid out ?f the fee farm of London by the sheriffs of that city95 or 
fro~ the issues of the counties of London and Middlesex96 or from 
the_ issues of the counties of Essex and Hertford.97 Notwithstanding 
their patents these keepers were powerless puppets. A writ of 18 
February 1436 is illu~inative in this respect. It states that from 3 July 
1423~ t~e date o~ which John Malpas had been appointed Keeper of 
t/ze kings armour zn _the Tower of London, with wages at the hands of 
;he keeper ofthe p:ivy wardrobe, the masterkeepers had not received 
any m~ney, or assign~ents ofmoney, from any treasurer ofEngland to provide armour, artillery or anything else' to pay wages since that ? ate. 98 Arrangements were therefore made to pay Malpas from the issues of the County of !Zent. Poor pale-faced ghosts! the march of t~me brings many tragedi_es in its train. The powers and responsibili­ties ofthe keepers had evidently passed into other hands, and hence­forth they and their phantom organization sank gradually into oblivion. Gilbert Par was appointed to the privy wardrobe on r6 April 1430,99 and when on 16 February 1437 he was confirmed in his appointment as K eeper oft/ze king's artillery at the Tower100 and later made M aster of Ordnance,101 it was without doubt considered a case of promotion. 
During the period of wardrobe administration it will be noticed that the introduction of fire-arms in the fourteenth century caused tLree new words to appear in the English language, namely artillery, gun and cannon. Of these, the derivation of the first two, like that of ordnance, is doubtful. 
The modern term artillery may be taken to cover any nonpersonal offensive weapon in which gas pressure derived from the combustion ofa propellant charge ejects a missile. It thus differs in meaning from the archaic words artiller, artillator or attilliator which referred to the craftsman who manufactured and used the springald or other early machine. In the fourteenth century the artificer who made and manned the primitive gonne was the gonner. In r208, attilium in medi­eval Latin meant gear or equipment and a few years later artelaria connoted a workshop wherein no doubt engines of war were con­structed. By 1397, the emphasis on the word had changed and ,ve find it being employed to denote weapons for shooting, and since at that date guns were in existence it must have included them also. The 
05 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1429-1436, pp. 56, 118. 
06 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1441-1446, p. 221. 1452-1461, pp. 392, 624. 
07 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1461-1467, p. 127. 1467-1477, p. 590. 
98 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1422-1429, p. 106. 1429-1436, pp. 539, 540. 
99 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1429-1436, p. 79· 

10°Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1436-1441, p. 138 . 
101 In Nicholas's Privy Council Proceedings, vol. V, p. 81. Gilbert Par is r ferred t Master of the Ordnance in the year 1443. 
29 

THE BACKGROUND 
primary interpretation was thus an apparatus for discharging yro­jectiles regardless of its propulsive agency and the term persisted after the gun had superseded its earlier competitors. No :race of the word is found prior to the thirteenth century as earlier auth?rs always wrote balistariae orpetrariae when they described !arge offensi~e weapons, and it will probably remain a mystery how it_ apl?eared m literature, who coined it or what its origin was. Four derivations have been suggested. Menagius derives artillator from ars, a word some­times used in the sense of a warlike engine. Artillator was thu~ the manufacturer of military machines; hence artilleria and artillery. Ferrarius considered that the term was introduced because the weapons concerned being cumbersome, had to be dragged by hor~es or oxen. T~a-~ere to d~aw; terrare, thus arterrare and artillery. Voss:~ in his De Vztzzs Sermonzs Volume III derives the word from arc~s. a arcualia because the ancients used primarily to furnish their military machines with bows, e.g. arcubalista. Another suggestion is t~at artillery is derived from artiglio, the hard curved claw of comb':1-t~ve and rapacious birds. Artiglio comes from the Latin articulus, the J0 ~t between two members of an animal's body. This conception is rein­forced by the fact that early types of cannon were named either after birds of prey which tore their victims to pieces-to wit, the falcon, the falconet and the saker-or after reptiles, such as the culverin,.the 
serpentine and the basilisk which are the very essence of articula1:1on, None ofthese derivations is overwhelmingly convincing though each might contain a modicum of truth. 
Th . . f h · I first 
e ongm o t e word gonne later gun is equally puzzling• t 
d . I L · b · t0 the
appeare m ow atin a out 1370 as gunna. Skeat refers 1t Welsh gwn, a bowl. Some consider it to be a contraction of mangonel, a machine for throwing large stones. Others derive it from gunna, the pet f~rm of the old Scandinavian name Gunnhilde for a wornan; mean!ng battle and war; and the fact that female appellations wer 
occasionally bestowed O 11 k . g Mons
n we -nown pieces of ordnance, e. · Meg, does lend some support to this view . In any c~se it i~ strange that ofthe four ~ords most commonly used 
m connec~on with artillery matters the origin of three of them, name~y artillery, gun and ordnance, sho~ld not have survived the com-f paratively short space Of ..: . that o 
ume which separates our age from
the great Plantagenets. With cannon we fi reed 
t b h are on rmer ground. Canna in Latin means a ;~ u e, en~e the derivation is obvious. A cannon is nothing rnor~ . an .a ?1eta tube. Canon, on the other hand denotes a rule or Ja,d\
1
ma snru ar manner to ord' ' h con 
n was inserted to distin z?ance, and Skeat considered that t_ e seTbiS, however would guish the weapon from the regulation, . •n of,anno; wh dappe~r to be an unnecessary assumption as the origt 
en enoting a p· f
iece o ordnance is plain. 
30 
THE WARDROBE 1066-1414 

With the disintegration of the privy wardrobe in the Tower an important milestone on the road of armament administration is reached. Henceforward the business of munitions ceased to be a function of the Household and tended more and more to become the responsibility of a special department of State. 
4 31 



THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 




Chapter 2 
Armament Administration. The Office of Ordnance I4I4-I670 

The early Masters of Ordnance were selected from the ushers of the chamber in the king's household and such appointments were re­garded in the nature ofrewards for personal service to the mon':rch. 
1th

The wages, fees and emoluments were 2 shillings per diem w a daily subsistence allowance of 4 shillings. Nicholas Merbury was a typical Court official, and evidently a favourite in royal circles. On 25 September 1401, Henry IV granted him an annuity of £40 for 
th

life for bringing the first news of the success of the Earl of N or ­umberland over the Scots at the battle ofH elmedon in orthumber­
2 

land.1 Henry y confirmed this gift by patent on 12 June 141 3· Merbury ~a~ned Margaret, widow of Edward Latyiner, in 1411 b~ royal pernuss1on. As Master ofthe Ordnance he accompanied Henr) V to France and was present at the battle ofAgincourt on 25 October 1f15,-3 _Among othe~ appointments, he held the keepership of th; kin~~ Jewels and pnvy purse in 1421, for which he ·was granted a a~ditwnal £5o a year.4 Henry V in his will bequeathed him £ 100• 
Nicholas Merbury died in 142 1. 
The only divergence from this practice was the appointment of John Judde, a wealthy City merchant, which took place :'n 21 December _1456. The warrants appointing him is remarkable in tw o respects. ~irst, h~cause he is therein specifically credited with good pow_ers ofI?spection as well as provision, and secondly, owing to the m_obt1vedwh1ch underlay its issue. It appears that Judde had con­
tn ute somewhat g . b pre­
. H enerous1Y 1n the matter of armaments Y :entinf enry VI with 6o guns and the ingredients for making 20 r.onsl~ g_unpow~er. He was therefore made Master of the Ordnancde 
10r 11e 1n consider ti f h ha
displayed 1-d .. a on ° these gifts and of the ability e t 
0 
ev1s1ng and d • · men · 

Though notate h . . . pro uc1ng weapons and other equip . ss acumen of a h"c hruc1dan in any sense ofthe word, Judde had bus1ners ig or er and k · 1 rnatte
1

touching artillery su li a . now edge of commerc1a . eJ1t PP es. To this extent therefore his appointrJl 
i C.P .R. Henry IV
IC p R , 1401-1405 
• .. Henry v 1 , p. 121. 
• History ofthe Battle!j~\!;6, p. 62.. . :,C~ ' 

p.•6C.P.R. H g ourt by Sir Harris Nicholas, 2nd ed. 1832. AppendJJC 
I 
C.P.R. H::r ~· 1416-1422, p. 340. 
ry I, 1452-1461 p. 342.
, 
32 

was a departure from pure patronage. His warrant of appointment is somewhat quaint and is therefore rendered in full. 
Henry, by the grace of God, King of Englande and of Frannce and Lord of Irelande. To the Reverend ffader in God William Bisshop of \,Vinchester 0ure Channcellor gretying. We lete you wit that whereas we be not as yet suffisauntly fournyssed of gonnes, gonne powdre and other habiliments of werre. 0ure wel beloved servant John Judde of London, Merchaunt, hath for oure pleasir as he seith and for the suretee and defense of this oure Reaume doo make and ordeigne of his owne mocion and pre expenses LX gonnes called Serpentines for the feeld and also stuff for gonne powdre of salt pietre and sulphur to the weight of XX tonne tyght or more the which he hath offred to be delivered to 0ure Tresorer of Englande to oure use under certain reasonable condicons as he hath shewed unto us. Wherfor we considering the premisses as well as the good and feithful service that the said John J udde hath doon herbefore and yet dayly doeth unto us and namely, for the great inspeccon and providence that he hath in devising of ordinaunces and habilments of werre have of oure grace espiale graunted unto the same John thoffice ofmaister of oure ordinaunces. To have and to occupie the said office for time of his lyf with the wages and fees theronto of olde tyme due and accustomed. Soo we wol and charge you that hereupon yo doo make oure patentes under our great seel in due fourme. Yeven under our prive seel at Or Citee of Co entre the xiij day of December the yere of our Reyne XXXV. 
Hamond 

Memorandum that on the 21st day of December in the year above written this writ was delivered to the Chancellor of England at West­minster for execution. 
I n the patent granting the mastership to Philip Herveys on 18 June 14616 n1ention is made of a wage of 6d. a day for a yeoman. Such an official is first mentioned in a patent granted to John Hampton in 1430.7 Presumably, therefore, a third post_ became es~a?lished soon after the Office sprang into being. Later 1n 1474, William Temple is definitely referred to as Yeoman of the Ordnance. So also are Joh~ Smyth in 1496 and Elias Hinton in 1526, to name but three. This post appears to have been connec~ed with_the provision, custody and issue ofstores. It did not lapse until the reign ofEd·ward VI although when the Office of Ordnance was expanded and reorganized by 
6 C.P.R. Edward IV, 1461-1467, P· 14· . K. , · 

7 C.P.R. Henry VI, 1429_1436, p. 44. 'Commission toJo~n Hampton, mg s e q~1re, to provide the carpenters smiths stone-cutters and other artificers and labourers reqmr d to make carts to carry th~ king'; great cannon; also can.non stones, yoke for oxen, bowes called oxon-bowes of timber, !zokes of iron to draw the said carts, oats, beans or peas. hay and litter to feed the same oxen and horses, also brases of cord ca ll_ed l_)•11es, brases of cord called carteropes cord called hawesers for the cannon, trays for the said carts, saddl ~ call d lymoursadels do;e,s sea-coal and other requisites for the kii:tg's ordnance; al ·o to impr the carts ships b~ats carters mariners and labourers required to cart, barge or tra1r rt the things afor~said t~ any p~rt or places in the King's realms ~_f ~ngland ~nd Franc . 
The like commission to Ordyerne, John Louthe, clerk and \\ 1lham Fleming, yoma . 
33 
.. 

THE BACKGROUND 
Henry VIII in I 543 that monarch created the posts ofStorekeeper and Clerk of Deliveries to take over the duties ofyeoman. 
The small ordnance staffat the Tower during the fifteenth century was essentially administrative, though a few artificers were borne on its books. With the exception of Merbury, none of the Masters nor any member of their staff appears to have taken the field, a practice not put into effect until the following century when professional soldiers, such as Sir Christopher Morris, were selected for the post of Chief executive officer. 
The next modification ofimportance was in 14s3 when RaufBigod was by letters patent described as Knight of the body and Master of the King's Ordnance8 and given roo marks a year (i.e. 3s. 7d. a day) salary~ Thereafter all holders ofthis office have been either knights or peen, 
ofthe realm. The fift~ent~ century, forming as it does a kind of 'dark age' in the unfolding hist0ry ofarmament administration obscures the Office ofOrdnance by a cloud ofalmost impenetrable gl;om through which only fitful sh~fts of light penetrate. Masters and other officials are known by the~r patents, luckily preserved among the R olls, but any account ofdaily acti 'ty f . f li y has
• VI or o actions taken as a result o po c been obliterated in the proce f . Th W d be Accounts
1 d fini . ss o time. e ar ro supp Y e te information up to the end of the fourteenth centur)'state documents reveal fi h . . and 
. urt er data durmg the sixteenth century,
the comprehensive s · f h most
O
meticulous d t .1 fr enes Ordnance volumes record t e . ill . ea.is om the beginning ofthe seventeenth century t 
modern times but d · 1 dge 
remains with ' t fc unng the fifteenth century our know e f understandin ouU o:f1 and void and darkness is upon the face o. account of Ogd. nti Henry VIII ascended the throne therefore an) 
r nance dev I · 1
The subseque t fifi e opment must be largely conJectura Od­nance, save perh: sf~; years s~w little change in the Office of 
:nt 
of artillery Mastp some slight expansion due to the developJJ1fi n 
· ers came d d O te
proceeded on acti· . an went, and under the Tu ors h. h 
. ve service t th h . . w ic
then mcluded both a e ead of the orgamzat1on . Iy by the mastergunner gu~n~s and engineers commanded respectIV:he Master was overseat:ii t e trenchmaster. In one instance when rs to have handled the e Clerk fought at home and actually appead­nance was situated in~~ns. Although the headquarters of th_e o:e­local masters mast e Tower where the Master had a reside_n t 
' ergunners d b d1rec
warrant from the C an gunners were appointed Y d"
• rown to • . 1s­
tncts and forts and th mamtam equipment in the larger U
Th M ' erefore w y-ro · 
e aster at the To ere not borne on the centra1pa d of the establishment::~, however, was in effect the permanent be:e realm. ' as such, had jurisdiction throughout t 
• C.P.R., 1476-1..o
¥'5, p. 387. 
34 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1 670 

Harleian MS. No. 433 mentions divers grants and minor appoint­ments under the Ordnance and in the Office of Armoury towards the end of the fifteenth century. Some examples are: 
To Richard Warmyngton, the office of the artillery within the town of Calais, with the wages of I 2d. by the day and 6d. for a yeoman under him for life. 
John Stoke, the office ofClerk ofthe ordnance within England or elsewhere, for the time of his life, with the wages of 6d. by the day to be received of the lordships of Wrytell, Havering, Boyton, Hadleighe, Rayleighe and Rochford in Essex, and ofthe manors ofTunbridge, Penshurst, Middleton and Marden in Kent. 
William Temphill the office ofyeoman of the ordnance for life, with the wages of 6d. by the day, to be received out of the lordships as above. 
To Richard Garnet, the office of sergeant of the king's tents for life, with wages 12d. per diem for himselfand 4d. per diem for a yeoman under him, and 100s. for a house to lay the tents in; 46s. Bd. for his robes, 13s. 4d. for his yeoman's robes, to be taken from the issues of the lordships of Wrytell, Havering, Boyton, Hadleigh, Rayleigh and Rocheforthe in Co.Essex, and the lordships of Tunbrugge, Penshurst, Myddleton and Merden in Co.Kent by the hands of receivers. 
J ohn Atkinson, keeper of the armour in the Tower and elsewhere within England for life with a fee of 6d. per diem to be received as above. 
To Henry Grey the younger, squire, the king hath confirmed unto him the office of the keeping of the armoury within the Tower of London for term of his life, with the wages and fees accustomed to be received by the 
fee farm of Norwiche. Vincent Tentler, armourer, the king hath confirmed unto him to be his armourer during his life with £20 fee by the hands of the treasurer and chamberlain of the exchequer. 
Sir John Donne, Knight, the office of sergeant or master of the ar7:1oury within the Tower ofLondon during his life, with wages of 12d. for himself, 6d. for a yeoman, and 3d. for a gown by the hands of the SheriffofLondon 
and Middlesex of the issues, &c. 
The last grant was in 1485, the remainder being in 1483.. 

The sweeping changes introduc~d by Henry VIII during t~e mastership of Sir Christopher Morns (1536-1543) foreshadowed in no small degree the future Board of Ordn~nce. Being a monar:ch of vision energy and drive he was determined to foster the infant 
' ' h h"

science of artillery to the best of his ability, and to st:engt en is country against the wiles offoreign princes. In 1537 he incorporated the Honourable Artillery Company by patent dated 25 August under the title of The Fraternity or Guild of St George. 
The patent granted license to: 

'Our trusty and welbeloved srvantes and subgiettes Sir Cristofer ?vlorr , Knyght Mayster of Oure Ordenauncys, Anthony Knevett and P t r Mewtes, Gentlemen of our Privy Chambre, Overseers of the fratern •ty 
35 

THE BACKGROUND 
or guyld of Saynt George etc. which Syr Christofer Morres, Cornelys Johnson, Anthony Anthony and Henry Johnson that they and every on_e shall be Maysters or Rulers of the Scyence of Artyllarie as afore that 1s to witt for Longbowes, Crossebowes and Handgones etc.' 
and it was therein provided: 
'That they may have full power and Auctoritye to chose accept, take and admytte yn their seid ffraternytye or guyld almanr ho~este psonnes whatsorr they be.' 
The main feature of Henry's reform was the institution in 1543 of an official known as the Lieutenant of the Ordnance to act as technical adviser to the Master. Thus when Sir Thomas Seymour the king's brother-in-law-afterwards appointed Lord Hio-h Admi~al of Eng­la~~-became Maste_r on 29 September 15439 °at approximately J shillings a day, Morns took over the duties of Lieutenant a t twice his former sala:Y. ~t the same tim.e the offices of Surveyor, Storekeeper a nd Clerk of Deliveries were added, the post of Yeoman being superseded. 
I~ had always been the fashion in England mainly to employ foreigners as gun-founders, presumably because they were considered to be better craftsmen and Henr VIII d" the throne
• d th• ' . Y on ascen rng d 

contmue Is custom, his principal gunmakers being Peter Ba,v e and Peter Van Collet. Ideas then began to change and the fact that England w~s almost wholly dependent on alien 'workmen for her ar;a;:i~n~s ecame o~noxious in view ofthe situation abroad. Henry, 
O 1 

w a :;ime~se P:1de in the capabilities of his people therefore encourage native skill and induced E . . d ' erchants
1

to co-operate in b Old" ng 1sh artificers an m h.15 
· · · · h . UI ing up a munitions industry · and under iru~~lv~ t Se casting ofguns as a national vocation b~gan to flourish, no a y 1n ussex where th • 00d­lands offered exceptional f: e.I:~n ore deposits and extensive w this 
time was Parson Willi ~cihties. An important ironmaster at d 
Buxted· in associ·at· a°: evett who had foundries in London an 5
' ion with p t B h ""'a 

responsible for casting th fi ~ er awde and Ralph Hogge e fter Sussex became an im or~a rst iron gun at Buxted in I 543· Ther_ea in­creased considerably PB nt centre and the number offoundries_ Jl to ten and men such· ~ 15 76 the number ofgun-founders had r~~ 0 the forefront oftheir :s f1 aiker, the Owens andJohnson appeare. :U Levett as gun maker tat~ n 1573 Ralph Hogge succeeded Wilha_ts close, England was O ki e Crown. As the century drew towards_ 1 g military weapons N mta Ing her name in the art of manufactur~Jlg 
. o on y wa th . rn1J1 

an asset of first cla • s e Iron industry ofSussex beco the core of the cous~tm,~ortanc: to the State, but the Tower, b_eifl:S to erect foundries salryt defensive effort, attracted men of bus1ne_ 
·ts · di ' petre hou h es 1J1
1 imme ·ate neighbo h ses, c arcoal and sulphur hous 1r 
ur ood In th . I r ha i
•Rot. Pat. R---• e provinces, too, the atte
35 
•-...ur VIII, p. 4 and 1 ,ci" · 
p. 11. L. and P, F. and D. Henry VIII, vo . 36 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 

of the six~eenth cent:1ry sa_w the building of the first private gun­powder mills and the Inception ofother workshops devoted exclusively to the production of warlike material. Power mills, driven by water power, appeared in Surrey in the middle of the century, and Sussex, as has been pointed out, became the home of the gun-founders. The ~ignifican_ce of t:ies~ new industries was that in all of them plant was installed 1nvolv1ng Investments far beyond the sums which groups of 
master craftsmen could muster, even if they were artisans of some small substance.10 
Under Henry's restless energy, the Office of Ordnance was goaded into action and henceforth took a more prominent part in the affairs of State. The Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic of Henry VIII are full ofreference to ordnance matters, particularly in regard to supply, and payments for stores and equipment. The following extract from Volume I, Paper No. 3496, is indicative of the begin­nings of rearmament. 
'r ovember 1512. Payments. 
I V. B owstaves. 
T o the bowyers of London for 10,000 bows, May 151 o and in part pay­ment of r,ooo bows had of Sir Samson Norton, June 1510. To Anthony Baveryn for payment in full of bowstaves, June 1510. To the bowyers of London for 1,ooo bows, December 151 o To Lawrence Bonvix for bowstaves. 

V. For gunpowder and saltpetre. 
To Francis de Errona, Spaniard for 707lb. of gunpowder at 3-½d. per lb.; 
103qrs. 22lb. of saltpetre in rock at 4d. per lb. June 1510. 
To Richard Faulconer for 207lb. of gunpowder at 4d. per lb., shot and 
spent in the Tower of London at the birth of the prince, January 1510. 
To Richard Faulconer for making 5 last of gunpowder11 June 15I I. 
To Thomas Herte for making gunpowder in Porchester Castle, February 
l 5I I. 
To John Stanget of Ipswich for making saltpetre, February 151 I. Total £212. 1s. od. 
VJ. For guns great and small. 
To I-Iumphrey Walker for making guns, December 1509. . 
To William Browne, merchant of London, for money paid to Hance, 
Propreter of Makelyn for making artillery, March 15I o. 
To Humphrey Walker for making 50 pie_ces of ordnance at I 2s. per 
1oolb. March 1510, and for 12 Serpentyns 1n 1510 &c. &c. 
To Peter Corsy for 420 handguns with a bottle and mould to each at gs. 
10 Econ. Hist. Review , vol. v. no. I, 5· 11 A last is 2,4oolb. Five lasts equal 12,ooolb. 
37 



THE BACKGROUND 

the piece; also for a great gm~ ofcopper, ready stocked, with two chambers £ and two great guns of iron, ready stocked, £25. 6s. 8d. &c. &c.
35

' Total £2,797. 19s. 4½d.' The ensuing entry No. 3616 in Volume I is illuminative of the artillery of the period : 
'1512. 

Payments for 48 pieces ofartillery made at Mechlin by Hans Popenruy­ter, by order of Thomas Spinelly. The i,tla(ys, 3224lb.; the Cornwalle, 2994lb.; the Chester, 3063lb.; the Sonn, 30971b.; thePort~ulus, 3013lb.; the Gartter, 299Ilb.; and thelerland, 308db. 
Remaining with the Duchess of Savoy-The Rose, 3792lb.; the Crown, 37271b.; the Yorke, 35oolb.; the Lanchaster, 3732lb.; the March, 3 79 rlb.; the ---,, 364db.; the Gyenn, 3941lb.; the Richemount, 3728lb.; the Smyte, 3792lb.; t~e Cameler, 3725lb.; and the Normandy, 3797lb. 
Sum of the weight of these 18 pieces-63,229lb. weight of M akelyn. 

Item. Six curtaldes that have their stocks and single wheels with all thereto belonging. The Garnade, 3075lb.; the 0strykeffed, 3047lb.; the Sann Arisyng, 3083lb.; the Callis, 304Ilb.; the Gyenn, 3106lb., and the Hartt, 30281b. The weig?t of these _6 pieces, 18,36olb. 
Name and weight of 24ti Serpentines with their stocks and wheels appertaining. The Veragoo, 1168lb.; the 0lyvant, 11 621b.; the Falcon, rn36lb.; the Antloppe, 11 3olb.; the Meremayde, 1144lb.; the Ratte, 1064lb.; the Snake, I i38lb.; the Gryffon, 10381b. the Lesard 115olb.; the Ostryke, 1 r38lb.; the 0Jfe_ Walbs, 1126lb. and the Dragonn, r 17olb. Tl e weight of these 12 serpentmes, 134641b. 
The names and weights of r2 serpentines. The Greyhound, r I oolb.; t1?-e Marryn, rn56lb.; the Eagle, 1164lb.; the Scrasite, II 381b.; the Lockezt, rn54-lb.; the Skorpeonn, 1166lb.; the Unycorn, ror6lb.; the T1ltrye, 1116lb. the Meremayde, 116olb.; the . , 1io8lb.; the ---, rng6lb. and the 
, 1004lb. S_um of the weight of these r 2 pieces, 13,1 78lb. 

~um of the_we1ght of the 48 pieces of ordnance, rn8,23Jlb., whereof delivered to S1: Sampson Norton, Master of the Ordnance, r8 curtaldes and 24 serpentmes_ as a~peareth. Sum 42 pieces. 
So there ;emameth in Buldukel2 6 ofthe curtaldes that were delivered at o~ sover~1gn lord the King's commandment to the Prince of Castile for his war m Gelderland. The weight of the 6 curtaldes remaining at Bulduke,_and other necessaries belonging to the aforesaid ordnance that were delivered are not received again Th R lb . the Crown,
3727lb · the y; k lb · e ose, 3792 ·, d 
., or, e, 3500 .; the Lancaster 37321b. theMarclze 37grlb., an 

the ---, 364Ilb. ' ·' ' 
Total 22, 193lb.'

This paper is endorsed : 
'The reckoning of ce ta· ·u • r 
Sovereign Lord from ~thm arti cry made at.Makelyn for the King, ':'u 
2

Harry the VIII until th day of December,_ m the second year of K11?! Sovereign Lord.' e last day of June m the 4th year of our sat 


1I Bois-Jo.Due. 

THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
In 1513, certain directions and appointments for the shooting of ordnance were laid down :13 
Every Apostle shoots of iron 20lb., powder 20lb., may be shot 30 times a day ,, Curlow ,, ,, ,, 60lb., ,, 40lb., ,, ,, ,, 40 ,, ,, ,, ,, Culverin ,, ,, ,, 20lb., ,, 22lb., ,, ,, ,, 36 ,, ,, ,, ,, Novemburgh ,, ,, ,, 20lb., ,, 20lb., ,, ,, ,, 30 ,, ,, ,, ,, Lizard ,, ,, ,, 12lb., ,, 14lb., ,, ,, ,, 37 ,, ,, ,, ,, Bombard ,, ,, ,, 260lb., ,, 80lb., ,, ,, ,, 5 ,, ,, ,, ,, Minion ,, ,, ,, 8lb., ,, 81b. ,, Potgun ,, ,, ,, 8lb., ,, 40lb. 
On 20 January 1514, the master gunner received in wages 13d. a day, a gunner 6d. a day and a labourer 5d. a day.14 On 2 r September 1523, a view of the artillery in the Tower ready for use was taken by Geoffrey Hughes, keeper of the Ordnan~e i~ the Tower. In addition, a survey ofwhat gun stores were lacking 1n the Tower, and certain monies owing to the office of Ordnance was also made.15 The 
report reads as follows : 
(i) Artillery at the Tower reacry for use 
B ra zen ordnance. 7 bumbards, 2 bumbardelles, 4 ?ouble.courtowes, 5 courtowes, g culverins, 16 serpentines, 3 chamber pieces with chambers, 4 fawkons, 1 fawkenett. 
Iron guns. 1 'hoole wetslang', 1 slang with a c~amber, 1 o stone guns with chambers, rg serpentines, 2 new serpentines with chambers, I fawkon with a chamber, 30 handguns. b b 
· d o ready-made yew ows 6 ooo ow­
13 lasts ofserpentme pow er, r I ,oo , ' . 
. yarrows 4 ooo sheaves of arrows ofg mches
Staves, r,6oo sheaves of 1iver , , . . th D h 6 f b wstrings 7 ooo bills ready helved, 7,000 b1ll­
e eat ers, oo gross o o . 1 ' 1' km·g heads and 4 ooo not fully
h eads, 1,400 spears and demi-ances, ac , ' . 
I g farecarts, 80 carts complete m
d rawn and shot· 8 ooo mawres Pyks , .
' ' h l 500 ooo horse-shoe nails, 1,856
cart-horse harness 80 ooo orse-s 1oes, , . 
' 'd · kl 5 ooo bits for cart-horses, straks and nails
scythes, 6,ooo hooks an sic es, , k for 70 carts, 505 latys galteropps, 6,000 archer sta es. 
(ii) A view of the artillery lacking in the Tower which should be provided in 
convenient time 
Iron fawkons with chambers for the king's field, hand gu~powd~r, bags and bolkes to hold it· close carts for shot; iron sho~; caSlmg _gahterops; 
' 11 ys and tacklm<T ropes, c argmg 
screws and fernes for ordnance; pu e_ els for reoat and small ord­ladles; iron dice for shot; lead for s_hot' _wheades. ,fhoulvys'; 'myndyng nance; lymmers cressets; cresset. hghts' ·shed i~ bills; irons for smiths 
shoulvys' · scoops· mattocks and pick-axes' g g h 
, , t aws and hand saws; ammers 
to work in the field; felling axes, tenaun e s ' d miths' tools. nails. 
· r h mbs · carpenters an s , ,d
an piercers; 1etters; orse c? '. . soa . tallow; vinegar; stone 
crows; spearheads; leather bnckets, extrees, P' shot for mortars. 
13 
L. and P, F. and D. Henry VIII, vol.~' no. 4633· 14 L. and P F. and D. Henry VIII, vol. ~?.no. 4658· 15 L. and P; F. and D. Henry VIII, vol. 111, part 2• no. 3351 • 
39 


THE BACKGROUND 
To know whether the King will have his new ordnance from Makelyn stocked and bou~?, and who shall pay for it, and whether he will have any further provmon of the said stores. 
(iii) Money owing in the Office of Ordnance for stores made by command of tlze Master of the Ordnance since 8 March last 
For timber and board £52. 5s. 7d., for carthorses for fare carts £18. To v\illiarn Tempull, the King's fletcher for arrows £10. 1,µ. 2d. Iron­work and gunSt0nes £769. 18s. I I ½d. Barrels 50/-. Farecarts and falcon wheels £4o. Bs. 11d. To turners £46. 7s. I d. To joiners and for secret works £24. r6s. 4d. Bowstrings £30. 16s 8d N . £ 4d
l.d · . ecessanes 7 5. 5s. . Total £1,071. 3s. 0·2 . 
On the report, the persons to whom these sums are due are all na~ed; and Mr Geoffrey Hughes begs the King to see that they are paid. 
Among the King's payments for the year 1538 were :16 
(a) Sir Christopher Morris O 8 
. £ fc b ild. n a warrant dated 15 February I 53 recde1:,es'u·1~n50 oofrothu hmg a new house for the Ordnance in the Tower, 
an ior I g er ouses ofOrdn h" h h I 
mew heretofore caused to be made'. ance w IC the Prior ofSt Bart o o­
(b) Henry Johnson, on a warrant d t d . 
ordnance, besides payment in A ri a e 24 March r 538; for casting 
(c) Robert and John O p I, part payment £100. 
wen, on a warrant d t d ,r 8 for
ordnance, new made and cast sh . . a e 20 •1.ay I 53 , 
d) Peter Bawde gunfc d' ewn in a bill annexed £23. r 5s. 2d.
( , oun er on a · fi
£32. 13s. 6d. for casting and ne~ .warrant dated 18 Apnl 1537 or 
(e) 
Henry Johnson on a makmg brass guns, part payment £19. of £50. ' warrant dated 24 March 1538, full payment 

(f) 
CornelisJohnson, King's . h 


for making certain ordnance f ~ffilt, ' on a warrant dated I r August l 538 
(g) Sir Christopher Morr~eir~ as Porte peces, slynges and basses' , £ l 5o. dated 12 October 8 f; £ ' aSter of the Ordnance on a warrant 
. 153 or 200 to b 1 ' f Jas 

1 edeham, Hen Johnson and An 'An e emp oyed with the advice o nance house in the Towe dt thony on the building of a new ord­committed to him• part p r an on other buildings and repairs lately
' ayment £ 100_11 
. In 1539 there were additional 

nee, Henry Johnson R b payments to Sir Christopher Mor­further payments to' R 0b ert and John Owen etc..1s and in I 54° Cornelis Johnson for c ~-ert and John Owen Pe~er Bawde and 
The above extracts ~ ing ~rdnance.19 ' increased tempo of ord ave een quoted at length to indicate the effi ts t nance affairs d Y1;s
or ore-equip Engl d ue to Henry's accession. r ........ 
an and to h · 
u L and p F secure er independence offoreign u H , and D. Henry VII 
cnry Johnson d An I, vol xii" 
H Land I> F an thony Antho~ i, part 2, no. 1280. 11 Land p' F =~g-HHenry VIII, vol ~.were afterwards Surveyors of the Ordnance­
, • cnry VIII 1· 1';', part 2, no. ?81. 
' vo . xvi, no. 380. 
40 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
craftsmen brought a mead of prosperity to the budding industrial class. 
. The new ordnance house in the Tower must have been of con­siderable size and evidently took some years to complete for on 12 March 1546 it is recorded that a 'Warrant was also addressed to Mr Chau~cellour of !haugmentati~ns20 to give order for delivery unto the sa1de Fraunc1s Flemyng (L1eutenante of thordinaunce) uppon accompt to be sent with thafforesaide proportion iiij foders of leade• and for the covering of the new Ordinance Howse in the Towe; xvlen foders.'21 
There are many further entries to relative matters in the Acts of the P rivy Council and other official documents for the remainder of this reign but lack of space prevents their mention. 
During the succeeding years the Office ofOrdnance underwent the tribulations inseparable from development. It was growing in im­portance and its officials, who were poorly paid, left no stone un­turned to profit in the scramble for place and preferment. Con­tractors, too, saw the green light and seized every opportunity to capitalize the situation. Discord and embezzlement thus became rife. O n 7 March 1552,22 a letter was written to the Lieutenant of the Tower to remove Doctor Tunstall, late Bishop of Durham, from his lodging in the Ordnance House to some more convenient habitation as the said Ordnance House was required by the Officers of the Ordnance for their official duties. Again on I 3 January I 553, Anthony Anthony, Surveyor of the Ordnance, was notified that the bowyers must vacate their workshop as it was needed for the storage of the Queen's armour.23 Indicative of the times was a commission on g August r 553 'by lettres from the Counsail to Sir Richarde Southwell, Knight, authorisinge him as well to have thordinge of the Queene's Armurye, and to collecte and gather into his hands to her Grace's use the parcells thereof that have bene purloyned and embeseled awaye, as also to gette moreover into his hands to her Highnes' saide use all suche armor and weapons as belongs to the personnes atteinted for their doings in the late trayterouse entreprise and rebellion against her Highnes.'24 England at this juncture was drifting into a situation analogous to the modern 'cold war', and while the lowering clouds gathered, the conviction was forced home that the country's stocks of fighting equipment were insufficient should a menacing emergency arise. On 18 Jul~ 1553, the Master of the Ordnance was directed to make a complete inventory ofall stores 
20 Sir Edward North. . 
21 Dasent's Acts of the Privy Council, vol.Ill, p. 62. A foder of lead varied b and 24cwt. It is now stabilized at 2 I cwt. 22 Dasent's Acts of the Privy Council, vol. IV, P· 232. 23 Dasent's Acts of the Privy Council, vol. IV, P· 385. 24 Dasent's Acts of the Privy Council, vol. IV, P· 314· 

41 





THE BACKGROUND 

and munitions under his charge so that Queen Mary might know how matters stood.25 Two days later, two Commissions were appointed to secure the provision of munitions.26 
Four more extracts will suffice to show that lack of preparation for defence was causing alarm in governing circles. On 2 7 March 'it was this day declared unto the Lordes of the Counsail by
1554
Sir Richard Southwell, Knight, Maister of the Queenes Heighnes Ordinance, that there remayned at this daie with the Tower of London, for her Heighnes hole store towardes the furnyture ofall her Grace's affaires, but only fourtene last of powder, which porcion being by thier Lordships consydered t? be farre to litle for all eventes, and therefore mete to be supplyed with all convenyant speede, they dyd resolve that where_ the said Mr. Southwell had heretofore warraunt directed unto him whereby he was auctorised to give order to Thomas Gresham to provide x1m1 weight ofsaltepeter in roche, he shulde nowe for a further supplie give order in like manner to the said Thomas Gresham to make provision out of Flaunders of xxti Iaste ofwell chosen serpentyne poulder over and besides the saltepeter aforesaide; and forasmuche allso as the saide office of thordynance is amonges other thinges presently unfurnisshed of barquebuses, it was further resolved by thier Lordshippes that the said Mr. Southwell shuld in like maner take ordre with the said Thomas Gresham to provide 5 C herquebuses from oute of Flaunders over and besides other ye for the whiche he hath warraunt addre;sed out unto hym alredye; and in case he cannot convenyently make provisyon for the XXth !~ste of~rpe?tyne poulder aforesaid, that then he provide the quantltle oflx we~ght ofsaltepeter more than the x1m1 weigh t before remembred, s? as 1n the hole there may be the full porcion of one thousande weight provydid.'27 On 3 February 1555 Sir Richard S~~thwell was o~dered to J?roceed to Court and arran~e for the pro­v1s10n of the articles requ1red in the Offices of the Ordnance and 
Armoury.28 
On 6 January 1557, the Master of the Ordnance was ordered to report on the state of his office to the Lo d T th Earl of 
. r reasurer, e

P b
em roke, Viscount Montagu, the Bishop of Ely and Lord Clinton, or to any three ofthem, so that they could consider what deficiencies should be made g~~d and instruct Sir Richard Southwell to effect the necessary prov1s10n with all speed.29 Fine words but empty of purpose: almost two years elapsed before Sir Richard ~as summoned to appear before the Council on 6 December r558 with a complete 
16 Dascnt's Acts ofthe Privy C •t 1

H Dascnt's Acts ofthe Pri Counc~ ' vo . IV, p. 296. s1 Dascnt's Acts ofthe Pri~ c:nc~:, vo~. IV, p. 298. n Dascnt's Acts of the Pri C 
nc~' vo. V, p. 4. 

n Dascnt's Ads o•the p _vy Counc~l, vol. VI, p. 47. 
'J rivy ouncil vol VI
' . 'p. 2 33· 
42 
THE OFFICE OF ORD. ANGE 1414-1670 
inventory of all equipment under his care and a list ofitems deemed essential for security reasons to procure.30 
On 22 May 1572, a bill for regulating the manufacture ofcalivers,31 guns and small ordnance was read in the House ofCommons, where­by anyone wishing to become a gunmaker had to make a proof-piece in a master's workshop. In addition, all guns manufactured had to conform to a steel bullet furnished by the Master of Ordnance, and after casting be surveyed by persons appointed by him.32 Here we see the narrow track leading eventually to the broad highway of sealed patterns, sealed drawings, standardization, interchangeability and inspection which distinguishes the production of modern arma­ments. In 1574, further ordinances were enacted, whereby no one was allowed to cast cannon without the Queen's special licence. All gunfounders, thus, gave a bond, under penalty of £2,000, not to make or sell iron ordnance without a licence from the Crown.33 
On rg June 1574, the Privy Council laid down certain orders in regard to casting iron ordnance. Briefly they were as follows: 
I. All furnaces formerly used in the manufacture of iron guns should revert to such use the owners entering into bond with the Master of Ordnance to obser~e existing covenants. No new gun furnace was to be erected , ithout the Queen's special licence. . 
II. All cast iron pieces whether brought from the foundries by land_or sea, should be deposited on To~er "':harf an~ there sold to English merchants or foreigners who, resident in the kingdom, ~wned or part­owned a ship. All purchasers should enter into agreement_with ~he Office of Ordnance that their purchases would be solely for_Enghsh ships, guaran­teeing that they would not sell the ordnance to foreigners beyond the seas. 
III. All gunfounders were to render a yearly statement to the Master 
of the Ordnance giving the number of pieces they had cast and the names of the respective purchasers. . 
IV. All masters ofships were to be responsible for the guns t?ey earned and · · d b · them back to their home port (either whole 
were enJome to nng b or damaged) unless their total loss could be certified: Reports were to e 
· h' th of the return of the ship, or of the Master
rendered wit m one mon should the ship have foundered. . . 
V. Inventories of the number of cannon in every ship, both at its be made in all ports. In London, such
departure and return, were tO M f O d 
surveys were to be taken by officials appointed by the aster O r nance, 
30 Dasent's Acts of the Privy Council, vol. VII, P· 14· 
31 
Small muskets fired without a re5t· 
:: S.P.D. Eli~., vol. xxi, no. 40. _ Amon the contractors appear the names of . _S.P.D. Ehz., vol. xcv, nos. 22 61. Yd John Duffyld, John Faulkener, Johnf1ll1am Walpole, John Thorpe, Robert R_ako R bert Whytyld Robert Gratwvck of ambard alias Gardiner, Thomas Grat~ic e, ; e Thomas isted Thomas Coll n, ~ullington Co. Sussex, George Bullen,JN~h~~~ry~{ylde, Nynyan Challoner St ph n homas Glydd, Alexander Farmer, 0 ,. r Webb icholas Fowll John Bak r,
11 1
Collins, George Maye, Edward ElvyngtonHv\ ~thur Myddleton, John Palar, ThomRobert Hodgson Thomas Dyke, Thomas aye, Ellys, Sir Thom~s Gresham and many others. 
43 


THE BACKGROUND THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
departure and return, were to be made in all ports. In London, sueh sun eys were to be taken by officials appointed by th M fO d 
and in the pro ·inces by Her Majesty's officers for the t· astebr '? rAlnlance,
listed b k d C . e 1me e1ng. guns
were to e mar e . ert1ficates to this e.ffi t b d d 

annually to the Master of the Ordnance ec were to e ren ere 
VI. All bonds and agreements we;e to b d 1· d h If 1 

to the Exchequer by the Officers of the O ·d e e ivere a -year y
1

ings could be taken ao-· nance, so that proceed­
. t· °amSt any party who failed to abide by his obl1ga ions. 34 
The traffic in arms, however as mi ht h 

a profitable venture a d . ' 1 g av~ been expected, proved
' n ' since t le lure of ga1 . fi 1

tive against the virtue f t • . n is a power u correc­
o pa notism the leaka · d d 

went on slipping awa h ' ge continue an guns
y across t e Channel h h 1 d 

annoyance of the Lords f th C . , muc to t e a arm an 
o e ounc1l The h ld 1 d b 

on 20 December and d · . Y e a so emn e ate 
. 1579' agree that owin t ' l · · 

ofiron ordnance daily tra d g o t 1e gr ate quant1t1e beyonde the seas' a111·ro n;porte out of this Realrn.e into the partes
' n .1orges part· 1 1 .

the moste parte of the s,,;d • ' icu ar Y those 1n Sussex 'where 
u...i. iron ordna · d , d

down and the manufact f nee IS ma e , should be close 
ure o cannon s d d C . . 

were therefore appointed t _r: uspen e . omm1ss1oners 
o ew.orce th· d · · 

note ofthe forges to rende IS ec1s10n. They '"-. re to take 
' ran accou t f th 

to as~ertain to whom they had b n ° e numb r of piec s ca~t, remained in the hands of h een sold and whether any still were to sign an agreement m:rc :~ts. In the latter case contractors 
the express permission of t~o ~o is~os_e ofany oftheir stock without This illicit tradi e . omm1ss10ners. as 
ng was consider d •

January 1579, Thomas Fe e a purushable offence for on 27 
. rmer gent! . . d 

sent iron ordnance abroad w; e1:1an, adm1tt1ng that he ha Fleet.36 In this case howe ' hs committed to the Warden of the 
. ' ver, t e L d f h . .
vie,-v and ordered his rele or s O t e Council took a lenient 
h ase on 7 F b
umbly confessed his fault and r: ~uary 1579 after the culprit had There are numerous oth ~ 1:used never to repeat it.37 to h" h" er entnes 1n th p · 
uc ing t 1s growing evil h. h e nvy Council Proceedings
1

to h k I • w c the r
c ec • t continued to fl . evenue men seemed powerless ?f the darkening political ~~~;~ unti_l eventually Elizabeth, in face iron ordnance in a bill dated ;, wisely forbade the export of all ~nly factor in defence 2 ecember i6or.3s This was not the 
s1tuati · measures wh· h
on m the munitions ind t ic was causing anxiety. The on1Y was the Office of Ordn us _ry at home was little better. Not rearmame t ance 1n a st t
n er f convulsion the whole

euort was hon a e O ma e gu eycombed · h · ' 
d ns, powder, fire-arro wit intrigue. The men who " Dasen ' ws, smoke-b 11 h k 
11 D t,s Acts ofthe Privy c . a s, s ot and firewor s .. nt s Acts ofthe p . ounczl, vol. VIII 
17 Dascnt' Acts ofthe p'~vy Council, vol. XI ' p. 254. • Dascnt's Acts ofthe p'!llY Council, vol. XI' p. 3a5• 
S.P.D. Elizabeth 1"vy Council vol XI' p. 3 o. 
1 VO •CCJxxxiii ' • ' p. 383. 
, no. 5• 
44 
followed wha: was then regarded as an abstruse trade and th custom was still_ prevalent whereby obtaining patents wi~h salarie: by means of which they confined their art within a small corn a ~~ese worker_s forrr_ied practically a closed guild or corporation. tit'~ 
~ ~onopohes this led to abuses, particularly during this time of ~nsis, and opened the way for the more unscrupulous to enrich thern­telves at the expens_e of the State by _engaging in fraud. It is painful 
~ record that certain Ordnance officials were not immune from such dishonourable practices. 
The Ordnance was a weak spot in Elizabethan administration Each of the principal officers was appointed under a separate paten~ ~o carry o~t the traditional duties of his office, and each, to prevent .poach~ng _on his preserves, spent a considerable amount of time and in~e~uity 1n defending what he considered to be his rights and pnv1leges .against his colleagues. There was little or no loyalty for 
the orgamzation as a ·whole and of corporate spirit there was none 1:rom time to time attempts were made to procure discipline but with li~tle success. High officers of State were called upon to settle the difference and frame suitable regulations for future guidance. The m aking cf regulations, however, is a different proposition from en­forcing them and, being busy men, the arbitrators could not be expected to secure day to day control. Moreover, the Ordnance, like the avy it supplied with weapons and stores, handled a great deal of public money, and this factor rendered it extremely prone to corrupt practices. Stores were sold illegally, balances put to private uses, and poundage from contractors extracted without authority. As e~rly as 1578, Lord Burghley attempted to curb such abuses, but he ~ailed in his purpose.39 In one sense, of course, the tense atmosphere in the Office ofOrdnance acted to some extent as a safeguard against P~blic misfeasance. With everyone suspicious of his fellows, the slightest hint of a shady transaction was at once ventilated. There was a violent outbreak when the Earl of Warwick was Joint Master of the Ordnance. Sir William Pelham, who was then Lieutenant, h?-d become perturbed at the emptiness ofthe storehouse and blamed Sir Philip Sidney who was the other Master. The latter was censured by Burghley for mentioning it to the Queen. William Paynter was Clerk of the Ordnance during this period. By all accounts he ·was a scurvy knave. It was against him and others that charges of mis­appropriation were first brought by John Powell, the Surveyor. He writes to the Queen on 5 September 1587 offering to e~pose sun~ry frauds in the Office ofOrdnance, and begs her to grant him a heanng before the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral
40 
and the Earl of Warwick. He accuses the Joint Master of gr at 
30 Lansdowne MSS., vol. XXVI, p. 27. 40 The Earl of Warwick. 
45 



THE BACKGROUND 

oppressions and Paynter offalsifying the books.41 These charges sub­sequently became the subject of litigation in the Court of the Ex­chequer, and Paynter was ordered to repay £2,000 for his share in the defalcations. Powell continued his researches and later implicated Lord Warwick as well. In retaliation, Paynter and his clique of cronies brou~ht counter accusations against the Surveyor himself. It has been estimated that the Queen's losses during these litigious periods ma~ have tot~lled over £60,000. It is probable that the charges agamst Warwick were not pressed home in view of his standin_g with Elizabeth, and even Paynter managed to cling to office till 1595 when death finally severed his connection. The re­moval ofPaynter, however, did not improve matters the cancer was more deep-seated than that. Dissensions still contin~ed. Sir George Carew, who had taken over the Lieutenancy of the Ordnance in 1592, soon became a disillusioned man. He writes to Sir Robert Cecil'2 from the Minories on 30 June 1594;43 
By the favour of your father with your h 1 t her M · t I 
. , e p un o aJes y, was 
d fi I

remove rom my p ace in Ireland to the ffi (L · f th Ord 
. o ce Ieutenant o e ­

nance) which I now hold. To discourse t · c. were 
d. d. r. I un o you a11 my gn e1e 

excee mg te 10us, 1or do not pass a da "th . d ·th 
. • . Y WI out new occa 10ns an w1
mfimte repentance for Ieavmg my offic th h" h f d fit 
d h . . e ere, w 1c was o goo pro , 

an w ere I Iived qmetly 1n sufficient · this
content, to wear my days 1n

troublesome pacel where I have at nO tim fc • 
and thereof you cannot marvel e oun? either profit or ease,
th
d h · h · ' e allowances bemg so small as they are 

an , w IC IS worse, my fellows in offi 1· · 
spirits as but in hell I think th . ce so corrupt and of such ma Ic1ous have been a careful servant to heir ma_tches can hardly be found. That I stand, who doth know that befo;r Ma_j~sty your father doth partly under­rates for her munitions th e my time the Queen did pay far greater accustomed abuses, so as :an;ow. In other things I have corrected th.eir the dog in the manger I d.d yself they have often complained that like which hath won me suchl hr:rpose both to starve myself and them, shall offend in the least •t h ~d amongst them as I know when I
1

do me disgrace Hope d·J s a not be forgotten in information to discovered and· proved :he persuade me that as their falsehoods we~e almost lost, for I understand yp would be displaced, but that hope is some service, doth assure hims~l;ell, unde~ a pretence to do her Majes~ be less afraid to comnu·t r h to hold his place· if he do the rest will
I

1· .la se oods d h ' ' · 
~ trouble. His hopes are b •id d an t e office will evermore remain him that if this pretend dui e . on your father's favour therefore entreat 
· · b e service d . ,
op1mon, eing no doubt b t d . o ment favour (whereof I have no that his reward may not bu evices to repair his credit ifit were possible) 
· hi f. e a rest · 
nusc e . But if the office b oration to live in that office to do more I rest out of all hope to p e so.accursed that he must return then shall 
u urge it from . ' I d 
ea Calendar ofHaJfield Mss corruption and infamy or to ea "Robert ut Earl of Salisb . (C.H.P), vol. 3 no 81
C.H.P., vol. 4 p ury, 2nd son of W?U-· 5 , p. 280. 
' · 555. 1 1am Lord Burghley. 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
any quiet life in it, but must be a suitor unto your honours, as you were the means to place me in this office, to move the Queen to remove me to some other employment. 
Were any proof needed that the Ordnance system was corrupt at the end of the sixteenth century, the above letter surely supplies it. It is, however, not the sole indictment. 
. He had wr!tten a letter ~arlier ~n 16 May 1593 to.Lord Burghley himselfexposing abuses which he discovered on assuming his appoint­ment. He gives instances, complains of the conduct of the Surveyor (John Powell), and accuses the Storekeeper (Thomas Bedwell) of cancelling certain warrants which he alleges to be insufficient when he (the Storekeeper) was himself to blame. He continues 'that which grieveth me is the contemptible dealing of the Keeper of the Store who (ifhe be an officer) is but to keep and deliver and not to comp­troll or equal his authority with mine, who (until her Majesty make a Master) am the first in the office. Heretofore in the like unrespective n1anner he bath often used me, which I have swallowed, but if this 
pass smoothly with him, I shall receive the Queene's fee and deserve but little. By your lordship I was placed, and by you my hope is to be protected in my office. If there were anything in my warrant defecti e, upon his request I would hav: amend~d it, but to return it in this indecent manner I hope you will conceive as I do, that he hath much forgotten himself.'44 Discipline quite obviously must have been at a very low ebb. 

Powell did not return to the Office of Ordnance, and a year later things appear to have become a little better. On.14 S_eptember 159?, Sir George Carew had further co_rresp?nde1:ce with_ Sir Robert Ceci!. In it he reiterates his long weariness of this unquiet office where 1s small profit and infinite vexations' but promises to 'continue to work for the Queen's profit however unpala~able it ~ay_ be' provided he may live 'unscandalized in his reputat10n which 1s more dear to him than Commonwealth or life'. He affirms that he had done all he could for the Queen's benefit and that 'the monstrous abuses he knows ofin the office are reformed and the rest shall be corrected as time shall reveal them'. Yet he is told that 'the Queen is daily troubled with information and new devices, as if corruptions in the 
office were yet in his infancy and daily increasing' and this only sickens him the more. He ends with the words that 'he would be glad in his soul that the Queen would command him .to some other service and in no better time than now for at l\.11chaelmas the audito; will furnish his account when, ifin arrears, he will repay th uttermost farthing. His heart is woun~ed for slanders, true or fal evermore leave a stain.' He prays Cecil that he may be remo d h 
cares not whither.45 
"C.H.P., vol. 4, p. 314. u C.H.P., vol. 5, p. 377• 
5 47 



THE BACKGROUND 

In due cours~ ?is w~sh was granted for within a year or two, while nominally retainmg hi~ post as Lieutenant of the Ordnance, he was sent to lrela~d. On his departure he appointed his uncle, George 
Harvey, as his deputy. When _the Earl of Essex_was appointed Master of the Ordnance on 7 Apnl 1597, Q~ee1: Elizabeth, hoping for better administration in the office, sent him instructions designed t0 t" ht h vailing laxity. They read as follows: ig en up t e pre­
'\tVe would prevent your falling into the e . f d d
• rrors o your pre ecessors an 

enable you to refcorm your mferior officer y
d f h s. ou sh a11 cause a survey to 

be ma e o t e stores, and two books made one t b . d b d
· h ffi d , o e sio-ne y you an

kept in t e o ce, an the other to be sub "b 0 
o d ance and deposited i tl E scn ed by the Officers of the :rnges to be made out ~ 1e hxlclheqier; also a yearly account ofspecial 
ch · ou s a suuer no · · b k
without special warrant, which is mumt10n to e ta en away officers You shall keep th .to bfe produced and .recorded by the 
. e quantity o store r. 11 b 

S.., rn servants not using y k s a secret irom a u t our 
.. 0 ' our own cler s t .
fore done disservice All b k ors rangers, which h as hereto-Office in the Tower. and ::. 0 s mudst be rnade and kept in the Ordnance
' o recor s or writ. . d f .

You shall render a yearly mgs carne out o 1t. and deliveries and state of tahccount to the Lord Treasurer of the issues 
. ' e several star y d h

there is no waste or lavish exp d" f es. ou s h a11 take bee t at 
en 1ture o p d d · I 

or departure of any ambass d ow er an shot on the arnva 
a or or for weI . f .

that in former times large dem d commg o any per on, seemg is to be sold without warrant ~ shwere made under such colour; nothing with a great store ofordnanc~ t ~ forts and islands are daily furnished to make a yearly certificate to' you sf all e~o~ the Governors or Captains give account how the forts ar yfiou 0. all wrthm their charge hat you may
• e urn1shed

As particular commissions h · others for special service yo ahvel to be granted to divers artificers and · d 1 ' u s a 1 see th l
contmue onger than the end f h . at t 1e bearers of them are not and that they give bond t O tde ~ervice for which they were employed,
O
· h re ehver th · f

deputat1on at t e expiration f h . e1r commissions or letters o The clerk and two other o.ffiO t e time, which is not to exceed six months. 
cers at the lea t d 

ance upon the receipts and d r . s are to give continual atten ­prevention of any practice f. eh1venes, and good heed to be taken for 
offic I k . or t e burn. N 
er or c er 1s to allow an ro . . mg or consumption of stores. 0 ofthe stores without directioy p vision to be brought into or taken out, months t0 h ns, and ce t"fi ' 
t e Ordnance Offi r 1 cates are to be sent every three Rochester and Chatham ofall t~~rs fr~n:i, the storehouses at Woolwich, ready for the speedy furnish. f prov1s1on in them which is always to be 
nothing with mg o the N Th ' · 
out warrant and avy· e Storekeeper shall deliver

1
y~ron ~a_th; like the S~rve :return his accounts into the Exchequer their pro~ions hrought in a;e ; a~d they shall show you their books. at rccchan1pt, and the prices to b o e examined by the Surveyor before more t their rth e set on th h · d fc r
ordcn bscri wo . o del" em, t at they be not pa1 ° U or ~ f bed by you or your~~ry ofordnance shall be made without 0 Our Council; but fc ieutenant, grounded on warrants frorn or extra expedition or for the ordinary 
48 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
service_, a ':arrant from the Lord Treasurer or Lord Admiral shall suffice. At _dehvenes, the Lieutenant, the Surveyor and Clerk of Deliveries or thei~ clerks, are always to be present, but for ships in harbour, rep~irs, castmg ofmetal for bowstaves etc. your warrant or that ofyour Lieutenant shall suffice. The Clerk ofDeliveries shall make all the indentures between you-_-the Master-and the rest of the officers in your behalf, and the parties who are to receive any munition for supply of Ireland, Berwick, Portsmouth or other places. The Clerk of the Ordnance shall keep true accounts ofall provisions brought into store, and make out the customary debentures to merchants, artificers, etc. 
Every three months you shall have the warrants for issue of munition examined with the books, and then keep them and the indentures in a chest,_ to be locked with several locks, and the keys to be kept by you, by the Lieutenant, Surveyor, Clerk of Ordnance, Keeper of Stores and Clerk of Deliveries. 
Yo_u shall cause the Ordnance Officers to keep exact journals ofreceipts and issues, and the clerks to compare their books together every first Monday in the month; if any neglect his duty therein, he is first to be fined a month's pay, and if his negligence continue, after three or four months admonition he is to be discharged. Upon the return of the ships from the seas, no more munition is to be left for their defence in harbour than is actually necessary, and the rest is to be put again in the stores, and charged upon the keeper there. 

As upon the death of the Earl of Warwick, complaints were made that ~\~had been abused in that Office by his claiming for fees sundry quan­tities of munitions, We appointed certain Commissioners to enquire into what he could claim by patent, whereupon it was proved that he had acted unlawfully, and he was condemned in great sums of money. \Ve t:ierefore charge you to avoid any such courses that may bring you into like danger, both of Our displeasure and prejudice to your own estate by ~xceeding your authority and so become in Our debt, as the late Earl was 
in no small sums.46 
Vain hopes. Pilfering still persisted and jealousies smouldered. Conditions were hardly likely to have improved under the Master­ship ofEssex since Sir George Carew-the Lieutenant-was a strong supporter of the Cecils whose power and prestige Essex had set out t? destroy. Intrigues followed and accusations against officials con­tinued to be made. In 1598, Essex appointed SirJohn Davis Surveyor ofthe Ordnance in succession to William Partridge, and Henry Jacob keeper ofthe small store vice Fowkes. Carew then appointed Richard Palfreyman to take over from Jacob, and, during the Lieutenant's 
absence in Ireland, Palfreyman acted as sub-treasurer of the Ord­nance.47 The division of responsibilities between the keepers of the ?reat and small stores seems to have been very ill-defined, and this intraduced a further source of friction. John Lee, the keeper of th 
:; S.P.D. Elizabeth, vol. cclxii, no. 105 (C.S.P. Elizabeth, 1595-1597, P· 381). 
S.P.D. Elizabeth, vol. cclxviii, no. 13. 
49 



THE BACKGROUND 
great store, ,-vrotc in June 15g8 to Sir Robert Cec1.1that ,Mr Fowkes h ad a fcormer patent for keeping the musk t li d
h. d h h E 1 f E e s, ea vers an dags On 
1s eat , t e ar o ssex Master of th O d · 
Jacob to his place and on taking the re ~ r nance, appointed one to have been wasted by l\,f. F ,main £73o or better was found hope thatJacob may be h 1~ . owkes: John Lee concludes with the no loss may be attribute~ t re~ons1ble for the deficiencies and that
48 
succeeded to the keepershi foth im. When, however, Palfreyman
P O e small store L ' · · d 
went a radical change H th . ' ee s viewp01nt un er­
. e en claimed auth 't b h
and attempted to treat Palfr on Y over ot stores Palfreyman who as a repr· elymfian as .a s~bordinate. This infuriated 
' isa , re used 1n his · b
to pay Lee an allowance f £ . capacity as su -treasurer without authority. SirJohn~ ~o which he said was being drawn
avis supported Le . t p lfr
and the two factions resorted t0 . e agams a eyman, about and even acts ofph · °.J?en stnfe. Insults were freely hurled
ys1ca1v10lence d Th . f
public enquiry into the state f h occurre . e question o a
0
· • t e Ordnance b · 
and, m view of the scandals takin . now ecame p ressing, delayed. A solemn commi • g place, act10n could no longer be
ss10n was th £ . d . 8 
under which a very detailed inv . .ere ore issue 1n July I 59 place.49 eStigatwn of the whole Office took 
The Commissioners were inst
ructed to: 
(I) Reform the office proced

down clearly the exact duties of~~e aud prevent future confusion by laying Clerk of the Ordnance and Clerke sever~l o~ces ofLieutenant, Surveyor, 
(2) 
Make the keepership f h of Dehvenes. 


(3) 
Inform Mr Lee the k O t e small store a distinct office authority over the sm;ll stoeeper of the great store, that his cl~im to have 

(4) 
Order Mr Lee to dere_ wafis to be submitted to the Courts. 



s1st rom t t"

servants. rus mg the keys of the store to 
(5) Arrange for patentees fc 

Ordnance Office as heretofo or gunpowder to receive their pay out of the whe • re, and not f 1
re no one particular person ' as O ate, out of the Exchequer 

(6) Remove the arms fi was accountable for it cayed d h rom the storeh · 
an w ere they are sub" ouse at Woolwich which is de­of London. ~ect to embezzlement and rust' to the To\t\ er 
(7) Build a proper pla . ' 

powder a d ce in the Wh"t1 T
n arrange matters so th e ower for the storage of gun­. (8) Make arrangements to k at the oldest powder can be used first. m (st)orRe. eep a staple quantity of munitions always 
9 enew to the L"

commissio fc • ieutenant and oth 
ns or taking timber etc fc h er Officers of the Ordnance, the by the a sence f s· G · or t e O d "d
late S b O ir eorge Ca r nance Office rendered vo1 
urveyor rew and th d h • ' "d
(io) Arr · e eat of William Partn ge, ange for some l
arge roo 
48 C.H.P. vol a ms at Chatham, belonging to the 
2
" S.P.D. •be' p. 42.

th, vol. cc1xv···

m, no. 13. 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
Ad . h
~ira1ty, to be used for the reception of ordnance from sh·
saving £io h "d ips, t ereby
a year, t e renta1 pa1 for a storehouse at Rochest 
( 
11 ) Arrange for monthly payments to prevent rising priceser. 

( 
12) Arrange for the execution of the office of Clerk of Dei· · b 


one perso t d . . 1venes y
, n, no two un er a Jomt patent, so that confusion in the r d 
may be avoided. ecor s 
al (1 3) Issue a_ command to the sub-treasurer to cease paying the yearl lowances which Officers of the Ordnance have lately given thems l y and the clerks. e ves 
( 1 4) Reform the abuse of receipts of monies for powder and munitions unaccounted for by Ordnance Officers. 
(_1 5) Remove from their posts all guilty offraud, embezzlement, falsifi­cation of records, etc. 
Alt~ough the work of the Commission dragged on for months a set of instructions for the better service of the Ordnance was issded soon after it commenced its labours.50 
Th~ MSS. of the Marquis of Salisbury at Hatfield51 contain vivid pen pictures of the undignified scenes which took place. George Harvey, writing to Sir Robert Cecil on 4 April 1600, says: 
. On 2 February last I was deputed to the lieutenancy of the Ordnance in the absence of Sir George Carewe. I am and always have been very loth, so that her Majesty be truly served, to give distaste to any man, but now I must beseech your aid for suppressing such violent humours as are ~ome amongst us. On Thursday 13th March, myselfand the officers being in the office, Mr Paulfreyman, this bearer, being sub-treasurer, and spe~king for her Majesty's benefit and Sir George Carewe's security in paying of an allowance of£20 per annum to the Keeper ofthe Store, given and set down in the quarter-book in the interim betwixt the death of Sir Robert Constable,02 and the entrance ofSir George Carewe, by the officers ~nly without any further warrant, it pleased Sir John Davis to call him saucy companion' and to say that it was an indignity not to be endured?Y the officers, adding further that if the matter did belong unto him, as It did to Mr Lee, Paulfreyman would not dare to speak on it. And yester­:ay_again, myself going to the Tower about the quarter b?ok and othe_r 
erv1ces, I desired, for assistance, Mr Paulfreyman to go with me, who is her Majesty's servant a man very well experienced in the Office of Ord­nance, being sub-tre;surer and the patentee for keeping the small arms, whose predecessors have ever had a place in the office. Finding the Sur­veyor, SirJohn Davis and other ofthe officers there present, I immediately proceeded to the ser~ices and willed the companies to depart, amongst Who:n seeing Mr Paulfre;man, I willed him to stay. Whereupon Sir John Davis replied that he was no officer and therefore he should not stay, and so commanded him out. The other answered that, ifit were my pleasure, he would depart. Herewith Sir John Davis growing in choler, threatened 
. lZ., VO . 1 · 
6 lil°C.S P . El' 1 cc x1x, no. 44· . . . . 
Calendared and published by the Historical MSS. Comrmss1on. uL•ieutenant of the Ordnance, 1588-1591. 

51
50 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1 4 1 4-1670

THE BACKGROUND J. 


to thrust him out , and s . . r. · 1 .
o nsmg irom h t

and, not being able to do it himself is s 00 t~ok hrm by the shoulders, and another ruffianly r II h ' he called his servants, William Scott 
. h ie ow w ose n I k

wit whose help he viole tl . ame now not, into the office· 
. n Yearned h · M p ' 

o this abuse to :rvfr Li"e t im out. r aulfreyman complained
f u enant of th T b

were found to be true I d b e ower efore whom the premises
· ou t not M L"

and also the indignity , ·h· h b fc r ieutenant will avouch the same 
• \ IC e ore h. s· J ' 

saymg I was insolent and b d rm ir ohn Davis did offer me in I requested the Clerk of th u~ad eputy. On Friday, also, the 14th March the rest of the officers un: C~ nance, Mr Riddleston, to go or send with
th

fajesty's ships there, and ~ : am to take the remains of four of her upon he replied that he th O th ~ OTder for the answering thereof Where-
b tak oug t 1t · 
e en, and he did in tr th . not necessary any remains at all should no n · u ne1ther go nor send about the said service
n ·t11standmg that fcor th 
e same s · ' 

annum. If these savao-e ervice only he hath allowance £50 per l\.1.aJesty· that service b ave passage, I shall not be able to
d her 'f" • coursesh.mah Y h 0 w ic I willingly would.53 
On 4 April I 600, Sir John Pe . 

an account of the seen b yton, Lieutenant of the Tower gi es 
s· R e etween s· J . ,

to rr obert Cecil and ir ohn Da 1s and Mr Palfreyman 
· ' wamsh· .

vanou~ officers are not cl d im that if the responsibilities of the 
1

authonty, her Maiesty cear Y befined and laid down \\'ith overriding
~ annot _ ­
11
oyce, Lady Carew ·r . e we served . .:i4
J 
'Wlle ofSir G O 

hushand's absence she v,....·t eorge, then enters the lists. In her 
on behalf. fRichard Palfivii es to s·1r R bert Cecil. on 2 r May r 600
0 

wh~ JS to hear the cause ~e~man and begs for letters to M r Attorney eo_rge Harvey then rete ween Mr Lee and Mr Palfr yman.55 . urns to th ovember
e wntes t s·rr Robert c . e attack on 28 r 600.
H 0 
1

avis who h eci ·
DH m e refers to as, conceh rrung h"1s differen• ces with SirJohn ethaccused the Surveyor ofa s epstar's son, hatched in Gutter Lane'. S e can serve the n, g e the dictator of the office
o at non wantin tO b . as x.ueen b ·
orders L"ieutenant and f b ut h. imself, ofcountermanding his manner H ' o eh · ·
will b j, e warns Cecil that .f avmg generally in an offensi e ~ rought to 'the old I such a course is effected the office Wherem her MaJesty lost andcourse of R 1 .
prays r, s· . ow and and Painter ' s' services, house Hor Ir Robert's help· whas d:ceived almost £100,000'. Be In D· ' ot erw1se he will· ret:Ir• e to his· own 
ecember of h

surer) the Lo t e same year L
to inv~ti rd Admiral, Mr eh ord Buckhurst (the Lord Trea-Ordnancg~!eJtbe charges and ancellor and Sir Robert Cecil rnet only afterehis _ohn Lee, howeve~ounter-charges of the Officers of the 
mterrogation that '. preserved a discreet silence. It was : C.H.P., vol. ' in a letter to Sir Robert Cecil dated 
C.H.P vol 10 , p. 100. 

11 c.H.P·, . 10 , p• 101 •
vol .. C.H.p:' vo1· 10, p. 153. ., CAP~ voL io, p. 399. 
IO, p. 411. 
52 
I 6 December I 600, he accused Palfreyman of er t . 
regard to monies detained by him from h PMP~ rating abuses in 
. 1 er a.iesty' b" 
tit e of poundage and other financial offences os d s su t~ects in the matter be left to Cecil's censure. Mrs Ann~ c::e~u~~eS ed that mother, then appeals to Sir Robert Cecil on behalf ~~ G~orge's Palfreyman, in the absence of her son in Ireland a p ~chard 
Munster.59 s resident of 

After eighteen months offurther wrangling, John Lee writ . Robert Cecil on 1 I June 1 602, and begs his pardon fo th es to Sir he has committed in his suit to the Queen, to refer to th: Le ~ffen~e Just:Ic~ and others the hearing ofhis controversy with Mr p:i}re Chief touching the custody of the small guns. He places himself h yman Cecil's sentence on the matter.6°Finally, later on in the sw oily to he begs leave to be allowed to alienate the office and 'se~me year, place of the keepership of her Majesty's Store of th;v~~he of Ordnance to some such one as shall be held b ce Honour .and my Lord Treasurer to be sufficient for the,;{ ;:our of the same'. G1 sc arge 
The Lee-Palfreyman controversy has been set out at some 1 h as it gi es an insight into the general atmosphere of the o~:eg~f Ordnance at the end of the Tudor dynasty. It was by no m
. . . eans uruque, other manoe1:vres of a s1m.i1ar _character took place. Lookin back over the centuries, one may srmle at such puerile behavio g considering it more akin to the antics ofmischievous schoolboys thur, 
to the actions of men charged with affairs ofState. At the time, ho:~ 
eve:, it was indicative of a sinister influence within the body politic 
which, inducing irresponsibility on the part of those who should 
have known better, spelled danger in a time of national crisis. 
The result of all these heart-searchings and commissions was a 
reformation of the Office of Ordnance, and an increased establish­
men~ more in keeping with later practice was laid dmvn; the senior 
official being given control ofthe whole business ofordnance, by land 
as well as sea, under the designation of Great 1Vfaster. Under the 1598 
Commission an inventory was made of all the ordnance and stores 
at every place under the charge of the Officers of the Ordnance, and 
on board every ship of the Navy, whether in harbour or at sea, and 
every article valued. Such a 'remain' had evidently been made twenty 
ye~rs previously for in Francis Peck's Desiderata Curiosa appears an 
~timate of the stores with their value in cash i~ the Office of 
rdnance, both within the Tower and aboard ship for the · ar 
1578.•2 • 
6a CH 
60 
c:H·~·, vol. 10, p. 4 1 6 . so CH. ,, vol. 11, p. 500. &1 c•H.P., vol. 12, p. 1g1. s2 n· _.P., vol. 12, p. 575. P· 75·
ed., London 177
es1derala C . y Francis. Peck, ne,
urwsa b 
53 


THE BACKGROUND 
A synopsis gives the items and their. vaIues as 10r. IIows: 
I Ordnance remaining in the Tower of London Cannons 18 Cannon pieces I Demi-cannons I I Culverins 
8 
Demi-culverins 
20 Sacres 
I I 
Minions 
8 
Falcons 
7
Falconets 
20 
In all 104 II Ordnance remaining on b d h .
oar s zps 
Cannon pieces 
24 
Demi-cannons 
36 
Demi-cannon pieces 
5
Culverins 
76
Demi-culverins 
n8 
Sacres 
123
Minions 
30 
Falcons 
39 
Falconets 
3
Fowlers, with two eh b 
a . am ers 
piece; and port .
pieces 
-17 In all 471 III Shot in the Tower Cross-backed and .
iron shot round of several h . h ' 
Stone shot for e1g ts 47,000 
cannon i 
port pieces and r:o Ip ece,
i• w ers 

4,500 In all 51,500 IV Shot aboard the h.
s zps 
Iron shot Stone shot 100,000 1,300 101,300

V Powder and stull'fi In all 
':JJ . or powder i h 
Corned and ser . n t e Tower Saltpetre pentme powder SS lasts Sulphur 10 ooo weight 20 ' ooo weight






Corn and serpentine 
powder (<limed) ' lasts 
54 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 

VI Small guns and munitions in the Tower 
7,000
Calivers 
5,000
Dags 63 60,000 weight
Match 
8,000
Bows 
16,000 sheaves
Arrows 
10,000
Morispikes64 
3,500

Bills65 VII Small guns and munitions aboard ships 
320
Calivers 300 weight
Match 
380 
Bows 
380 sheaves
Arrows 
460 
Morespikes 
460 
Bills 

In addition there was in the Tower an assortment ofso-called rich weapons, con~isting of pikes, halberts,yartisans, jave~ns, ?oar spears and pole-axes. The valuation of this total collect10n 1s given as £38,876. rgs. d. These remains in store were over and above those
4

which had from time to time been issued by warrant to forts, castles and other fortified places. . . . 
A Harleian MS. No. 5344 in the B~1t1sh_ Museu~ det~1ls the establishment of the Ordnance with their daily salaries durmg the expedition to St Quintin in the year 1557 as under: 
£  s.  d.  
I  6  8  
The master of th'ordynance  13  4  
His lieutenant  10  0  
Master of the carriages  5  0  
The trenchemaster  I  0  
A chaplain  2  0  
A clerke of th'ordynance  2  0  
Two clerks  I  0  
A surgeon  6  0  
S~xe bowyers  6  0  
Sixe fletchers  3  0  
Three carpenters  n J  0  
Three smythes  4  0  
Three guyders of th'ordynance  3  0  0  
Twelve carriages  I  0  
A drumme  
63 p·  

64 L1stols. 
ss A'Y/?;e pikes. mtl of pike or halbcrt. 
55 
THE BACKGROUND 
A phife 
A hundreth and twentie symres Ten halberdyers Hacquebutters on horseback 
for the lieutenant Master gonner Twelve gonners 
I  I 5 10  0 0 0  
6 3 16  0 4 0  

Another document (E c di MS . .
th t t I t bli h O ce .) published by M r P eck gives 
r. lle O a es a s ment of the ordnance and artillery in I 578 as 

10 ows: 
Master of the Ordnance 
2 clerks 
Lieutenant of the Ord 
Clerk nance 
Surveyor of the Ordna 
Clerk nee 
Keeper of the great st h 
Clerk ore ouse 
Keeper of the small st h Clerk of the great st ohre ouse 
ore ouse 
erk of the small st h
Cl ore ouse aster-gunner of E
M ng1and 
2 gunner soldiers, each 
And each a gunner's room 
I gunner smith And a gunner's room 1 gun store maker And a gunner's room 1 saltpetre maker 
carpenter
1 
I engineer or artificer I deli • 
0 dn a tion to this headqu 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 

the ~litary branch ofthe Board ofOrdnance to be placed on a sound footing.
Another Harleian MS. (No. 847, folio 4gb, A.D. 1578) entitled The Order of a Campe or Armye Royall with the duties of every officer belon · to the same: per B Con M ilit '?78 gives the_ duties of~he Master of~~! Ordnance. m the field at this date. A bnef transcnption in modern 
Ianguage 1s as follows : 
(I) Upon receiving his charge at the hands of the Council to sat· fy
h. ffi. ' n
1mself that a camp (of war) has a su c1ency of munitions and oth warlike stores pertaining to the ordnance before he himself arrives u er the scene. Also that there is present a lieutenant of the ordnance and~~: 
necessary clerks, all in wages.
(2) On arrival to take ?harg~ of a1;1 ordnance, shot, powder, match, firework~, bows, arrows, stnng, R1kes,.bills, halberts, harquebuses, calivers, lances, light horsemen staves, Javelins and boarspears. In addition, to r~ceive all ladders, ladles, artillery spong~s, mattocks, spades, shovels, pickaxes, crow-bars, cartwheels for gun carnages, gun carnages, axletrees, hand axes, windoses66 for the defence of ordnance, cart traces, other cart equipment, cressettes, lights, lanterns, candles and torches with all other 
necessities which must be foreseen.
(3) To park all such stores on the most appropriate site selected by the 

provost-marshal.
(4) 
To entrench the store-park against fire and to place a guard over it. 

(5) 
T o ensure a competent nurn~er of smiths, carpent~rs, artific~rs etc. 



under him to give efficient service 1n the field. Such artificers to mclude bowyers, fletchers masons and wheelwrights.
(6) To cause the clerk of the ordnance to issue stores and munitions on demand to officers whose soldiers lack supplies and to take receipts for 
the same for final delivery to the treasurer. 
(7) To site artillery for battle and general_ly to ~ke charge of the guns durmg an action which were under the un.med1ate command of the master gunner who as the executive officer in charge of the artillery of a train, was re;ponsible for the training of his men and for the care ofhis 
equipment. 
The Board was again reorganized at the end of Elizabeth's reign so that as James I ascended the throne the Great Master and Lieutenant ~ecame respectively the Master-General a~d Lie~tenant-General, though 
n succeeding patents the use ofthe new utles chd not become general for some forty or fifty years. A further committee of enquiry took place in the reign ofJames I. On I g N0vember 1618_the s_tate of the ~lf!ce of Ordnance was referred to Sir Edward Cecil!'. Sir Thom~s wtr:'\h, Sir Lionel Cranfield (afterwards ~he ~arl or:Middl sex),_ ir t illiam Harvey, Sir Edward Conway, Sir Richard Moryson (Liu­
th 

enant ofthe Ordnance), SirJohn Kay, Sir John Wolst nholm 66 Po ·b1 • d "th tures ( indo 1 
throu ssi Y mantlets of wood as a kind of gun-sh1el Wl aper 11 
gh, See Journal of the Society of Army Historical Research, vol. I, PP· -l l • 
57 

r nance at Berw· k arter staff, there were a M aster oft e IC , 6 other m t nd 
gunners and sund . as er-gunners, a muster ma ster a 
nd
333 
castles ofEngland A ry artificers scattered round the forts a 53~ gunners were kep;etflurn of the 24 ships of the line showed that artillerym · a oat The ·ned 
. en m England. En ·. r? were thus nearly r ,ooo tra1 . a regunental orgaru·z ti" ghsh artillery at this date was still lacking establishment of offica · It was not a regiment with a definite
on · eight_ years were to ~rs a~d 0ther ranks. One hundred and thirtY·
th 
matnx. The time ho pse efore Such a formation emerged frolll e unorgamz· cd ' Wever dwas.at hand when the rubicon betwee


guildsmen n
d 
an trained soldiery was to be passed, a ri 
56 
£ s. d. 
at 151 11 8 p.a. one at I o p.d. 
one at 8 p.d.
at 36 lo o p.a. 
at 12 13 4 p.a.at 36 10 o p.a. 
at 12 13 4 p.a. 
at 50 o o p.a. 
at 12 13 4 p.a. at 40 o o p.a.
p a 
at 50 o o · · 
6 p a 
at 3 o o · · 
66 a 
at 13 4 P· · 
at r o p.d.
8 d 
at P· · at 8 p.d. at 6 p.d. at 8 p.d. at 6 p.d. 
at 6 p.d. 
at 8 p.d. at 8 p.d. h 

THE BACKGROUND 
two Auditors of Imprest or one Of h
Francis Morice ( Cl k t em, Mr John Cooke and Mr Sir Richard Morys~: ~~:~e ~ rdnance), or any six_ofthem (whereof be one) to frame and mou~ n Kay and Mr Monce had always to 
th
vantage of his Maj t d e same as may be most to the ad­subject.67 Little es y ~n t~e State without hurt or wrong to the 
O
that certain office~s ~e:-ete~t~on followed upon its findings except ractices. Further di P rushed and others removed for corrupt 
or nances h 'b· ·
P promulgated durin t pro 1 _itmg the
were export of ordnance century.ss g he openmg years of the seventeenth 
A MS. quoted by GroseG9 .
to the powers of the M gives some curious particulars relating duty ofthe provost-a~ter of the O~dnance intermingled with the disciplinary measur::~ t:eof the artillery. It deals mainly with the a town the best bell th . field, and states that on the conquest of gunners and their co er~m should be handed over to the m aster 
F . mparues . ranc1s Markham in h' ·. 
m London by Augusti ~ Five Decades af Epistles of Warre, printed tho~e of other high mi~~a attbe~s m 1622, gives the duties, among This description app _ry officials, of the master of the ordnance, In modern orthog::r~ in ~piStie VII of the fifth decad. Th M p y t e extract reads as follows : . e aster of the Ord

Artillery) is or should b nance (sometimes referred to as the General of experience, and indeede a person of great gravity valour wisdom and eh a man 0 f b ' ' 
os~n to the place by the p . n~ le descent and parentage, being ~ubstitute. His office is a 1 rmce himself, and seldom by any inferior mto two · ranches thP ace of gr t importance · and exten d eth 1tse1f
mam b ea · as he hath charge of th'e et?lnle ever at home, and ~he other abroad; for care ffof all th e fc d r. .' mumt10ns in the · camp so he hath
f. orts, castles ar 1 ery o · hard; hfrom the camp. yet tnth orl!fied places which are re~oved, or lie 
a e only the cas; of thn. e guard and respect of that army, neither em safe d e1r safety b

th'd . 'an to that end · , ut also the manner how to keep s1 eration as th . 1s to draw d . .
inla d ' e Situations and sun ry mcumstances into }us con-co _n. or by the sea, mount . strengths ofall places whatsoever whether DJomed or · d amous or fl • ' h
and wh nuxe together· th at, or mdeed any or all oft ese fittest i:,~must be made str~n/~ what places are strengthened by nat'-'.re, fonns to defend itself. d Y art, the form of the strength as being , as wheth · ' an offend th ' 0 f
and last! th er 11 be circular e enemy, the several sorts earth t y e ~atter whereo ' shquare, or contrived into many angles: ' s one bnck . n t e stre h . . b
He is als' 'llmber or an ngt 1s made, as whether 1t e fortificatio o to draw into his coy ?~her material and binding substance. the offenc':~r"nd _that they are n:,,~ration the nature and quality of all 
artillery, as to d r. e and framed as well to withstand ., Dasen' e1end and k he

"D t kts oft!,, p. eep able themselves by t Vol XXX.t' Acts oft"4 p" .l!Y C<nmcil, vol XXX 
••Gr ,III, .P.· 437. "'!Y C<nmcil, voi. XXI VI, p. 307. 8 
0IC Miltuw, At,tin.,;,· 'pp. 417, 430-431. Vol. xxxn, P· 4 7·I ..,-ies, 1786 cd 
,, vol. I p
58 ' p. 235-237• 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNAI\;'CE 1414-1670 

help of artillery: and for this cause it is most necessa 
o~ the ordnance be skilful in the knowledge of all fortsry t~a~ the master p1ec~s, as whether they be royal (which are the e an sizes of great 5r";.hich are the lesser) yet all to be employed in ';;;t::'.5:lte:r ~ni,r-royal 
e. royal are those we call the culverin, the quarter cannon °th adtter~. cannon the c h d bl , e em1­
d . , annon, t e ou e-cannon, the cannon-pedera th b T and mdeed any piece which shooteth a ball from 1 71b. weigh( or e aSi ;k atln the under-roy al are the derni-culverin, the saker the minion thup':a1r s · 
1e falcon t th b' h h ' , e 1a con
h. e , e ro met, t e arquebuss a crock and indeed an • ' 

w ich _shooteth a projectile from 17lb. weight downwards and t{ piecde -
nance. is. the master not on1y by h'1s authonty. and patents to ' providis or d ~':,'se; _either by purchase, prize or casting, as the ability of the place !~:re D resideth will afford, but also to see them mounted either upon carr· '7 the field, upon bulwarks, forts, castles, town-walls, or any other ~~ges 0 offence or defence, as shall appear best in his judgment: and to ;~.e1 end he shall be of approved judgment in all manner of fortifications a ~ able to direct the inferior officers under him (as the lieutenant of th; o;d­~tnce_, the engine-master, the trench-master, captain of pioneers and the ~-e) in the framing of bulwarks, curtains, cavaleros, tenazas, 70 tizeras t~entes, case-mates, teraplenes,71 trenches, ditches, or anything belongin~ an their own sa~ety, or the en~my's annoyance_; as als? ho:" to refortify b Y place that 1s decayed, or 1n the first erection by 111 drrections hath 
een m ade contrary to art, whereby the platform is to be new moulded 

an~ reformed: and herein he ought to be capable of discerning (upon a 
serious view) any hindrance and annoyance whatsoever, which shall 
acc_ompany his work, as whether it be without the situation of the work, 
as if there be hills, plains, rivers, lakes, valleys, rocks, woods, vineyards, 
?rchards, gardens, monasteries, old churches, or any other edifices, seas, 
islands, bays or the like, or else within the situation, having regard to the 
;au, and every quality thereof, the height and thickness of the teraplene, 
he strength of the gates the depth of the ditches, whether wet or dry 

hoW waters are conveyed' into it, whether by open and natural channels,' 
or by closed and secret conduits, the altitude of the place, as whether it 
be above or below other buildings that are about it, with a world of other 
observations; all of which if they breed any annoyance or inconvenience 
he shall be able immediately to reform and cure, making the place safe 
and strong, howsoever nature hath promised the contrary; and in this 
wir~ he shall have great care to husba~d e;erything ~s frugally as is
!' ss1b'.e, and to be respective over the Princes purs~, usmg stone ~here 
tone 1s plentiful brick where brick is made, and timber where timber 

groweth; and where any of these are wanting to use either strong turf or 
h

earth or any other matter which the place affordel . As thus the Master of the Ordnance hath these commandments in :en:,ote, foreign and out-of-the-way places: so hath he in the camp a a~~ent and great controlments; for ~here the general ~barge of t~e. who! !•llery dependeth upon him and h,s necessary substitutes, of which the Pnncipal are the Lieutenant of the Ordnance, the Clerk of the Ordnanc ' 
10 Ar
ittle stronghold made of one bulwark. 
71 Earth that is made into a rampart and filled up against a wall or huh ar · 
59 



THE BACKGROUND 

the pay-master, the purveyor-general fc .
hinger 72 a chancellor di" . ' our scribes, four stewards, a har­
' ' vers interpreter l I . . . 

surgeon a trumpeter all e • s, a c 1ap am, a phys1c1an a
' , ng1neers and fi ' 

and foot, gentlemen of the d re ners, a guard of both horse 
Or nance and h lb d" d

se,·eral places ( of the most m t . a er iers, an over all these 
· • a ena1 whereof I h I d · 
1s the chief superintendent and h h h ave ~ rea y written) he according to his pleasure ;nd . d at t e power to dispose of all things choice and controlment of all JU gment, as also he hath the command, 
both giveth unto them their sev gu~n~is and cannoniers whatsoever, and several attendants. era a owances, and doth allot them their 
It is also in the power of the M 
under him both shipwrights b ast~r of the Ordnance to press and have who at his appointment shail f:a~:r~ghts and other necessary carpenters, may be portable, and at pleas k oats, barges and other vessels which 
· d ure ta en asund d · · 

portat1on an carriage of the er an JOmed, for the trans-of the sea, by fastening these barmy over any great rivers, or small arms strongly boarded and planked oa~ togeth~r, and making bridges thereof done in divers foreign armie 'and well r~iled on either side, as hath been 
. h . h s, an also w1th h
e1g ty-e1g t, when the army d . · us ere at home in the year
an prov · 

etween Kent and Essex. so th isions were ferried over the T hamesb · h · at of th b
e m t e army under the b ese oats for bridges should neverb 
(under the Master of the Or~um er of forty at least, over wh·eh charo-e shipl\Tights, amaster-carpentnance) should be a captain of the boats ~o 
d f h er to plank th ' 
a guar o orsemen to cond h em, twenty sailors and caulkers, h f th . uct t em tw0 . h
c arge o e ironwork· a ' sm1t s and their 1nen to have 
h 1 . h , master of th bl 
w ee wng t and certain carters t . e ea es, anchors and graplings, a The Master of the Ord O dnve the carriages
nance a · · 

bers and proportions of all ppmnteth under his signature he nurn­army d d li manner of • • 
. . , an e vereth to the lieu mumtions which shall attend the d15tributed to the inferior offic tenant who seeth them provided and c~arge, and dispose or deliv ersh, and the inferior officers keep them in either from th M er t em out th .
U e aster of the O d as ey shall rece1 e w arrant nder the command of th Mr nance, or his lieutenant. master the c1 k f e aster of th o . •
' er o the car · e rdnance 1s the carnage-
master 73 a nages the h b· ' 
' d provost, two carpente ' ar mger, the steward the gil­oxen an all th t d rs, two fa · ' 
offi d a raw any kind f rners and all the carters, horses, alsoce: o not only calculate what o. armament; and he or his inferior weig:i a~ ~um~er of cattle shall ;;eiI5ht every carriage should draw, but denu· wit which they are laden. e m every draught, according to the 
-cannon tw ty b , as to d .
beasts a d ' en easts, a culve . raw a cannon, thirty beasts; a with ~onw~~eit~e rest answerablert1;; tt;;'~nt-y_ four beasts; a saker, twelve wheels thir will draw twenty h d e1r bigness, eight beasts in a cart ' ty or forty h un redw · h · • r. 
same proportio . undredweight· a eig_ t; 11:1 a waggon with 1our allow a com ns' and to the carriag ' hnd so likewise answerable to the 
petent n b es t e M Jl

and last ofall h um er ofattendant aSter of the Ordnance sha
1I

the provision ': a! see that a revere ; to oad and unload the carriages; ., A ' eepmg and disposing:r=~d g_?od order be kept, both in ,. 1 T: person aent on in acfva thmgs whatsoever hath been 
l'aDlport Officer nee ofan
• army to secure billets. 
60 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-16 70 

already rehearsed; so shall he crown himself with all the 10 1· h" an~ due to his place, and make the truth of his renown a l.~r ;: ndw ich stair by which to climb to the highest advancement. g easy 
Francis Markham was fifty-seven years old when he wr t th · eulogy. He had seen much fighting in his life, both in Fland:re ~ the ~ow Countries, and, though inclined to be prolix wat anll qualified to deal with his subject. His verbosity howev~r waswe 
un· · T d d S . ' , not
1q1:e m u or an tuart times, and other authors indulged 1· ~he vice of tautological immensities and fulsome sycophancy. Wh ~ is gleaned from Markham's panegyric is that the Master oft~ Ordnance must be a first class man of wisdom and experience H.e
ffi · • IS 

o ~e 1s ofgreat importance both at home and on active service sine he is_ r_esponsible for the static defence of the realm, the provi;ion 0~ mun1t10ns and the command of the artillery in the field. He is in charge of all fortifications and bridging trains and of the transport of stores_on t~e ma_rch. In o~her words, he is the general of artillery, t~~ engmeer-m-ch1ef, the director of transport, and the chief pro­v1s10ns officer. We also gather that the duties of the office overseas are quite distinct from those exercised when in the Tower of London. 
In the reign of Charles I, a warrant dated g March 162774 stated that o-wing to the frequent abuses complained of by officers of His Majesty's armoury and stores, as well as in the purloining of, and the chopping and changing of, arms issued from store for the Land and Sea Services, and likewise owing to the abuse of divisions and coun­t~es borrowing arms from each other, 'His _Majesty th~refore, for a timely remedy thereof, and for the preventing of the like in future, hath, by the advice of his Privy Council, thought fit and appointed that all muskets and other arms to be henceforth issued out of His Majesty's stores for Land Service shall be marked with the mark C.R., and for the Sea Service with the mark C.R. and an anchor'. The remainder of the warrant forbade, under severe penalty, the selling of and trafficking in arms, and ordered that district marks Were to be stamped on the weapons of each company and _band; the officers of the Ordnance, Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy Lieutenants being made responsible for the order being c~rried out. As a result a standard arm of uniform pattern was established at the Ordnance Office; and all the arms of the trained bands were to be made con­formable to it. A fixed tariff of prices was also added for the supply and repair of arms, a monopoly being given_ to the commissio~ers. The commissioners, appointed by the Crown 1n~une 1631, co11:s1sted of certain armourers gunmakers and bandoliers of the City of Lo~don who agreed' to supply the Tower stores, on seven days 
notice, with 1,soo armourers and as many muskets every month, and 
74 Rhym. Foed .. vol. XVIII, p. 978. 
61 



THE BACKGROUND 

to train up apprentices to their trade so that the realm might be supplied by this means, and be independent of foreign states and princes. Thus did the connection with the Board of Ordnance and the small arms trade become forged. Although the crown mark was only to appl_y to muskets and similar weapons, this warrant of 1627 marks t~e birth of stamping or engraving the government mark on all warlike stores a?~ equipment as a symbol of serviceability. 
Although.co?1miss_ions had sat and laboured during the previous forty years _m 1_nvestigations and attempts to reform the Office of Ord~ance, 1t still lacked a sound organization. Though some of its officials were untrustworthy and thought only of their own interest,
th 0th
e~e w~~e ers who honestly tried to do their duty to the best of their ability, and the blame cannot be laid entirely at the door of the staff. The trouble arose ·n1 fi f · 
Th. h d fc . mai Y rom the Crown system o service. 
IS a our main weaknesses h· h b • k t th 
. w 1c y their nature struc a e

root ofall efficient mana T · 
f ffi · 1 fc l'fc gement. hese were: (r) The appointment ~ ~d cit s or 1 e. (2) The appointment of each official on an in­VI ua patent. (3) Low pay, and (4) Lack of any superannuation 
arrangements. The inferences are obv· E 
· h' d IOus. veryone considered hi1nself supreme
m IS own epartment •b h 
tended to d' d h '. responsi le only to the Crown. He t us
1sregar t e in tr t' · 1

It was extremely difficult / ~c ions of_more highly placed offic1a_ 5• factory officer Th O dispense with the services of an unsatls­
. ere was a great t · Ious

to augment their . emptat10n for the less scrupu fraud which had :ea~e incomes by indulging in various forms of custom. With no re: . 0 our of sanctity bestowed on them by long office which their advnng_ age and pension in view, n1en hung on to 
them quite unfit to r~n~ing y_ears and increasing ill h ealth r endered the pilfering of publi ain. Given these drawbacks in an age when understand why come s_to~es was winked at in private, it is easy to 
. . . . missions stru I d • . h ad­
rrurustration 1n a rapid! ex . gg e 1n vain to strengt en age. y panding department steeped in patron-During the reign ofCh to place the Office of Or~~:s I, therefore, further efforts were made 1628 
a survey was made b nee on a sounder footing. On I 7 May

st0 th 
res held and ofthos •uy e Master-General and others of all the 
· e Sti r · Th
estimates for replaci·ng th equired to complete establishment. e
Tw ese d fi · d 15 
o years later there Was e_ ~1encies was £227,399. 2s. 10 • the C!erk, the Keeper of tha petition to the King by the Surveyc:r, touching the government fe Store, and the Clerk of the Deliveries 
were annex d T O the Offi . . sals
al . e · he office ce to which certain propo teration the King rnigh~s expressed their willingness to adopt anY 
=S.P.D. Charles I, vol . suggest.76 On 2 January I 630, the .:King.P.D. Char•-1 • c1v, no. 13
.1a1 
, Vol. clxxix • 
'no. 50. 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 

issued a warrant to the Attorney-General to prepare a bill for a commission to the Lord Treasurer, the Earl Marshal, the Lord Steward and other high officers of state to re-survey the Office of Ordnance and to ascertain what provisions were in the hands of the officers in 1620 and what was omitted from the survey then taken.77 Matters still failed to improve. Apa:t from mismanagement, money ran short and this increased the anxiety of the Office. On 30 August 1 64r, the Offi.~ers of the Ordnance wrote to the Lords Committees appointed by Parliament to supply the kingdom with munitions and said: 
v\Te have held it our duties to represent to you the n~cessity of supporting that Office whence the whole kingdom must ofnecessity be 'munited • and the rather that we understand the Parliament has already take~ into consideration the condition of his Majesty's avy, and provided for the payment of arrears and the future subsis_tence ther.eof; since the Office of Ordnance, the only magazine royal bemg defective, tho~gh the _ avy, troops and forts in all other respects were never so plentifully provided for they can be ofno real advantage or service to the kingdom. We present to ~our consideration the seasonable ordering ofa competent and unalter­able assio-nment both for the satisfaction of the arrears and the necessary support ~f that 'office for the future, by the want whereof His Maj~sty by some of the late expeditions has been put t_o more than £5oo per diem unnecessary charge for divers weeks, that ~~ht have been spared, and O r.t · 0; d ·r according to the mv10lable precedents of other 
1, en times 40 10 save 1 , ffi • 1 d 

Co t · h" M · t , stores had been su c1ent y an seasonably re­
un nes, 1s aJeS y s ffi d 1 · · 

plenished, and the ordinary (charge) of that O ce as u y paid as in the 
t. f Queen El. beth. Lastly we humbly pray you effectually to.
1me o· 1za , . 

r 
4-~ r. t'on of the great and pressmg arrears due to this
ecommencl the sa us1ac 1 . 
. es so heavy on most of the creditors that-they

Offi l b cl h f 11
ce, t 1e ur en w ereo • f cl h 

f h d t perish for want of rehe , an ot ers to be cast ~rte ma_ny o t em rea y fo h1'ch arrears was lately presented to the Lords 
1n o pnson · an account o w 
. ' . . , y 78

Commissioners of his Majesty s treasur · S b. · d h' 1 tt is an account of the arrears due to the
u ~ome to t is e er . 
79

Office of Ordnance amount1ng to £4o,959. bl~ h t of the Headquarters of the Office of
The total esta 1s men · S · 
• h T as certainly not large m tuart times

0 rdnance m t e ower w . 
. h . k f funds Salaries therefore cannot be
O

d esp1te t e persistent 1ac • ff c: 
.d h h ey In 1643 the total sta , apart 1rom

sa1 to ave eaten up t e mon · ' h k 
th B d ·t If. consisted of the treasurer, t e ·eeper
1 

e members ofthe oar se ' . wea ons the master gunner, 7 of the small guns the keeper of nch P ' b'll 1
I ' I bourers whose tota1 wages 1 on y c erks, I r artificers, and 20 a 80 ' ' ears later there "·as an amounted to £372 per annum. T" enty Y . . d .. . 'fi messenger an engmee1' an 91 
increase of 2 clerks, I artI cer, a ' 
77 S.P.D. Charles I vol. clviii, no. 3· 
78 S ' ... I O"
.P.D. Charles I vol. cccclxxm, no. -· 
79 
S.P.D. Charles r' vol. cccclxxiii, no. 102 (~• 80 Ordnance Quarter Books, PRO/\V0/54/i · 
0 63 

THE BACKGROUND 

gunners.81 These numbers m t b .
the responsibilities on 1 d ~s e ~onsidered moderate in view of both at home and abr;:d ?-n hsea with which the Office was charged
in t e buddi · 
ne last extract from the S ng empire.
0 

to show that 'there is no n t~~e Papers of Charles I will be quoted armament provision. ew t mg under the sun' in the methods of 
John Browne, his Ma'e t ,

Charles I as follows: :J s Y s founder of iron ordnance petitions 
The King of Sweden to d
shot into their country ga raw :he manufacture of iron ordnance and benefit of their slaves by veh~ertam Dutchmen woods and mines and the shot have been made' the w 1ch means such multitudes of ordnance and by them supplied, which hre, a nd of such goodness that all the world is
• • eretofo ,

pe~itw?er p~ys very dearly for re ':as furnished from this kingdom. The paidhhis Majesty £12, upo alhl his materials and labour and has also h s rong contest . h sportat1on of iron ordnance, an
as ad a very t 000 n t e tran · · d fc bh eat sums of thes. e utchmen by which and the
or earance of gr wit D · muc weakened his estate money m the Office of Ordnance he hath 
He then enlarges · h.· English manuf:acture onof ·t e endeav bemg · to . the
. our made dnve mstances the iron ordna ff
case of muskets h nee o the world's markets and to the realm at the beginni , t e making of which · was entir· ely Iost ::orsa1)!estates that he ,;:g ~f the reign. He then comes to his 
.ta hng o I~on-pots, kettles baskately brought into the kingdom the PIc -pans iron . ' ac s for h' .
manner' ' d weights and oth I' c ~mmes, salt-pans, soap-pans, making ' anh prays that he rn er hike things according to the French sue articl h ay ave ' I
artisans skilful i _es w ich will enab a_ grant of privilege for so e sudden occ . ?iron ordnance dle him to keep in em ployment This ha asion .s2. an shot, ready to supply on any 
s a peculiar! 

advocates is not y modern rin .
During the . ~nknown at the g about it and the practice it of th O civil war C present time 
e rdnance ' rornwell's • · 
for the defen storehouses sh Id parliament voted that the keys appointed Sir~ 0 ~ the kingdo;~3 ;e delivered to the Committee nominated M _avid Walter Lieu~ he same parliament in 1643 duties and truatJfcor-General Har . enant-General, and five years later a COmmittee sof th erIy exercised b r649, the
orrn nson hot succeed him. In Vane, Colonel] e Council cons Jt e Master-General was put into ~-Jone! Wanto~nes, Col?nel Pur~} ng ?fC~Ionel Stapley, Sir fienrY 
0

diligence in protj:;;:,d Sir Gilbert ~i~r ".Villiam Armyne, Mr Scott, and at conveni g arrns and enng. They were to use all 
ent day f arnmu · · ·

Ordnan s O payrn nition at reasonable prices••11 sP cc Quancr Boo ent.84 D . h
• ~TesI, vo1 ks, "f'R.o,w unng the Commonwealt
01 

"S.P.C.O SJournaJ, 2~ ~• no. io2. 54/21. • •• vol. II Day!-'8'Ust 1642.·
• p~
0Cccd1ngs • no. io. 
64 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 

a. new official appeared in the Office. He was known as the' tr oller of Ordnance' and the post was held b C . Comp­
T li O · Y aptam Edward 
om ns. n 24 Apnl 165 1 the Ordnance Committee wa · t to consider the Order of Parliament referring the m s mS ructed <?rdnance affairs to the Council of State and to rep~;;~~~ent of s1derations to the House.ss eir con-The Ordnance Department was naturally considered of · . 
port . d' f pnme 1m­
a1:1ce m army expen 1ture a ter the Treasury, for without th ~ssentials of war, an army or navy is useless. It thus be e
1m t · f . d • . came an 
por ant mstrument o po1icy an 1n times of civil distu b particularly in the Great Rebellion, its possession as betweer ~ce, and Parliament became a matter of vital interest. The offin ~g
cha . d b h ki ld . cers in
rge appomte y t e ng wou recogruze no other auth · and would part with neither munitions nor stores except upo or~~' re~eipt of a royal order. To meet this difficulty in the case 0~ the Insh war, parliament prevailed upon the king to place the Ordnanc: Officers under orders to obey both the Lords and Commons a d whe? in later troubles the sovereign fai_led to s~tisfy its requiren'ien~s, parliament seized the prize and made 1nstruct10ns for the new dutie which were then to devolve upon the various officers.ss In 155~ parliament voted the Ordnance storehouses to be disposed of as the Council of State should direct, and on 14 January 1651 voted that naval ordnance stores were to be provided by the Committee of the Navy. Major-General Harrison, puritan and regicide, was no more t:ustworthy than many ofhis predecessors, and parliament, after con­sidering that the poundage during his tour of duty as Lieutenant­General amounting to £3,065 on the sum of £122,629. 8s. 6d. was excessive, annihilated the office by vote on 23 February 1652. There­after the office of Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance remained in 
abeyance for eight years. On r November. 1654 a new set of rules 
87 

for the guidance of Ordnance Officers was issued. The rule of the Protector must have subjected the Ordnance to considerable strain as the whole Office underwent a radical change, but it seemed to slip back into its old ways at the Restoration and slough off its Roundhead skin. Lack of money, however, was now 
~ecoming chronic and retrenchment appeared as a paramount neces­sity. In 1667 the Ordnance Commissioners were ordered to render r ' l .
eports on possible economies,88 and in the fol owmg year, a warrant Was issued to the Ordnance Officers to reduce the expenses of the Office to £so a year.89 This was followed on 16 l\1arch 1668 by a 
fi h '000 · fhC ..
urt er warrant that from Lady Day the salaries o t e omffilss1oner 
85 s
8& ,P.C.O.S., vol. XV, Day's Proceedings, no. 7· 
8? 8 P.C.O.S., vol. XV, Day's Proceedings, no. 83.
0
8e S ~dnanceJournal Books, PRO/W0/47/3. a S'p•D. Charles II, vol. ccxiii, no. 66.11 · .D. Charles II, vol. ccxxxiii, no. 146. 
65 


THE BACKGROUND 

were to be reduced from £r 000 to £6o d h
f th ffi · ls . ' o per annum, an t ose 0 0 er O ciab cut in like proportion; also the number of fee'd gunners was to e reduced from 100 to 6 b b d h d
· · I o y su sequent eat an 

certain pens10ns c 1arged on the Office • ' oo
Eventuall}' the ann . . . were to be abolished.
1 91
ua estimate was stabilized t £ fi

which the king accepted.92 a 4o,ooo, a gure Since the Royal Arsenal und h 
at this point of time th er t e name of 'Tower Place' emerges
' e story of arma t d · · · ·11 b

continued in Appendix IV. men a m1mstrat1on WI e The Tower of London wa th
Ordnance during the p • d s e headquarters of the Office of 
nd

ofthe Office from the preeno. ~ er review. Soon after the emergence
-existin p · v

:Master of Ordnance _ g nvy Vardrobe, Thomas Vaughan,
14

stating 'that for as much50 l t>6,.presented a petition to Henry VI for youre ordenaunce t: ~s tker is no on housing certaynly assigned grete hurt and dayly doth e ept for_ lak whereof ther hath growe longing to his said office' u~~ the sa~d ordenaunce and other stuffe Majesty to grant for its d a~ llin consideration thereof he prayed his 
th

\Vharf', from the watergset a e grounde and soile called ye Tour 
a e of the T · ,

Gate. unto the Gate of St C . ower now called the Traitors 
th

howsmg and other app a enne, together with 'all maner of 
urtenance 

was granted under the ro al . s sette upon the same'. This prayer nance was formerly tra y sr?nature.93 The business of the Ord-Chape1 , but between 6Bnsacted rn some smaIl houses near St Peter,s
1

former s1·te to a new b ·1di3 and 1685 the office was moved from 1 · ts the part of the precin~~ c~Yeto the south of the White Tower, near shr?'~'ll on Lord Dartmouth's d Cold Harbour. This is quite clearly l\illiam Franklyns, sorneti plan made about the year 1689.94 Mr 16 M:arch 1641,95 in whichU:t Y~oman Warder, wrote a paper dated ~owers and prisons ( or priso e Igrve~ details ofsome of the interesting ~ he states that the Whit :J:, odgings) in the Tower of London. In 
of~h~~nance, that the B~cko;er, or Ceasar's Tower, belonged to Cha el. rdnance, and that the o°;er was the lodging of the Master Ip d . . ce of Ordnance Tower was by the n a dition to the act and reposit · • ual office it If h
kept b hones in the To, se 't ere were various storehouses ' ut t em . d ver where 
a property ad· ain epository of or arms and ammunition w~re and wh ~acent to the T dnance stores was the Minories, ere the Lieutenant h odwer which belonged to the Ordnance 
.. w a an offi . I 
fcc'd arrants and Orcie . c1a residence.01o/ was r 
tor~ in Council PRO/ 

11 5i1;6~ 136). to 100 by a furth:0/55/426, no. rr4. The establishrnentJf : :P:n: Chari II, Entry Book warrant dated g December r 669 (PR Brn,ia de p . II, vol. CCJocx •3° f40 f4 1 
"D--_. 11l1alo Sigillo Vi, no 1 • 
• ~ucedin Vet , 30 Henry VI 93. 
M . Harl. ,.::,to Monumenta vo·l IV "Y.L,'),, no. 1326• ' · by th e Society · of Antiquaries of London• 
66 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
The Minories was originally a convent established just outside the w~lls of, t_he City of London by the community of the 'Sorores M1nores m 1293. These were nuns of the Order of St Clare who were known as the Second Order of St Francis. At the dissolution of t~e monasteries, the Precinct of the Minories was confirmed to the k1ng by Act ofParliament in 1539, and by another Act96 was granted to the See of Bath and Wells in exchange for the episcopal residence near Temple Bar. After ten years occupation by the Bishops con­cerned, the property passed into the hands of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk. From him it descended to his half-brother George Medley and his younger brother Lord John Grey. After a year or two it was sold to the Marquis of Winchester, who convey_ed it for an un­specified sum on 22 September 1563 to Queen Elizabeth. It would appear that the great mansion house wit?i~ the property was used as the principal storehouse while other buildings were converted into workshops and residences, one of which was allocated to the Lieu­tenant of the Ordnance. Among the Lieutenants who had charge of the Minories was Sir Roger Dallison, who succeed~d Sir George Carew. He was a very different stamp of man from his predecessors, all of whom had been keen and able soldiers, impressed with the responsibilities of their office. He cared nothing for the husbandry,
97 
all he wanted were the fruits to enjoy. He obtained from James I in r 612 a sixty years' lease of a large amount of Crown property in the Minories and proceeded to evi~t artificers from the workshops, converting the buildings into dwelling houses. These, t~gether with the offic· 1 'd he let at considerable profit to himself to the 
ia res1 ences, 1 d h. . 
detriment of the Crown. His peculations final_ly e to 1s mcarc~ra­
tion ·n · h h died but not before h1s scandalousbehaviour
1 a pnson w ere e , h 
had brought serious depredation to the d~partment. e ':as supposed to se H' s· Rr·chard Mornson, who 1n his patent was 
rve. 1s successor, If di
also d h k · f the artillery ground, had a very fficult
grante t e eep1ng o . • h · 
task · · • h nd restoring the bmldings to t err proper
1n ev1ctmg t e 1essees a . k · f
funct· D • h C onwealth parliament too possession o 
10ns. unng t e omm ' h 0ffi f h
the M· • d h t the annoyance oft e cers o t e
1nones an muc o . . 
Ordnance conver~ed a large proportion of the premises mto a great
' d h. hit granted to the Corpora-
Workhouse for the poor of Lon on, w ic d h tion in I 6 . Soon after Captain George Legge ~ad been_grante t e offi f f.3 G f the Ordnance 1n revers10n, Charles 
1 O
ce o 1eutenant-enera fficient organization II, :ither for the sake of ec?nomy or of m;~i:ories and the Crown~
th
decided to sever the connect10n between h' • d the 0ffi Since the public purse was much depleted ~t t ihs!1mhedan u· .c 
of O d d tments in w ic ras c prurung 
r nance was one of the epar ffi • was the probabl Was taking place, economy rather than e c1ency 
:~ Parliament Roll, 31 Hen. VIII, R.O. No. 147· Rot. Pat. 10 James I, p. I 4, no. 2 I. 
67 

THE BACKGROUND 

spur. \,Vhatever the cause, it was decided that the official residences, the storehouses, and the workshops should be abandoned. The custody of these, which had as usual been committed to Mr David Walter on his appointment as Lieutenant-General, was by him surrendered to the king, and together with the whole of the property leased to George Leg~e was by p~tent98 dated ro January 1673 granted to Sir Thomas Ch1cheley, Krught, Master-General of the Ordnance, and his h~ir~ and assigns for ever. The patent specially provided that no e~stmg leases_ were to have any force except that granted to Captam Legge. Sir Thomas Chicheley promptly sold the property to Sir William Prichard for £4,300.99 
It will be rememb:red that in his patent,100 Sir Richard Morrison was granted the keeping ofthe Artillery Ground or Garden, a liberty close to the Tower of London. 
\,Villiam Maitland gives the boundaries as follows :101 

,!t. begineth by the south end of a wall at Gun Street at the house of '"il~iam_ Borman a~d from thence northward to the house of Nicholas Squ1re, 1s 824 feet httle more or less fi th d t the house
fJ h B II · · , rom ence westwar o 
0 0 n e amy, JOmer, r48 feet or thereabout. From thence southward to the dead wall 144 feet and from th . h" "d h "d wall
' e pump wit ms1 e t,. e sa1 I F. Street westward to the corner of Ch A . ad's and John
a ong ort 
1

Stagger's houses 272 f; 1· ar es rrnste 
D k S h eet ittle more or less. From thence southward along u e treeht to t e empty house of Dupre's the landlord 336 feet. From thence sout -easterly to the h f M ' ' r
f s k All 6B f; ouse O r Edward Rainford at the corne ~ou::~Tho:a; Ro~f~~oF:om along Smock Alley_ toward the East to the all which Boundary H 'shoemaker, 1 74 feet, little more or less. Upon . ty' . ouses the Broad Arrow the Royal Mark, has by
his M a_Jes s spec1a1comm d b ' .
an een affixed ever since their first erectwn. 

B" ~his piece of~ound near the Spittal in the parish of St Botolph's, 
b1\~1sgate, nJort -eas~ of a house called 'Fisher's Folly'-a mansion w y one asper Fisher d h . was 
set aside at an earl . -an t ree hundred yards from it, Ypenod for the purpose ofshooting. It afterward5 
18 Rot. Pat. Charles II 2 5 ". Rot. Claus. Charles II '2~art 12. . A History ofthe Mim,ries LJJnd ' part 7, no. 33, m 1. As E M Tomlinson in his book 
Chich I l on remarks· 'It· · · · s· Thomas
• ey was on y a convenient fo f ~s quite possible that the grant to 1r h the Kmg, evidently bent on econ nn o sellmg the property. There seems no reason w y th~ooMas~er-General.' omy, should have made such a gratuitous present to 
!h1s_patent, dated I Janua . d Mo~150n in reversion on the deat6 13 Jas. I (anno 1616) was granted to Sir Richa\s ; fcut~ts-General entered in ti 80~oger Dallison. It is the earliest of all paten t 
0 ,~0 7 '· o. 16). The relevant po t r nance Office books now remaining (Pten. 
ccecum, de uherian gracia nost r 1~n concerning the Artillery Garden is as fol ows · 1::ea,.dihis Mredibus et suecessorib:: ~ 1f.avimu~, deputavimus et constituimus, ac per prese7~C,:,. nosh. um Moryson, Militem Custodem s rzs asszgnamus, ordinamus et constituimus pre:[a l ·s ,._,."e_ ~":°J:,1ft"le Storehous/• mod: p ~0st"'.m tocius illius mesuagii sive domus man5ion~ ta -:=,:,,-::= ~~~ejuxta LJJndDniam :Cc e~,tindentzs Officio nostro Ordinacionum et scituate ext !la 
6-·-,• ,..,,wrun, gard{ 1· ' us o em omniu t . l difi . m e11r I
"' t:rUtodem . ' IWTWn idem mesua . . me singu orum domsrum, e t cwru .' dum ~ CUJUSdem gardini vulgariter gio szve ~omo ma11sionali spectantium siue J1ertinend m 1t1 Mai~•~officiurn predict nuncup~ti "le Artillery Garden" habendum, tenen u ' asto,y ofUJndon, J 756":" • • • 
68 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
became famous as the 'Artillery Ground or Garden', and subsequently as the 'Old Artillery Garden'. It was originally a Roman station and was used by the Roman soldiers quartered in London as a field of Mars, for training the British as well as the Roman youth in the exercise of arms.102 Later it became incorporated with Lolesworth or Spittal-fields, the upper part bein~ ~riginally a ~om~n cemetery. After the establishment of the Chnst1?-n Chur~h 1n this country, it passed to the Priory of St Mary Spitale, which was founded by Walter Brune in r 197, and subsequently surrendered to Henry VIII. It was then a spacious enclosure called 'Tassell's Close'103 from the tassel which was planted there for the use of the clothworkers by whom it was used for raising knap on cloth and carding wool. This plant was considered such a valuable commodity that ~ writ dated 
May was issued at Saltwo_od, near Hythe m_ Kent, by
30 1326 
Edward II to the Mayor and Shenffs of London forbidding the exportation of tassels and fullers' earth-'We do therefore desire that none of the thistles that in English are c_alled taseles and no fullers' earth shall be carried out of the same kingdom and lands.'104 The f:terwards let to the cross-bow makers to shoot at the 
ground was a • 1 • 
· gay In 1 S37 William MaJor, the ast pnor of the 
game o· f pop1n • ' f 
Convent of St Mary's Spitale, gave a lease o the grou~d for thrice 
fi th use and practice of great and small artillery to the 99 years :;h ;ower It was then surrounded by a brick wall.105 The ghunnters O te d b H.enry VIII to the Fraternity of Artillery or Gunners 
c ar er Oo-ran e y . . 
· t l rr • ted this field to be their place of exercise, the lease 
in tZe 1. ower app01n . f h O d · 
being held by Sir William Pelham, Lieutenant o t e r nance. This .c. d delivered to Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer to 
charter, a1terwar s Th" F · 
n, El" b th ppears to have become lost. 1s ratermty of
'>Zueen 1za e , a b · 
A ·u G t d Small Ordnance must not e confused with rtz Fe1y on_ reathanG ·zd o+ St George as the Honorable Artillerythe raternzty or e uz 'J ' fir 1 1
although they were at st very c ose y
lled
Company was then ea , ( ) d associated both being incorporated in th~ same _year, 1537 an 
· ' d · common for their exercise. Every year at usmg the sa1ne groun in · d 
Michaelmas all the gunners in the Tower were reqmre to appear 
· · their names and afterwards to assemble at that fortress and give in ' d · h 
. . G d the appointed day, an in t e presence
1n the Artillery ar en on d · · h
'their knowledo-e an cunnmg in t e use 
o
f the master gunner prove O 1 d b h h" 

, 10s As the years rol e y t e owners ip 

o
f great and small ordnance · 1 · d b s· J h 


of the Garden became contested, though it _was c aimc y u o n 
. f h Ordnance by nght of office and patent.Beydon Lieutenant o t e ' d F. 11 "t ,
' d" t d the use of the groun . ina y 1 \\as
The H.A.C., however, 1spu e 
, I 6 Ellis's Shoreditch, PP· 1 56-9· II S8
102 Leland s Collect, vol. , P· 1· Maitland's History ofLondon, 1756. vol. , P· 7 · 
103 Stow, vol. I, book II, PP· 96, 9d7L d Life i868. pp. 150, 151. 
104 Riley's Memorials of London an on on ' 105 S.P.D. Jas. I, vol. clix, no. 97· 106 S.P.D. Eliz., vol. cxlvii, nos. 94, 95· 
69 





THE BACKGROUND 

decided that Mondays and Tuesdays should be reserved for the Honorable Artillery Company. Stow describes the Artillery Garden in i633 as being surrounded by a brick wall and says that the gunners from the Tower practised every Thursday 'levelling certain brass pieces ofgreat artillery agains~ a butt ?f~arth made for that pu_rpose; they discharge? them for their exercise .107 The garden was 1n fact the main provmg ground of the Ordnance where all guns cast by the trade-there were no government made cannon in those days­were proved by t~e proo_f masters at t~e Tower before being accepted for service; and it remained as such till proof was transferred to the Warren at Woolwich. A good deal ofmoney was spent in maintaining the butt and various buildings on the Artillery Ground; the early Ordnance debenture ledgers108 testifying to such repairs. Guns were still being proved_ on the site as late as 1669 after butts had been erected at Woolwich. Pepys attended a proof there on 2 0 April of that year. In his diary under that date he states: 
In the afternoon we walked to the old Artillery Garden near the Spittal­fields where I ~ever was bef~re, but now, by Captain Dean's invitation, did go to see his new gun tned, this being the place where the Officers of the Ord?ance do try all their great guns; and when we came, did find that the tnal had bee~ made; a~d they going away with extraordinary report of the proof ofhis gun, which, from the shortness and bia0 ness they do call Punchinello.109 ' 
In Februa:)' 1641 the !fonorable Artillery Company petitioned the_ Corpo:ation of the City of London for a convenient place for their ~xerc1se and the uppermost field near Finsbury was granted to them m May for that purpose. Possibly on account of their increase in numbers, or more probably from the weariness occasioned by the long and constant disputes as to their right to the old (or King's) Artillery Garden? the Company was desirous of obtaining a parcel of ground of their own for their exclusive use whereon they could erect an armou;r and carry on their duties without let or hindrance. They had applied for such an enclosure as early as October 1635 to the Court of Aldermen who appointed a committee to consider the request. No report was rendered how t"ll • hi"eh year
~ 1 , ever, 1 1641, 1n w a ormablgrArant_lolf a new plot of ground was made to them. TheHonora e tI ery Comp • h Old
Artill G any continued to assemble at t e as th;ry :r rout~: well as the new premises in Bunhill Fields (knowri 
tl ew ti ery Garden') until about 1658 when they per-m;ne~~tran~rred their armoury to the present ground, i.e. the thew 1 •ery rden. The old ground or garden then reverted to 
exc USive use of the Crown. 
117 Howe' 
Stow book I 

IN Saia PRO ' I, pp. g6, 97. 
IN n, n;_ /WO/ 49. 
.,_ J and Corresftondenc ifS, 
e o amuel Pepys, I 870, p. 659. 
70 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
The armoury in the old garden was commenced on I May 1622 and its completion was effected by 30 November of the same year. 
The opening up of Woolwich as a national arsenal and proving ground rendered the Artillery Garden obsolete for that purpose, and its growing disuse led to trouble. 
In December 1673, Hansard Knollys petitio:ied Charles II, stating that he had bought the old armoury house 1n the (Old) Artillery Ground from the H.A.C. for £300 and had spent an additional £46o in repairs and further building. He had also fitted up the premises for his school-house and residence which he had inhabited and enjoyed for two years. He went on to complain that Colonel Legge, deceased Lieutenant of the Ordnance, had under pretext of his patent, s~ized the said premises by force and. kept them du~ing his lifetime and that David Walter, the then Lieutenant, findmg the propert~ in the possession of Colonel Legge at his de~th, annexed the same so that he-the petitioner-was unable to regam possession. He ended his petition with the words 'that the p~or. and aged petitioner has for above ten years been kep~ out of hi~ nght to the impoverishment of himself and his poor t:arrul-r:, he h_avmg borrow_ed a great part of the said sums, and praying_ ~is MaJes~y t? appomt 
· e and report on this pet1t10n, that if his Majesty 
Some one t·o exam1n see cause, he may require the Artillery Co~pany, Colonel ~e_gge's ·a Walter to repay the said £700 to the pet1t10ner
executors an d Dav1 . ,110 or may grant him a lease of the premises for ~g years. · · c red to Sir Heneage Finch, Lord Keeper, on
Th.
1s petition was re1er .. 
·naninterim report, stated that the petitioner 
21 Decem ber 1673 who, 1 h 1 · 
the Artillery Company w o c aimed the 
was the purehaser fjrom . . · f J
Council 1n the time o ames I,
property under some Order in d b 6
• I I ti'tle The purchase was ma ea out 1 58 
aIthough without any ega · • · h h' h 
. . d'd 1 ut £750 in bmldmg a ouse, w ic , 
and the petitioner 1 ay O · d h 
O dnance was no hin ranee to t e use 
though of no value to the r ' • Th L d K 
f · d 1·t fll1 the Restoration. e or eeper 
o the ground, and enJoye Southampton in considera­further stated 'that the Lord Treasurehr, did direc; a lease to be f f K II ' ty and great c arge
10n o no ys pover . d the petitioner and held the made to him, that Colonel Legge eJehcte D "d Walter pretends no 
. . . 1·r: . nd t at av1d
wellmgs during his 11eti:11e a . b Colonel Legge'. The Lord other title than the possesswn _Ie_ft himh yth petitioner should be re-
K. d h' t b op1n1ng t at e 
. eeper en s 1s repor Y d d or be granted a lease at some 1mbursed the sums he had expen e . 
small rent and possession restored to hi;-t d June 1674. In it he
22 
Sir Heneage Finch's final repor~wa~ Js~nce ascertained that the confirmed the history of the case lut a the place was affirmed to 
• . b ted a ease as
petit10ner could not e gr~n T "'"er and was already granted to be necessary for the stuff 1n the 0 
110 S.P.D. Car. II, vol. cccxxxviii, no. 84 . 
71 


THE BACKGROUND THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 


David Walter and after him to George Legge in reversion, i.e. it was . manner annexed to the Office of Ordnance. He was therefore ma• fied that the only way to preserve Knollys, whose whole estate 
sa tis · fc h. b . b d h ' 
·n danger of rum, was or 1m to e re1m urse t e money as 

was i . h. 11. K • , • , 
. best suit 1s 1na_Jesty s occasions . it~:~ Old Artillery Garden was not destined to remain for long a liberty in possession of the Crown. Retrenc~ment in public spending 
•mperative and property no longer serving a useful purpose must
wasi be alienated. 
I i68r the Treasury referred the matter of its possible sale to s· ~hristdpher Wren, his Majesty's Surveyor-General ofWorks, and i~ d him in consultation with others, to place a value on the as e erty ~hen improved by building.111 A fortnight later the Trea­
prop · . . 1 h 1 "d
sury agreed in pnncip e to t e sa e prov1 ed that: 
( ) Some other convenient place could be provided for the proof of
\1 guns and the exercise of the fee'd gunners at the Tower.112 sm(2) Lieutenants ofthe Ordnance will forgo their interest in the Garden, . their custody, their herbage rights and the rents of the houses thereon :~:·nding, as Colonel Legge, the present Lieutenant, has freely done. 
(3) Accommodation could be found elsewhere for the I\1aster Gunner of England113 with a house and ground 'capable and fit for the exercise ofhis Majesty's fee'd gunners, which by virtue ofhis office he is obliged to'• 
The Treasury asked whether the Master Gunner could be so accommodated elsewhere.114 

The following month the Attorney-General was asked to advise the Lords Commissione~s ofthe Treasury whether, ifthe K.ing should sell ~e Garden,. and 1f t~e same should prove to be within the libertes of the City, the King had power to grant a market to the purchasers.m 
It was finally agreed that the reserve price for the Garden without a market was not_to be under £4,000, or under £5,2 00 provided a market were obtamed and settled within two years of the sale.116 

Finally the Garden was sold to George Bradbury and Edward • oellfor£5,700 and on 18January r682 the Attorney-General was ordered by Royal Warrant to prepare the necessary grant.111 Since 
111 CS P Treasury Books VII ber 

1681• • · • ' 1681-1685, part I, Reference Book I, p. 500, 6 Decern 111 There were originally 6o r; ,d d · eased 
to 100 and then decreased .ee gunners at the Tower, a number afterwar s incr 111 The Master Gunner ~fain as a measure.of economy. tiller}'
Garden. ngland had his official residence in the Old Ar 11t C.S.P. T~ Books VII 68 I 358,
13 Dcccmber 1681. ' 1 1-1685, part I. Out-letters (General) V ' P· iu C.S.P. T~ Books VII 16 I 368,
!23December 1681. ' 81-1685, part I. Out-letters (General) V ' P· w C.S.P. T~ Books VII 368,13u~ber 1681. ' 1681-1685, part I. Out-letters (General) VI, P· 
C.S.P. Treasury Boob VI II pP·

305-307, I, 1681-1685, part I. King's Warrant Book VI ' 
this warrant gives an excellent description of the Artillery Garden its dwellings and workshops, it is reproduced in full: ' 
Charles R. Our Will and Pleasure is that you forthwith prepare a Bill for Our Royal Signature to pass Our Great Seal of England containing a grant to Our Trusty and well-beloved subjects George Bradbury and Edward Noell, Esquires, their heirs and assigns (for and in consideration of the sum of Five thousand seven hundred J:>ounds of lawful money of England which they are to pay into the Receipt of Our Exchequer for Our use before the said grant passes under Seal) ofall that part or parcel of ground commonly called or known by the name of the Old Artillery Ground or the Old Artillery Garden or by _wh~tsoever other n~me the same is called or known, situate, lying and bemg ix_i or near the City of London, and in or near the Parish of St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, upon the west side of the fields or places, commonly called Spittlefields, and containing by ad­measurement five acres and one rood be the same more or less. As the same is now encompassed with a brick wall, together with the said brick wall and the ground whereon its stands and also_ all that messuage at the south-west corner of the said ground, tog~ther with the.ground paled out for a garden to it, which were formerly m the J?Ossession or occupation of Hanserd Knollys. And also all that great bnckhous~ standing upon the said piece or parcel of ground near to the aforesaid messuage and which hath commonly been used by Our Officers_ of Ordnance for laying . ·th tl1e Garden belonging to the said storehouse, two other 
up of s ort es, w1 h ·d · 1
nts standing upon t e sa1 piece or parce of ground 

messuages or teneme · d d 
and storehouse before ment1one an also the two 

near the messuage · h h. 
belonging All that dwelling-ouse w ich hath been 

gardens thereunto · G · · 
the habitation of Our Master unner, likewise stand-

common 1y used fcor f 1 d d 1 h 
· · h' h fc ai·d piece or parcel o an , an a so t e stables,
mg wit m t e a ores h 1 h · · 
, 1 dge two powder houses, t e ong ouse or bmldmg 

coach-house, porter s o , . f 11
f Ordnance for proving o sma guns and keep-

used by Our Officers o 1 • · h 
· f d 1 the charging house ymg contiguous to t e
1ng o stores, an a so d.fi d b ·1d· 
c ·d d h and all other houses, e i ces an m mgs
11.

a1oresa1 we mg-ouse d b ·1 · 
d. h · h shall hereafter be erecte or m t m or upon
1 · 

shtan i~g o~ ymg or w ilc f ground called the Old Artillery Ground or 
O

t e said piece or parce • l h f h
h . G d · or upon any piece or parce t ereo toget er t _ehOld Artillery ar el~ or in and authority for them the said Georgewit the free liberty, 1cense • b "ld d Bradbury and Edward Noell, their heirs an~ assigns to ~rect, ~i and 
set up any new houses edifices or buildings m or upon t e premises an 1 ' r hts easements, waters, water-courses, a I and singular ways, passages, . ~g 'rivile es, advantages and appurten­trees and fences, profits, commod~ties, P g f ground and other the
1

a h h "d piece or parce o 
nces_ w atsoever to t e sai in or in any way appertaining or 

premises or to any part thereof, belong g d parcel or member of the usually accepted, reputed or taken: as P;;::?nder and remainders, rent , same; and the reversion and reverswns, • And all Our tat 
is ll d · gular the premises. , 
_sues and profits of a an sm. demand whatsoev r of, in, or to
nd

right, title, interest, benefit, claim a .d George Bradbury and Ed vard the same. To have and to hold to the sai 
73 



THE DACKGROU D 

• -ocll, their heirs and assigns to the only use and behoofofthe said George Br~dbury and Edward Toell, their heirs and assigns for ever. Of Us, Our Heirs and Su_ccess?rs, as ofO~r ~anor_ofEast ?reenwich in Our County ofKent, not m capzte or by_ Km~~t s scr 1cc, but 1n free and common socage?Y fealty and the rent ofsi~ slulhngs and eightpence per annum to be paid ~nto Our_Exc~equer at l\,lichaelmas in every year. And you are to insert m the said bill all such covenants uon-obstante and other clauses as are usual in grants_ of the like nature and such others as you shall think fit to make the said grant to the said Georo-e Bradb d Ed d 11
· h • d . o ury an war oe , their cirs an assi~s, most firm, valid and effectual for which this shall be your ,_,·arrant. Given at Our Court at Whitehall the eighteenth day of January m the 33rd year of Our Reign 1681 ( 1682). 
To Our Attorney or By his Majesty's Command Solicitor General Hyde, etc. 
Although this chapter is con d . . . 
. . . d . cerne pnmanly with armament ad-
th ·

nurustratlon urmg the fifteen ,sixteenth,and· sevente nth centuries
. 

a survey of the arms m cur t d . ' 
without interest Th ren use urmg that period may not be 
· ere was naturally chan d · h 6 dd

years but its tern o was slo . ge urmg t c 2 o o to shock the conp . fw, an~ no startlmg developments occurred 
science o mankmd It .

session of simple ty b h · was an era ofgradual super­
pes Y t ose of a mo d d h Th

cross-bow and long-bow lin . re a vance c aracter. e and more clumsy e • gered on till Tudor times, but the heavier Agincourt was wonngi;;s ofliwar had practically disappear d before not resist the destro. • ehy, dke all other human inventions, could 
ying an of pro d f

powder sounded the· d h k g:ess, an the advent o gun-and comparatively u::le:ttb -nel!. Artillery originally w~s awkward of military machines wan~ t¥l~ as Its power 1ncr~ased so did the value of battle. at laSt they varushed from the scene 
Pikes and halberts togeth . 
though the handgun' d ~r With other personal weapons, survived 
• an its late · 

tending to replace the . r improvements were gradually
O

with the gun. m. ur review therefore is mainly concerned 
_I~ must not be forgotten that . 
nnlitary commander w . up to Stuart times the mind of the 
. as sti11 obse d b 

and it was to this end that the ss_e Y_ the tactic of investment, Open warfare took pla d main artillery effort was directed. fightin~ was predomina~~t:nguns_ played a minor part, but such ~e desukratum ofartille Ja ~ffair of horse and foot. Mobility as pieces which did accomry s st1ll a concept ofthe future and those 
pany troops · h ' •

movement and slow ·n . in t e field were cumbersome in
th . kill . 1 action G fc d .
e!r s on improving h · un oun ers thus tended to lavish while th eavy canno d · •
e carpenter who n es1gned for siege operations, was quite happy fashioninco:tructed t~e elementary gun-carriages g eavy unwieldy mountings. Light guns, 
74 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414_16 
70 
when required, were carried in carts and anythin · h a field battery was delitescent. gm t e nature of 
The trunk as a method of gun-mounting gave 
th

end of the fifteenth century to the wheeled carria;ayS a~ e l~ttcr were crude, but their principles followed present-de. uc ~arnages basic structure was a trail, an axle-tree and wheelsa~rracti~e. The solid baulk of timber supported in front on a rough-h e trail was a of hard wood, the arms of which carried heavy rud:7nf:axl~-tree wheels. The gun rested in a wooden cradle wh· h Y ashwned 
· · IC was ho · 

beanngs in the trail immediately over the axle-tree th dl rne_ in 
·d d · h · fc ' e era e be

provi e ~it trunruons or the purpose ofgiving elevati T . mg effected either by a wooden arc fixed at definite positio:;b his ':as passing through it and the cradle, or by keeping the dyl a spike
. . . era e at th 

reqmsite angle by a wedge or qu01n placed under its b h e 
. reac end A 

century later the 'siege complex' affected carriage desi As · b:came heavier, carriages became more ponderous, un~~ld guns
nd

difficult to move. They consisted of huge cheeks connected t Y, a
th

to form a rigid frame, the axle-tree being secured to the fr oge er 
s T . b . li d . h . ont tran­
om. runruon eanngs, ne wit iron, were cut in th h k above the axle, and trunnions, which had by this time maedc ehe.s 
. e t eir 

appearance, were clamped down by iron cap-squares Elevat· 
·11 .rr • • 10n was

sti Ci1ected by the wedge or quoin. Manoeuvreability as a fi f to be developed was not recognized till the end of seve~~c io~ century. eent 
The object of artillery is to inflict the greatest possible amou t f dama?e in the_shortest_ pos~ible time, a~d this is accomplished :i~h any given eqmpment 1n direct proportion to the excellence of th gunnery. Put into terser language, it is to bring the maximum fi ~ power t? bear on the :7ital_ spot_ with .the minii:num of delay. Suc~ea conc~pt10n, presupposing 1t existed 1n the nnnds of our ancestors was incapable of realization with the cannon they had at their dis: posal. oise, smoke, and all the features of a grand parade was their 
idea offire-power. It is not surprising, therefore, that in an era when spectacular effect was considered of more value than performance litt_le mention should be made of ballistics. Old records, which ar~ :J.~ite informative as to the weights and charges ofvarious pieces, do, It 1s true, give certain ranges, but they maintain a discreet silence on questions concerning muzzle velocity. It thus becomes difficult to reconstruct a range-table for a gun of the sixteenth and seventeenth c~nturies, and any figures regarding such data should be received 
With great reserve. 
.The old wrought iron guns ofthe Plantagenets had, by Elizab th reign, almost passed away, and in their place bronze and iron ord­nance ofstandard dimensions, cast with a central core, were b comin normal equipment for Land and Sea Services. Th se rang d from 
75 


THE BACKGROUND 

the light robinet to the heavy basilisk, the details of which are given in the following table of 1574: 

L ength 
Calibre 
Diameter WeightWeightJ,I eightName of in 
11l 
of Shot of Chargeof Shotin lbs.
Piece Calibres 
inches 
in inches in lbs.
in lbs. 
200
Robinet 
1·25
50 
l
l 
0·5 Falconet 500 
2
48 
2 Falcon 2 
1·25 
800 
2·5 
2·5 Minion 42 
2·25 2·5 1,100 
30 
3·25 
4·5
4·5 
3
1,500 
36
Sacre 
3·5 
3·25 
5
5
3,000 Demi-Culverin 
32 
4·5 
9
9 
4
4,000 
28
Culverin 
18 Demi-Cannon 
5·5 
18 
5'256,000 
18 
6·5 
28 Cannon 
6·25
30
7,000 
16 
8 
60 
7·75 
44
8,000E. Cannon 
15 
20 Basilisk 
7 
42 
6·75 9,000 
14 
8·75 
60
60 
8·25 
I addition to these there were five other types pecu1iar tO shipsd 

hi:h were included in a return, dated 4 April I 599, of cannon use _ ;:; the Navy. These rejoiced in the names of curt";11s; fowlers, cham bers. fowlers, hull; port pieces, chambers; port pieces,. hull. . 
n' will be noticed from this table that windage 1s practica11_Y 

constant, i.e. 0·25. inches, and that ~he . weight o~ th~ chargee~~ almost identical with that of the projectile. In this latter resp _ the information given is probably inaccurate, as, although th~ P~~e portion between the weight of the charge and that of the proJec f has varied from time to time, and the assessment of the amount ho the propellant has been almost as arbitrary as the compos1t10· · n °ft. e powder itself, a certain relationship between them was usually m~1~; tained. Broadly speaking, this ratio of charge weight to shot weig ranged from one-ninth in the middle of the fifteenth centuryb1° one-half in the middle of the eighteenth century, and was proba . Y about one-third at the end of the sixteenth century. The weig?ts 1~ the last column should therefore be adjusted accordingly to arnve a 
a truer statement. 
Earlier in 1547 references appear to pieces called bastard cannon, slings, murthiers, flankers, argues and shrimps. h Robert Norton, gunner and engineer, in a work dedicated !0 the Duke of Buckingham, gives the list of cannon in 1643, shown in t e table on page 77. f 
Other odd weapons, the names of which flit across the pages 0

history, are: 
Syrcn-a 60 pdr. of 81 cwt. Cannon-Royal-a 48 pdr. of gocwt. Bastard Cannon-Royal-a 36 pdr. of 79cwt. 
Demi-Cannon-Royal-a 24 pdr. of 6ocwt. Dragon or Drake-a 6 pdr. of 12cwt. 
76 


THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
Serpentine-a 4 pdr. of Bcwt. Aspik-a 2 pdr. of 7cwt. . Moyen-whic. h threw a ball weighmg 10 or 12oz. Pellican-of 225olb. Base-of 45olb. Sparrow-of 46oolb. 
Length 
Calibre
Weight Weight Length ofName of Piece inin lbs. in inches of charge the ladles
Calibres 
in lbs. (inches)
---~--,-~~-1--;::---1-------;3-~1--, --­
8 
15 8 40 24
Cannon of 8 ,ooo 6 7 25 22 Cannon of 7 7,ooo 1i8 6·5 20 Demi-Cannon 6,ooo 8 5·5 15 21
2
Culvering 4,5oo 4·5 9 Demi-Culvering 2,5°0 326 3·5 5·25 20 18
10 3
Saker ,5° 3·25 3·25 16
M 1 200 30
inion , 2·75 2·5
42
Falcon 700 48 2·25 1·25 Falconet 5oo 8 9, 10, 12 3, 3·5, 4 

Cannon-perrier 3,500 D emi-cannon 
Drake 3,000 16 6·5 9 Culvering Drake 2,000 16 S-5 5 D emi-Culvering 
Drake z,5oo 

16 4·5 Saker-Drake 1,200 18 3·5 
The three cannons-perner• are evidently a species of howitzer, as d h small charges. 

they are short an113 ave h establishment of horses required to An old MSS. la~s do~n :h: field. The numbers are as under:
drag Elizabethan artillery in Derni-Culverin 12 horses
Falcon 3 horses Minion 6 horses Culverin 14 horses Demi-Cannon 18 horses
Sacre 7 horses 24 horses
Cannon 
. f; fi ing cannon were redhot spikes or 

The earliest contnva~ces ~ r nt to ignite the charge. A pair of bars which were thrust in~o t ; :;s for heating and priming irons bellows, a fire-pan and. hve 0 f artillery in the fourteenth and formed part of the equipmenht O dual increase in the size of guns, 
fi · o · tot e gra
fteenth centuries. wing h . onvenient and dangerous, and this method was found to be both in:tury it was practically super­before the middle of the fifteenth ce t with loose powder, which 
• · g t e ven ..

seded by the plan of pnmin . a match of some description. could be ignited by a heated iron~~ the seventeenth century when More probably match was used un to the occasional employment 
h 
· d had recourse ak
r

t e gunners ofthat peno d . the vent acted as a \\e 
of quick-match which when place 1~ place till the eighteenthtube. No further improvements too century. 
118 
Harl. MS. 168, pp. I 73, 1 74· 
77 

THE BACKGROUND 

G~npowder, k~own_ as serpentine, was used for gun charges. It consisted of particles 1n a fine state of di·v· · d sufiiered :6rom
. 1s10n an senous drawbacks, the chief of which w ·t t · f
absorbing moisture owing t tl h . a~ Is grea p~opens1ty o 
. o 1e ygroscop1c nature of its saltpetre. By the seventeenth century however the f d d h d
b · d d C ' , use o corne pow er a • . ec::ome ,_vi espre~ · orned powder was expensive and more violent m its act10n, but its other advantages O t · h d h d r d
b b u we1g e t ese e1ects, an as guns ecame etter made it gradually replaced serpentine as the standard propellant. 
The ordinary proiectile• J d · · · 
unng most of the penod under review was round shot, either ofstone or iro . d 11 1 . 
as the centuries wore on. B n, iron gra ua y re~ ac1ng stone 
J 
h II Y the seventeenth century simple shells, 

eaIIe·tzd grenauoThs er. s werer being used w1t. h mortars and early types of h0\VI ers. e 1uzes ior these sh 11 .
general form emplo ed in . e s were extremely s1mple. T?e 
. b Y the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was a cast iron tu e about the s· f . 
a mixture of saltpet h ize O an average finger filled with 
re, su1p ur and me I d d Th . . . . 

proved their great t br a e pow er. eir 1gnit1onchance. s um ing block and was entirely a matter of 
Cartridges during the fiftee th . 
turies, except 'bagges oflinen' n , sixteenth, and seventeenth cen­
from the womb of tim to keep powder dry, had not emerged
e. Owing to better forgin I
attaching the stock a d gh onger barrels, a more efficient method of primitive handgun' ; tht ~ appearance of a tang, hac or spur, the 
0 

caliver and hacquebus b ~e~~teenth century ?eveloped into ~he the reign of Henry VIIi h iddl: ofthe followmg century. Dunng was gradually adopted b t ;hSpam~rds invented the musket which heavy weapon fired fi Y e arnues of Europe. At first it was a 
rom a rest b · 

manageable proportions fll . , ~t it gradually assumed more The musket reigned su r~.:/ a~proxim~ted the present rifle in ~ize. porary with the musk tp e till the nineteenth century. Contern­
e were the · 

The first firing mech . curner and the carbine. 
. d an1sm a si l a-. . •
intro uced early in th fifl ' mp e auair, was the serpentine match-lock about e t~eenth century. This was followed by the
148

about 1600 and the fl. 5, e wheel-lock about 1530 the snaphance
• Int-1ock abo t 6 ' d
into the country about th . u 1 35. The latter was introduce 
by the whole army und e time of the Restoration and was adopted The bayonet was intr~~~ w~r~ant dated 14 April 1690. As a fitting conclusion t c~. Y Royal Warrant 2 April 1672. ofArmoury may be added ~t is cha}:lter, a few words on the O~ce 
from the Office of Ord · !though It was quite a distinct institution 
often h · nance the t h d · · 
8 anng Masters and ' _wo a a very close association, 
from the same source-th ;l~rks In common. They both derived 
and armour-and finall e hnvy Wardrobe which dealt with arrns y w en armour had ceased to be a useful 
78 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 
adjunct to the soldier's equipment, its administration with that of weapons and its control passed to the Office 0wfOas dmerged
Th fi t · · r nance
e rs mention of an official solely responsible r ·
1.or armour appears to have been John Orell. He was appointed in 1 office of armourer in the Tower o~ London with a groom !:ie:o:?e at the wages of 12d. per day for himself and 3d. for his groo b im
th 
hands of the Keeper of the Great Wardrobe.no Late mh Y e 
t 1 d 'S · · • r on e was 
s ye ergeant of the King's Armoury within the Tower Of L don'.120 He was followed in 1431 by John de Stanley whose t o~­states 'Grant, during pleasure by the advice of the Council pt :t~21 de Stanley, king's esquire, of the office of Sergeant of the kO ~ Armoury within the Tower of London, to be discharged by h. n~ s 
. b d . 1£ d . im in 
person, or y eputy, with the usua ees an wages, 1.e. 12d. per diem 1n the same manner as John de Orell, esquire, had when alive, Th· 
. d . IS 
app?mtment was vacated by surre1: er, the king on 25 May 1 
37 
havmg granted the said John the said office for life. John de Staj was Constable of Carnarvon Castle and Sheriff of Anglesea. In 1 ey another post comes to light, namely that of the Keeper of 1~3 Armoury. This official was evidently subordinate to the Sergeant ~ the King's Armoury as his wages were only 7½d. a day. John ~e 
S~anley was followed by John Don as Sergeant on I 1 March 1451122 with Henry Gray and John Roger as Keepers under him. In the follm,ving year, John Don is styled 'Sergeant or Master of the King's 
Armoury'. The office was housed in the White Tower and the main storehouse was also in the Tower of London. In addition to this depository the Master held, under crown leases, several tenements in the precincts with gardens on Tower Hill and a wharf upon the river. In addition to his headquarter charge he had responsibility for the supplies and storage of armour throughout the country notably at Whitehall, Windsor, Hampton Court, Greenwich, and Woolwich, though his control over these outstations was often not very effective. Greenwich' in Tudor times was the main establishment where in the Green 
' 
Gallery of the palace, choice pieces of the craft_sman's art were dis­played. At Greenwich also the Master and his local Keeper had 
residences in the tilt-yard. The salary of the Master of the Armoury remained at I 2d. a day till the reign of Henry VIII when it was increased in all to £100 per annum. Apart from the armourers at Greenwich, whose activities are described in Chapter 3, the staff of the Office of Armoury was modest. It was even in Elizabethan times only a small administrative department of State responsible for the provision and custody of 
119 Rot. Pat. Henry VI, p. 2, m. 10, 20 February 1423.
1 
120 Rot. Pat. 8 Henry VI, p. 2, m. 34d, 16 February 1429· 121 Rot. Pat. 10 Henry VI, p. 1, m. 14, 14 November 1431. 122 Rot. Pat. 1 Edward IV, p. 1, m. 17, 11 March 146 1 • 
79
7 



THE BACKGROUND 

swords and body armour required for the forces of the Crown and for the equipment necessary for the royal tilts. Francis Peck gives123 the whole expenses of the Complete Office in the sixteenth century 
as:  
Master of the armorie: fee  £ 31  s. 18  d. 6  
For keeping the armorie in  
the great gallery at Grenewich  66  13  4  
Loksmyth: fee  15  12  0  
Laborer: fee  10  0  0  
Gyrdler: fee  IO  0  0  
Brigander: fee  IO  0  0  
Inferior armourers to the  
number of 20 serving at  
Greenwich: One at Five at Three at The rest a peece Lyverye among them Ordinary charges  36 20 15 9 32 9  0 I 0 2 IO 0  0 4 0 6 0 0  

An ann~al expen';1iture by a department of State which strikes the mod:rn mmd as quite refreshing. With John Don commences the succession of eminent men who held_the Office o~ Master of the Armoury for nigh on 220 years till 
the btle and appmntment was abolished. The most celebrated holder ~vas John Du~ley, Duk_e of Northumberland, who resigned the po~t m 1544 on ,bemg appointed Governor of Boulogne. He married his predecessors daughter and, after a distinguished career fell into dis­favo~r. He "":a~ fi~ally attainted and beheaded on 22 'August 1553 for his complicity in the attempt of his daughter-in-law Lady Jane Dudley, to ob_tain a patent of succession to the Cro;n. The laSt h?lder o~ the title was Colonel William Legge, who was deprived of his post m the Great Rebellion. In 1649 William Moulins Comp­
troller of the Artillery T · f h · ' · · ' d .c.
rain o t e City of London pet1t10ne 10r 

the grant ofthe office 124 b h . ' . · 
t. I ' ut e appears to have failed m his expecta­
10ns. n 1671 the Office fA • • · b · 
' 0 rmoury was abolished its duties eing
k

ta en over by the Offi f o d ' I
S p . ce O r nance. There appear to be severa 
tate apders dwhich deal with this amalgamation The first is a warrant ate 18 M 6 • . · · I 
Master of th dn ay 1 7° appomtmg Sir Thomas Ch1che ey 
e r ance-i2s th di . . h s 

Chi h I f h O , e secon 26 1s a grant to Sir T oma 
c e ey o t e Offices Of M h 
aster of the Ordnance Keeper of t e

Armoury at East Gree · h ' 
nwic , and Sergeant and Master of the Arms 

111 Desiderata Curiosa new cd 
11
" S.P.D. Intcrrcg j 6 · 779, p. 62. 

i• Sp D Char 2, 492. 
· · · lcs II Entry Book 

111 S.P.D. Charles 11' Docqu ts 314 f 26, 18 May 1670. ' c ' vo. 25, no. 22, March 1671. 
80 
THE OFFICE OF ORDNANCE 1414-1670 

and Armoury in the Tower and elsewhere in England• the third is a grant to Sir Thomas Chicheley of the Offices of Master of the Ordnance, Keeper ofthe Armoury in the Galleries at Greenwich and Master of the Arms and Armoury in the Tower and elsewhere in England;127 and the last is a warrant to Sir Thomas Chicheley 12s 'Master of the Ordnance, the Office of Armoury being now uni;ed to the Ordnance, to inspect all the arms in the Armoury and take an account thereof, the Ordnance clerks henceforth to take charge of the Armoury Stores, and the Or?nance Treasurer to pay all moneys relating to it; all officers therein to be appointed by himself and the present officers suspended, but their fees paid out of th~ Ordnance Office.' 
Charles II was evidently taking no chances about killing the Office of Armoury stone dead. The following is a list of the 
Masters of the Armoury 
1429 John Orell (Sergeant). Appointed 16. 2. 1429 1431 John de Stanley (Sergeant). Appointed 14. II. 1431 1461 John Don. Appointed 11. 3. 1461 1485 Sir Richard Guilford, K.G. (Master of the Ordnance). Appointed 
8. 8. 1485 I 506 Sir Edward Guilford ( son of the above) 1533 John (Dudley), Duke of Northumberland, K.G. Appointed 6. 7. 
1533 I 544 Sir Thomas D'Arey. Appointed g. 6. 1544 1554 Sir Richard Southwell (Master of the Ordnance) 
1561 Sir George Howard 1575 Sir Richard Southwell . 1578 Sir Henry Lee of Ditchley, K.G. Appointed g. 6. 1580 161 r Sir Thomas Monson. Appointed 1I. 3. I 61 I I 6I 5 Sir William Cope of Hanwell . . 1628 Sir Thomas Jay of Netheravon, Wilts. Appomted 25. g. 1628 1638 Colonel William Legge 
(Office in abeyance 1648-1660) 1660 Colonel William Legge 1671 Office abolished 
Among the Officials of the Armoury are the following: 
1423 John Orell: Armourer I 461 Henry Gray: Keeper of the Armoury 1461 John Roger: Keeper of the Armoury 1557-1567 William Paynter: Clerk of the Armoury (Clerk of the 

Ordnance) 1589 William Sugden: Clerk of the Armoury I 594 John Lee: Yeoman of the Armoury 127 S.P.D. Charles II, Docquets, vol. 25, no. 95, July 167 I. 12e S.P.D. Charles II, Entry Book 34 f 131, 22 December 1671. 
81 



THE BACKGROUND 
1601 John Benion: Clerk of the Armoury 
1626-1629 Roger Falkenor: Clerk of the Armoury 
1627 John Cooper: Surveyor of the Armoury 
1628 John Cowper: Surveyor of the Armoury 
1628 John Clarke: Surveyor of the Armoury 
1633 John Clarke: Surveyor of the Armoury 
1633 William Burgis: Surveyor of the Armoury 
1649 Edward Annesley: Clerk to the Armouries and 1,faster Armourer 
Chapter 3 
Crown Establishments at Greenwich 
Greenwich, as an appendage of Lewisham, was by virtu f Elfrida's grant1 possessed by the Abbot of St Peters at Ghent i 0 6 September 918 until 1414 when Henry V dissolved one hund0~ and forty-two alien priories including Lewisham, thus causing :~e manor of Greenwich to revert to the Crown.2 Not for long was th estate free from ecclesiastical jurisdiction, for soon afterwards the victor of Agincourt settled it on his newly-founded house at W ~ Shene-the Carthusian Priory ofJesus ofBethlehem-for the supp;st of forty monks.3 Eight years later Henry V, dying of camp fever \ the age ofthirty-five, bequeathed his crown and country to his you: 

son. g Henry's death released the pent-up stream of underlying lawless­ness. While John, Duke of Bedford, one of the late king's brothers assumed the responsibilities in France occasioned by the recent con: quests, he failed to receive the necessary support from home where a lack of settled policy prevailed. Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester another royal brother, became Lieutenant of the Realm, but hi; authority was undermined from the start; jealousy, enmity, and power--politics weakened his position. Thwarted by uncooperative nobl s, his Presidency of the Council availed him little in swaying the deliberations of that body. During this period of internal weak­ness, England's star began rapidly to set in France, and this ebbing strength overseas opened up the possibility of counter-invasion. Humphrey, though vain and capricious, was a realist and, fearing attack, determined to act upon his own initiative and safeguard the routes to London. There were two. The Roman road from the coast to the capital, and the river Thames. He t?erefore planned to bestride both these lines of approach. To achieve this purpose he entered into negotiations with the Prior ofShene, and on 30January 1433 'Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Prot~ctor of England, and Alianore his wife had a licence under the Privy Seal to exchange a
' ' 

parcel of their own land with the Prior of Shene for 17 acres of pasture and rough ground which had belonged to the alien Priory of Lewisham and had formed part of Henry V's endowment to the 
1 Elfrida or Elstrudis was the daughter of Alfred the Great. ~he married Bald in II (The Bald), Count of Flanders. He died 2 January 918. She died 7 June 929 and buried in St Peter's Church, Ghent. 
2 Rot. Parl. vol. IV, p. 22. No. IX, m. 3· Item 21. 8 Calendar of Charter Rolls, 2 Henry V, P· I m. 8, 25 Septcm r 1414­
83 




THE BACKGROUND 

Priory ofJesus ofBethlehem',4 and a further licence 'to enclose and empark 200 acres of land, including that obtained from the prior; pasture, furze, gorse and scrub which were without the forest bounds, and the park so made to be held of the Duke and his heirs for ever. In addition, to build a mansion, crenelled and embattled, and en­close it within walls; also to erect and turrelate a certain tower, all in stone and lime, within the park. '5 This area roughly coincided with that at present covered by Greenwich Park and the Royal Naval College; its boundaries being Maze Hill, Charlton Way, Groom's Hill, and the river. 
This Duke of Gloucester, known as 'Humphrey the Good' was, like his brother Henry V, ~ull ofrestless energy. He had proved him­self a capable comma?-der ~n t?e French campaigns. Shakespeare has much to say concernmg him 1n his King Henry VI. His moral life by modern standards was not above reproach; even in his own day it evoked comment. On the accession ofHenry VI he became seriously embroiled wit~ William, Duke of Brabant, whose wife Jacqueline, Duchess of Hamault, he, Humphrey, had married after her arrival in England following a disagreement with her lord and master. Eventually the affair was hushed up without recourse to armed 
combat ?Y Humphrey subjecting himself to the Pope's will and abandorung the lady. Soon after he married his mistress Alianore daugh~er of Reginal?, Lor? Cobham. A few years later a complain~ to Parliament was laid against him by one 'Mistress Stokes and other bo_ld women because he suffered Jacqueline, his wife, to be im­prisoned by the Duke ofBurgundy whilst he lived with an adultress'. The Duk~ of _Gloucester, whatever his faults, was a man of taste ~nd learrung m an.uncultured age. Educated at Oxford and en­lightened by travel 1n Italy, he was, in addition to being a soldier and a state~man, a man of letters and a patron of the arts. He laid ~he found~tion_ ofthe Bodleian Library and built the divinit schools 
m the Uruvers1ty of Oxford. y He raised his stronghold known as 'D k H h , T ' on the site now occupied by the OId R 1 u e ump rey s ower. 
b nk oya Observatory while on the nver
nd

Na at present covered by the west ;ing of the Royal
i°~ g;ou ha~ah h O egedhBe erected his 'crennelled and embattled mansion' w 1c e name ella Court M h k" · h d 
on this hi h · uc care, s ill, and money was laVIS e 
w c represented a triu h f h · · ·t

he housed the fi t • . mp O t e bmlder's art; and In I 
rs private 11brary ev tO b . .

Meanwhile t • . er e set up m this country. marriage brou~~ ~1_mo;1al troubles still pursued him and his second his Duchess J ~; ttdle comfort. It was whispered that Alianore, woman muc'h ~s a icte to_ witchcraft. Although a weak-minded 
given to consorting "th h

WI soot sayers and necromancers, ' Rot. Pat. 11 Henry VI 
1 

I Rot. Pat. II Henry vr' :· i' m. 14, 30 January 1433. ' · ' m. 14, 30 January 1433. 
84 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
she was in her silly way ambitious, and dreamed of becoming day the queen should Henry VI die. Sorcery was then cons·d 0~ the paramount sin against God and humanity, so when she ;e;r:ar sanctuary to Westminster on the arrest of her protege Roger O I an astrologer, on a charge of conspiring the king's death sh n ey, 
. . h . Sh , e was 
suspected of compIicity 1n t e cnme. e was brought before Ar h bishop Chicheley and Cardinals Beaufort and Kempe in St St h c ,­
. d h . ep en s
ehape,1 W estminster, an on t e testimony of Onley and th accusers was adjudged guilty and ordered to be confined in ~ ~r Castle, near Maidstone. Arraigned shortly afterwards in the G e_~ds hall, London, she was charged with heresy and with having UI cl bewitchery to induce Duke Humphrey to marry her. One ch~:;e was that she had made a waxen effigy of the king so that by h diabolic arts she could cause his body to waste away. This accusati:~ was refuted to the last by Roger Onley who swore that he and th Duchess had only been trying by divination to forecast the dat ~ the King's death. Vengeance rather thanjustice followed swiftly He0 
. . er 
acc?mplice, Margaret Jourdayn, the _witch of Eye, was burnt at Smithfield on 27 October 1441, and Richard Wyche, vicar ofDept­ford, suffered the same fate for Lollardry. Alianore herself did pen­ance in St Stephen's Chapel, Westminster on 9 November 1441. On 14 November she was landed at Temple Stairs and made to parade Fleet Street 'bare-headed with only a kerchiefon her head' carrying a 21b. wax candle which she offered at the high altar of St Paul's. Sh performed similar acts of penance for several consecutive days in different parts of the City, attended by the Mayor and Sheriffs. After her public avowal she was imprisoned for life, deprived of her dower6 and assigned a yearly allowance of 100 mares for her support.7 Roger Wyche, her clerk, was hanged at Tyburn after the completion of her penance. 
Having disposed of Alianore, Cardinal Beaufort, who hated the Duke ofGloucester, could now focus his attention on his arch enemy. This the prince of the church proceeded to do, and in due course Humphrey, incurring thejealousy ofMargaret ofAnjou, the redoubt­able consort of Henry VI, fell a victim to her machinations. It was rumoured that the Duke, not content with being heir-presumptive, aspired to the throne by removing his somewhat weak nephew. Margaret had no mind to lose her position as first lady in the land, and being a woman of character, acted with vigour. Attending a parliament which had been called at Bury St Edmunds in 1447, the Duke of Gloucester was arrested on the second day of the se sion by 
John, Viscount Beaumont,8 Lord High Chamberlain, accompani d 
0 
Rot. Parl. 25 Henry VI, vol. V, p. 135, no. 17.. 7 Issue Roll. Easter 22 Henry VI, 15 May. Frederick D evon. 8 The first Viscountcy ever created. Letters Patent 12 F ebruary 1440. 
85 



THE BACKGROUND 

among others by the Duke ofBuckingham, the Lord High Constable, and put under guard. All Gloucester's servants were withdrawn and thirty-two of the most important were thrown into different gaols. The following day the Duke was discovered dead in bed in very suspicious circu~stances, though officially his end was ascribed to apoplexy. He died on 23 February 1447 without heirs and his property passed to the Crov,1n. Margaret of Anjou, not being the woman to _let grass grow under her feet, promptly seized Bella Court at Greenwich, a few weeks after its owner's decease. 
Although Bella Court possessed great charm it failed to satisfy its new mistress. The accounts ofThomas Ketewel 'Clerk of the Quenys werkys_ of the maner of Ples_aunce' commencing Easter 1447 and extending over five years testify to this. A very considerable sum of money was spent on further embellishment and decoration so that its elegance became even :11ore enhanced. As a crowning t~uch she chang~d the name of this architectural gem from Bella Court to !~acentza. In due course the estate was granted on 2 2 April 1465 in 
JOmture by Edward IV to his queen Elizabeth9 for the term of her 
10

life. Richard III, however, seized ;11 her possessions but her son-in-law Henry VII on his ac · d · : · b 
. . . cess10n ma e partial rest1t t10n y re­

stormg some of her JOmtur Th G · h 
. . e. e reenw1ch property, however, e retamed for his own use. Placentia w 1 d b Ed -d IV and
fu h . d b as en arge y wa1 
3:t er improve Y Henry VII who faced its riverside frontage with 

bnck. England owes much to th T d · · d
• e u ors, especially to their faun er 

whose care fcores1ght and fi li . . 
. b ' ' ruga ty contributed m no small measure ~o. it~ ~u sequtnt prosperity. Henry VII laid the foundations of nt~n/h~ava sudpremacy, and, in so doing secured the establish­dmen doth is oTwnd ynasty firmly on the thron~. In addition he intro­
uce at u or absolutis h" h ' .

and turn th · th h m w 1c made men forget past schisms 
err oug ts toward 'd . h . . 1 h .

Henry VIII b . s pn e m t eir nat10na entage.
th 

up within si;~ a~~ns~: e palace ~t Greenwich and, being brought
nd

that passion for sh" d of the nver, developed at an early age out life. His fathe~: ~: se~-power which dominated him throug~­ambitions to the fi ll ;ncial acum_en allowed him to gratify his in the Councils ofuE an thereby raise the prestige of this country
urope. After Henry VIII beca K. d 

make Greenwich th me i~g he decided to leave Eltham an possess the whole m:n::t;e of his court. This change drove him to the Prior of Shene a d . resSure was therefore brought to bear on 
1

his title under plea ~ t ~hr 518 an attempt was made to invalidate 
•J:?aurhtcr r 8. R" a e grant of Henry V had been rescinded Earl Ri o xr ichard Widvill I d 
vcn by JIC;_quclinc of Luxcm e, or. of the manor of Lee, and afterwards i~t6r: ~~ was SirJohn Grey Lo~~' widow ofJohn, Duke of Bedford. Elizabeth 5 
· at. 5 Edward IV p ' 1 r rey of Groby. ' • , m. 15, 22 April 1465. 
86 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
by virtue of an Act ofResumption passed by Edward IV. The prior John Joborne, however, refused to be brow-beaten and produced ' confirmation dated g July 1461. Henry lost his case. But the Tudoa monarch was not the man to sit down under defeat and, adaman~ in his resolve, he effected an exchange with the prior on 23 Decembe 1536, thereby gaining possession of the manors of Lewisham OI~ Court, and Greenwich.11 ' 
In the meantime Henry VIII had ~ot b:en idle at Greenwich. He enlarged Placentia considerably making it a worthy abode for crowned head. Proud and autocratic, an accomplished horseman a 
. 'a
fine athlete, and a first-rate marksman, 1t was anathema to him to think that any stranger prince could outmatch him in brilliance or that any foreign country could out-produce his own in ships, arms, and armour. He was determined to make England the fount of chivalry and the workshop of the world. To put this ideal into practice he constructed a great tilt-yard at Greenwich which was to be the envy of Christendom, he founded dockyards at Deptford and Woolwich under his immediate eye, and he introduced alien crafts­men into his service. 
The Royal Palace at Greenwich was a long narrow building con­sisting in the main of three inter-connected quadrangles fronting the river. Up to and including the reign ofHen:'y VII the ground behind was laid out in terraces and planted with orchards, shubberies, flowe s, and vegetables. It was still a country gentleman's garden. Henry V III's schemes altered all th~t. ~y the_ ti~e his plans were executed the ostentatious tilt-yard ·with its bu1ld1ngs together with those of the armoury, flanked by two stat~ly Tudor towers, c?vered the eastern third of the area. Of the remainder, that part which lay to the west ofthe old Friar's Road became fruit and kitchen gardens, while the other portion between F:iar's Road an~ th~ armoury was laid out in flowers. It was formal in style and, with its profus10n of old-fashioned sweet-smelling herbs and blossoms, must have become a veritable haunt of ancient peace wherein the ladies of the Court could while away a pleasant hour. It was kno~n. ~s the Queen's Garden. At the southern end of the central avenue dividing the palace 
ate-house which not only gave access to the park
grounds stood a g , · · ld · 
but afforded a vantage point from which roya1v1s1tor~ cou witness in comfort the spectacular shows provided for their amu~ement. Owing to the height of the terraces, t~e ar~ouJfi and ~It-yard buildings seemed to o'er-top the palace w enp':'iew~ rdo~ t en er. 
1
The armoury buildings consisted of the nnce s o g1ngs, guest­· 1 arters watch-towers, workshops, forges, grand-

rooms, officia qu , . . . . stands, and stables. It is uncertain when building operations actually . t must have been very soon after Henry VIII 
commenced though 1 11 Statutes of the Realm, 23 Henry VIII, Cap. 2 7 • 
87 



THE BACKGROUND 

ascended the throne. The King's Book of Payments is quite explicit on this point and, from it, it appears that the whole project took some ten years to complete. Stables and barns seem to have been given priority for in May r 5 r o Henry Smyth was paid for a new stable and barn at Greenwich.12 This was followed in September 15 r o by an entry stating that Edward Guylforde13 was paid £200 for stables and barns in the same place.14 In July 1516, two towers and a house 'on the green before the tilt, behind the manor ofGreenwich' occasioned the payment of another £200.15 This particular task must have been assigned to Henry Smyth as a year later on 1 July 1517 he received an additional £200 towards the purchase of stone, timber and brick in connection with the same 'two towers and a house'. Exactly twelve months later he finished the armoury house with its two towers for which he received the sum of£ 400 on 19 July r5r8. The next entry ofimportance is under date 2 r ovember 151 g when there is a warrant addressed to SirJohn Heron for paying £300 for 'finishing the tilt' at Greenwich and making a new bridge or landing stage by the Thames-side there.1G The last entry in the State Papers which refers to this specific building programme is one in January 152_1 when Thomas Foster17 received £100 for erecting a shed in the tilt-yard at Greenwich and for effecting certain repairs.18 
Before th~se ne:-v wor~shops were ready for occupation the only armoury mill available 1n the neighbourhood was situated on the Ravensbourne at Deptford.19 This mill is described in the rental of the manor, r37r, as one for grinding steel and valued at 3s. 4d. a year. An extract from a Parliamentary Survey No. 30 dated February 1649 reads as follows : 
The armoury mill consisted of two little rooms and one large room, where!n ~tood two mills, then lately altered, and ei'riployed by the pottersfo: ~ndmg colours for their earthenware. The mill with stables stood ~1thm one acre ofground abutting on Lewisham Common and was used, til! a~ou~ twelve rears before 1549, for grinding armo~r for the late ~ng s Tilt Y~rd; 1t had since been suffered to go to ruin. Mr Anthony l'\1chol1s M.P. m 1646 demised the same b h t · ht k and the 
. , y w a ng un nown, 

1 h d
essees a expended £250 m new mak· th -d · · the banks
f th d O C mg e m111 an repairing
0 e pon : ne, aptain Edward Woodford, claimed the mill ancl ground by virtue ofa deed, dated 13 April r4Jas (1616) under the title 
11 
Letters and Papers Foreign d D . 446 
C:~!13g's B?Ok of Paymedts) (2 Hen; vn1mestic, Henry VIII, vol. 2, part 2, P· 1 ALcppomted Master of the Armoury in 
~ 506

14 tters and Papers Foreign d D : 1448 (~!11g's Book of Paymedts) (2 Hen; VII1)estic, Henry VIII, vol. 2, part 2, P· Letters and Papers Foreign d D · . H Letters and Papers: Foreign and D omest~c, Henry VIII, vol. 2, part 2, p. 1472 • 
17 Thomas Foster was Comptr ~ r°hesti~, Henry VIII, vol. 33, part I, no. 520· a Lcttcn and Papers Forei o ed o t e ~mg's Works. 11 This site is now in' the ~:h Domes~ic, Henry VIII, vol. 3, part 2, p. 1_544. ·us 
Path and C.Onington Road. g of Lewisham. It is at the intersection of Silk Mi 
88 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 

of a water-mill running beyond a parcel of ground called Boyla d • h"
h h n , wit 1n 

t e m~n~r of Shrofield, called by t ~ name of Teddersmill, but the mill was w1thm the manor ofEast Greenwich20 a~d the Captain was dischar ed attendance. The rent was £17 a year to which was added £8 a • g d 
rent. s improve 
An extract from the Survey of the Manor of East Greenwich I 69521 states: 
All that tenement or mill called or known ·by the name of the Ar Mill and consisting of one large room wherein standeth two mills hmoury 
_t; fc • d' ereto­
ore used and employed ?Y potters or ~nn mg of their colours for their earthenware, together with two other little rooms, one little stabl 
. b e, one

1arge pond, all situate lying and bemg etween the parish and mano f 
. . r o

E ast Greenwich containing by est1mat10n one acre more or less. 
All these two parcels of meadows or pasture ground called or know by the name of Armoury Meadows abutting the common meadows ~ Lewisham on the south and the fields called by the name of Sevente~n Acres belonging to the aforesaid manor of East Greenwich on the north­east containing by estimation s~---c acres _more or le~s. P.Jl that parcel of arable grounds called the Hermitage lying and bemg m the north-west end of a field called Hellen Field abutting on the land leading to the Armoury ]\,fill on the south containing by estimation one acre more or less. 
Which said Armoury Mill and meadows and field called Ermitage field contains in the whole seven acres and are now in the possession of Bolden 
' 

an armourer who holds the same from the Officers of the Ordnance at £roper ann;m eight pounds which the ~a~d ju~ors value above the said rent of eight pounds per annum at 40 sh1llmgs 1n all. 
The trustees of Morden College once claimed this mill as part of their demesne and threatened an action of ejectment against Hatch, the tenant. Being Crown property, it came under the jurisdiction of the O ffice of Ordnance when that body absorbed the Office of Armoury in r671. In May 1754, Mr Richar~ Hornbuckle made a proposition to the Board of Ordnance that 1f he were allowed to rent the Armoury Mill at £20 p.a. for 31 years, he would rebuild part of the old mill so as to make it a complete corn-mill, and add such additional features as would carry out the armoury work in a more profitable manner. He would expend £~00 on these improve­ments and guarantee to supply the Board with armoury work at normal prices. This offer was accepted in November 1754 and ~e necessary contract drawn up.22 In January 1770, Thomas Powne, 
who had given long and honourable service to the Board o~O:dnance petitioned that he might be allowed to take care of the buildings and materials at Lewisham in the place ofJames Bargeau deceased, and 
20 Greenwich. 21 P.R.O. C/205/20. / 6 8
22
22 Ordnancejournal Books, PRO/W0/47 44, PP· 2 , 1. 
89 


THE BACKGROUND 

supply the Board with mantlets at the same pay and under the same conditions as Bargeau. On receipt of the petition the Surveyor General reported as follows: 
I have to observe that on 18July 1746 the Board came to the following 

resolution: . fr James Bargeau having signified that he could not pretend to con­tract for any set price for serving the Office with blinds and mantelets by reason the ingredients used in making them are almost as dear again at one time as they are at another, but if the Board would allow him five shillings a day certain for life for his own trouble, he would give constant attendance in overseeing and directing the labourers in pre­paring the ingredients and making the said blinds and to the utmost of his ~ower d~ everything in the most frugal and best manner, or if they will appomt a man they can confide in he would impart the 
secret to him; the">: ~roviding a proper place 'to work in paying the labou_re~ and I_>rov1d_ing the materials and ingredients, desiring so?'1e gratmty m cons~deration of the great expense he has been at in bringing to such perfection and. making this valuable thing together with his attendance on them with a pattern by order of his Grace the Master­

General. An? the Surveyor-General (General Lascelles) having considered the same m pursuance ofan order on reference 11th inst he was of opinion that the said Bargeau might be allowed five shillin~s a day during his good behaviour provided he performs what he has undertake 1 and that the same should commence from r April last. 
The Board approved thereof and ordered the said allowance be paid quarterly by bill and debenture. And therefore agreeable to order Mr Bar~eau did disclose the secret to Mr Hayter who is since dead, but the particulars of the whole J:>rocess _are in the Office sealed up. 
The last mantelets delivered mto store were made by Bargeau in the year I 760 and although from their being first invented a proportionable number have frequently been sent on expeditions yet I have never heard that any one was ever made use ofin actual service. The price Mr Bargeau 
was paid for them was £7, exclusive of h • 
f . . 1s sa1ary. 

. d1 am ~ opmion that Thomas Powrie from his long and faithful services 15 eservmdgBofsome encouragement but think that the five shillings a day 
grante to argeau was a re d r h · · c.
b · • h war .lOr 1s discovering his secret there1ore su nnt it tot e Honourable Board whether his decease makes 'a vacancy
or not. 
S On 3° January 177°, the day following the submission of the urveyodr-heneral's report, the Board decided that no vacancy had occurre t rough Bargeau'8 d h b · h
h th h eat , ut agreed that Powrie m1g t aadive. e ouse and garden upon condition that he held himself in re ness to resume without s l h • 'f d 
when required.la ' a ary, t e making of mantlets 1 an 
a Ordnance Reporu, PRO{W0/554/4, f. 61. 
go 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
In view of Hornbuckle's contrac~ it is possible that the mantl workshop was not the Armoury Mills, but some other et 
· h . property in
Lew1s am belonging to the Board of Ordnance. 
In I 807, the original mill was extended and became th R Small Arms Factory at Lewisham (known as the Royal ; oyal Mills). The erection of the new small arms factory at Enfi l~~ury and the termination of the Napoleonic wars spelt the closue f ohck 
L · h . re o t e
ew1s am factory and its sale by the Board of Ordnance On . 
· . · passmg
int_o private hands the establishment soon became known as th s·tk Mzlls, though the high brick walls and massive gates flanked be hzlf sunken cannon still gave an air ofgovernment ownership Th y a 
. · e name
serv~d ~o cloak the real nature of the industry carried on behind the forb1ddi1:g portals, viz, the manufacture of gold and silver lace for the Se~v1ces. Much of the gold cloth a~d gorgeous brocade worn b the princes of India emanated from this source. After the disapp y
ear­
ance of the Silk M ills a new workshop was erected and owned b 
W arp Knitters Ltd. Except for this, ruin and decay had by 
193~ 

invaded the erstwhile factory, the gaunt remains of the once solid gateway testifying the glories of the past. The gates had gone and one upright of masonry festooned, entan?-led and rotted by creepers mutely proclaimed the pomps of a varushed yesterday. Now even worse has befallen this historic site. True, the creepers have dis­appeared but so have the houses and cottages, blasted into nothing­ness by Hitler's bombs. A new building on part ofthe area has arisen like a phoenix from the ashes and this is occupied by T. J. Hunt Ltd a firm of printers. Warp Knitters Ltd have quitted their premises: and for the rest a car park sprawls over the remainder. What an end to the Armoury Mill of Henry VIII. 'So noble a master fallen! all gone! and not one friend to take his fortune by the arm and go along with him.' Well might the cry of 'Ichabod' a_sc:nd to _high Olympus. 
All evidence tends to show that, from their 1ncep1:Ion, the Green­wi_ch workshops made little armour, probably not more than a_d~zen suits and head-pieces a year. They were set up solely for specialized products and were limited to the output ofwhat we should now term 'show-pi;ces'. Henry VIII never contemplated using the yre~ses for the production of soldiers' armour, such a com~odity being mainly purchased in overseas markets. In order to introduce the manufacture offine armour into England Henry V_III brought over craftsmen from the continent. They came from Milan, the Nether­
lands A b Nuremburg Innsbruck and Cologne. In the ah­
' ugs urg, , · h h 

sence ofsuitable shops in the Tower and at Greenw1c , w_ ere p an had not yet materialized these foreigners were temporanly accom­· · 'workrooms and stores at Southwark, once
modated 1n some repair . 
the home of the Poynings family, adjacent to an old ~nn _call d :h 
Holy Water Sprinkler. The Milanese were the first to arnv , th v. r 
91 


THE BACKGROUND 

at work by 1511. The Germans or Almains, as they were termed, ?id not commence operations till 1514. On 22 July 1514 the following entry occurs in State Papers. 24 
To John Blewberry for the wages of armourers of Milan £6 I 3s. 4d. ; for 2 hogsheads of wine for the said armourers 53s.. 4d.; for rewar? of the said armourers £4; for the glasyers of the same mill, and one sp1?dle to the same glasyers £4; for a grindstone and the beam to the same mill 20s.; for the carriage of the mill to Greenwich 2s. 
John Blewberry, the Yeoman of the Tower Armoury,. was from time to time paid considerable sums to acquire tools, mill wheels, materials and other impedimenta for the shops both at Southwark and Greenwich. The Greenwich armoury, though in use by I 5 18, was not completed till 1520. Two further quotations from State documents clearly indicate that Blewberry was a very important personage in the armour world, Henry evidently considering him a reliable and trustworthy overseer who could with perfect confidence be despatched abroad to obtain the essentials of his craft. 
18 September 1514. To John Blewberry for the new forge at Greenwich made for the armourers of Brussels; a vice 13s. 4d.; a great bekehouse 6os·; a small bekehouse 16s.; a pair ofbellows 30s.; a pype stake 3s. 4d.; a creSt stake,µ.; a vysure stake,µ.; a hanging pype stake,µ. 4d.; a stake for h:ad pieces 5s.; two curace stakes IOs.; 4 pair of sherys [shears] 4.0s.; 3 plating hammers Bs.; 3 hammers for the head pieces 5s.; a crest hammer for the head piece 20d.; 2 hammers 2s. Bd.; 2 greve hammers 3s. 4d.; one meeke h~mmer 16d.; 2 pleyne hammers 2s. ; 2 platynge hammers 2s. ; 2 chesels with an helve Bd.; a crest hammer for the curace 12d.; 2 rivetting hammers 16d.; a boos hammer 12d.; 1r fylys [files] IIs.; a pair of pynsors I Bd.; 2 pairs of tongs 16d.; a harth stake 6d.; 2 chesels and 6 ponchons 2s· ; a water trough I Bd.; a tempering barrel 12.d.; 1 anvil 2.os. ; 6 stocks to set in the tolys IOs.; 16 dobles at 16d. a doble 21s. d.; 13 quarter of colys
[ coals J6s. gd.2s 4 
1

9 September 1514· To John Blewberry for a hide of leather to cover th~ same harness conveyed to Nottingham 3s.; a rest to the same harness 25·, !eath~rs, buckles, charnells and nails for the same 8s.; a lock for the hamper ~n which. the harness was kept 4d.; the hire ofa horse to clean the harness m th~_mill 2s.; for stuff and lining to the headpiece of the harness 12d.; for hinng two horses for Copyn and Peter the armourers to convey the harness_to Nottingham 13s. 4d.; costs ofth~mselves and ho~ses for 1 6 days2?s· ;_ hire of a cart for conveyance of the said stuff from London to ottmgham I6s. Bd.; 12 vices 4-J'.; a millman's wages for 3 months at 20d. ~ week. To John Blewberry for provision to be made by him in Antwerp
th 
m e parts ofBrabant for stuff to make harness £36 · his costs in Antwerp
40s.; the fee of Copyn W tt d p ' If ear
din th a e an eter Fever armourers for ha a Y ' en g e feast of St Michael the Archangel,next comi;g £10.25 
" Lettcn and Papen F · d . 
: Henry VIII, vol. 1: /;~r, an Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. I. Henry VIII, vol. I, p. 953. 
92 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
Work was evidently still in progress at Southwark in 1518 for payment was made in April of that year to Sir Edward Guildford2~ of the sum of£5. 17s. 6½d. for 'certain stuff bought for our armoury houses at Greenwich and Southwark and for wages etc'.2s After vacating Southwark, probably ab?ut 1520, the Milanese may have plied their trade for a short penod at Greenwich but they soon returned home. Possibly our damp climate did not conduce to their health and comfort. But whatever.the reason their departure left the field clear for the eleven Alma1ns who formed the core of the technical staff at Greenwich. They were at work alongside the Milan­ese in Southwark as early as 1514 and were still there five years later for their pay for 28 days at that place in January was
1519
£ 16. r3s. 7d. 29 There can be little doubt that they took over their new 
premises at Greenwich in the following year. 
A lengthy report was drawn up in _th_e hand~ting of Sir John 
Cokeso and issued in 1630 by a Comm1ss10n especially appointed to 
investigate the current state of the Royal Armouries. It opens with 
a reference to the proposal for establishing ~rmoury shops at Green­
wich upon which Henry vrr_r embarke~ ID. the early years of his 
reign and states 'The institution began 1n the tyme of Henrie the 
8th, who, that he might set up the manufacture of ar_mer in his own 
Kingdom (wch in al former times had been bought 1n foren parts), 
brouo-ht over Master workmen and other Armourers out ofGermanie 
and ~ ttled them at Greenwich in dwelling and working houses wher 
they have continued in succession, b~t never increased ~bove the 
first number ofone·and twentie, nor raised the workmanship or store 
of armer to anie considerable condition. So as foren services have 
been supplied by emptions made by merchants or by armorers in 
London; for which ther bath been _raised another Armorie in the 
tower. And besides theis two Armones, ther have be~n armors kept 
at W. d H pton Cort Westminster, Woolwich and Ports-
in sore, am , . . mouth and other places.' After detailing the_different posts held by th · ffi · 1 the report goes on to give the names and pay
e various o cia s, . . p· k · M of the Greenwich armourers when W11l1am ic enng was aster 
· the warrant of I 60831 and records that all
Workman as set out 1n . • h 11., th · '· held for life with authority to t e .1.vlaster
eir appomtments are h h d h 
W h Vacancies as may occur t roug eat or 
orkman to fill a11 sue d 'Th M dismissal for misconduct. The report then procee ds Che b alst~r W t th ·r admittance by the Lor am er a1n
orkmen are sworn a ei G · h · 
f h K. , H . nd so are all the rest.... At reenwic 1t 
o t e 1ng s owse, a d c. • d 
· ours have been ma e 1or service an
appeareth not that arue arm 
27 Appointed Master of the Armouries in ,?06; 
28 8 
Exchequer KR, account _4 1 7/2 ,d1ttJ~ti~~H~nry III, vol. 3, part 2, p. 153 •
29 Letters and Papers, Foreign an 30 Secretary of State. 
31 
S.P. Dom. Car. I, vol. 179, no. 65· 
93 


THE BACKGROUND 

the workmen chalenge as their privilege to make armors only for the King's person; and for such noble men as bring warrant under the King's hand.32 And for the most part, they have made none but tilting armors, for which they demand XVH an armour besides the King's wages33•••• At the Tower in like maner no armours have been made, neither doth the office ofthe Armourie make provision ofarms for service against an enimie. But in effect is imploied only in re­pairing decaied armours, and making cleane the armer in store ... and this is al I can finde of the woorke donne in the Office wch cost his Mte above roooli by yeare34 ; besides new provisions.' The report ends with an exhaustive analysis of the various accounts of the armourers,35 points out defects in the organization and suggests 
various reforms. 
By 1520 then work was in full swing at Greenwich and the ring ofthe armourers' hammers on the anvils must have formed a constant undertone in the orch~stration of sound which daily enveloped the palace. Though small 1n numbers and select in skill, the workmen from all accounts formed a busy band in executing the King's commands. The monthly payments to the Almain armourers were always £28. r6s. gd.,36 a figure which constantly occurs in the house­
hold expenses of Henry VIII, and although the establishment ex­panded slightly in the course of years the numbers em ployed remained on the who~e remarkably const;nt. Two documents show the developments dunng Henry's reign. 
The first, of course, refers to Southwark since Greenwich was not t?en in occupati~n, ~ statement reinforced by the fact that in November 1516 Sir ~chard Guildford37 was paid £ r6. 13s. 2 d. for the wages of the Alma1n armourers at Southwark.as 
20 May 151(;39 
Item to John Blewberry y ff 

d ur fAr ' eoman armourer upon a warrant for stu 
an nage o moury: ' 
11 Up to the present only tv,o su h . 
Hatton and the other for Richard Bc warrants have come to light. One for Christopher
./; rowne.
( )

a 30 une 1561. The Queen (Elizab th) s· 
to make a complete suit of arm e to ir (?eorge Howard, Master of the Ar1:1ou~ to be delivered to him on his a o_ur for 9hnstopher Hatton, gentleman pensioner, no. 33, p. 242.) P ymg the Just value thereof. (S.P.Dom. Eliz. vol. 34, 
(b) March 1603. The Queen (Elizab our Almain armourer to mak et:h) to the Master of Ordnance, You are to cause complete for the tilt, as for th:fiui~ ofgood ar1:1our for our servant Richa~d Browne, stuff thereof. (S.P.Dom. El' le 'at our price for the making, he paying for the 
la £15. lZ. VO. 287, no. 70.) 
" £1000. 
11 S.P. Dom. Car I vol 
.. Lcttcn and p . ' p' I ~9, no. 65.
88o apcrs, ore1gn and D • I 
noi, . . . omestic, Hen. VIII, vol. I 5, no. 599· vo . I 7, Sir Ri~ Guildford, x.o. M . ~~~ildford who followed ii· aster of the Armouries 1485-1506. Father of Sir .. ~i.c:n and Papen Foreian und as Master.
Excheq TR ' -o·• an 0 om t' H 
uer · · 215, folio 37a& B Mes ic, en. VIII, vol. 2, part 2, p. 1473. · · add. MSS. 21481, folio 189. 
94 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
first to Martyn, Master Armourer .................... . 
30s. IOd.
Item to Dericke Hunger ....... • • • • • • • • • ............ . 
4d. 
,, Hans Mery ........ • • • • • • • · · · • • • • .... . 12s. 
" . · · · · • l2S. 4d. 
, , Hans Clyngeldegill ..... • • • • • • ............... .
" l2S. 
4d. 
,, Cons van Mervanbury . • • • • • • ............... . 
r I~ 
" 4d. 
,, Hans Webbeler Poly1ery • • • • ................. . 12s.
" 4d. 
,, Hans Drost .... • • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ••..... r2s.
" 4d. 
,, Poulys Mer....... • • • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · • • ....... .
" l2S. 
4d. 
,, Gyllys the prentice • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · • • . . . . . . 6s.
" 8d.
for their bed and lodging · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · • • . . . r I os.
" od. 
to 2cwt. of iron .... • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · • • . . . . . gs.
" od. 
,, 1olb. of steel ..... • • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · •.......... . 20d.
" 
,, coals ........ • • • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · • • . . 20s. 
rod.
" 
,, their diet ....... • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · £12. os. 
od.
" 
,, 2016. of Emery • • · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · • . 5s. 
od.
" 
The second document is in the British Museum40 though anoth
P 41 I . er 
copy is preserved among the State . ap,ers. t IS dated 1540 and contains a complete account of the King s Armoury, with the names of the armourers as follows : 

The Charges of the King's Own Armoury, accounting the Master of t~e Arm ury's fee, Clerk and Yeor~an's wage and five arm~urers for his highness' wn provision with one gilder two lockyers one nullman and a prentic in the year. 
In primis the Mr of the Armourer's fee by the year and is paid b y the Customery of Chichester · : · · · · · · · · · · · · £31• I IS. od. Item the Clerk and Yeoman hath for their wage 22s. the month apiece and is paid by the Treasurer ofthe Chamber by the ............... • • • • • • • • • • •. £28. 12s. od. 
I temy~::~~~s· ~h~ ·Chief Armourer ha~h for his wage by the month 2 6s. 8d. and is paid by the said Treasurer. ... sum b th ........... • • • • · · · · · • • · • £17. 6s. 8d. 
Ite~ ol:/::r~;~ ·h~th ~Bs. 10d. the month which is by the ....... • • • • • • • • £25. 5s. 1od. Itemy~:~h~~-D~th~~k-h;~h -~~-.·~he month which is by th ............... £15. 12s. od. 
e year........... • • · · · · · · · · · · · h h · h 15 · Item Hans Clinkedager hath 24-J• the mont w IC £ 

by th . . . . . . . . . . . . 15. 12s. od. 
ye!!e:!::~er:K~~~:~;t~;~-:~~~ ~~~~~ ~~i~h-i~-~~ '.~~ £is. 12s. 
od. 
Item the Gilder wage by the year · · · · · · · ·: · · · · ·h·. ·h· · · · · • 4os. od. month apiece w 1c 

. I tern the two lockyers hath 2os· a . . . . . . . . . . £26. os. od. 
is ~{e!~i:: j:,;;~ ~;.· ~-~~~-1j,-~i,i~I~·i~ ~y t~e ybearh.. £15. 12s. od. 
11 Item for the prentice 6d. by the day which 15 y t e year ......................... £9. os. 10d. 
.................... 
:; LB.M. Royal 89, folio 75.. d D mestic Hen. VIII, vol. Ij no. 599· 
etters and Papers, Foreign an ° ' 
8 95 





THE BACKGROUND 
Item for 8 bundles of steel to the said armoury for the whole year. 38s. the bundle. Sum .................... £ 15. ,µ. od. I tern for the rest of the house at £7 the month which is by the year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £g 1• os. od. Sum £308. 8s. 4d. 
In primis the wage of 12 armourers two locksmiths and 4 apprentices !o be divided into tv. o shops, every of the armourers their wage at 24S. the month and the lock­smiths at 20s. a month and every prentice 6d. the day amounting by the fyear to the sum of ............... £ 155. 12s. od. 
Item the wage o 2 millmen at 24S. the month. Sum by the year ......................................... £31 . 4S· od. Item for 16 bundles of steele to serve both shops a whole year at 38s. a bundle. Sum .......................... £ 3o. 8s. od. Item to every of the said shops 4 loads of charcoal a month at gs. the load. Sum in the year £ 1 0 d
40 
Item one hide ?f buff leather every ~~~~h ·;0~ · 6~~1; · gs. · 
shoipts at/osb. thhe hh1de. Sum in the year .......... . . . .. £6. ros. od. em JOr ot s ops one cow hide a m th t 6 Bd the hide. Sum in the year ............. on a s. · 
6 
Item one hundredth oflron every month f~; b~~h ~h~~ ~ · £4. s. Bd. atI6ts. 81. th~ hundreith. Sum in the year . . . . . . . . . . . . . £4. 6s. Bd. em m wisp stee1JOr both shops every th lb
. man 15 . at 4d· the ~oun. • d Sum m the year .......... .
Item m wire monthly to both sh lb....... . . . . . . . . 65s. od. pound. Sum in the year . . . . . . . . ops I 2 • at 4d. the 
52
Item in nails and buckl r. · · · · • • • · • · • · · · · · · • • · • · • • s. od. 
. th es JOr both shops monthly 5s 
Sum m e year . . . . . . . · Item to every of the s~id · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·.· • • • • •.. . . . . 65s. od. millmen for their liveries armourers, locksmiths and yard 3 yard of kerse t 4 yard broad cloth at 5s. the in the year for 12 arm~ a 2s. the yard whole amounting men at 26s. for the m urers, two locksmiths and two mill-an · · · · · · · · · · · · · •............. £20. 16s. od. 
That these 12 armourers two I . Sum £303. 4-f· 4d. and 4 apprentices will make ocksm1t_hs two millmen bundles ofsteel and th th yearly with the said 16 
e o er stuff afo "d h

complete every harness t b resai 32 arnesses at £12 which amountetho. ~~ated to the King's highness sum of ...............~n e year towards his year the 
Itemofthesaid 12arm ......................... £384. os. od. • ourers to b d · ·d d . 

as IS aforesaid 4 of them shall b e 1v1 e mto 2 shops shop, wherein his grac h II e taken out of Erasmus' 
e s a save y I · . 

and livery the sum of ear Y m their wage Although 'Old M .......... · · · ····· ····........ £68. os. od. . artyn Van Ro ' · d
received the highest w f yne was still working in 1540 an in the post ofChiefArage O all, he had been supplanted by Erasmus ·ty . h mourer As th b'l
1 JS t at 'Old Mart , h · ere were two shops the proba 1 ­yn ad charge of one while Erasmus was 
96 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
certainly in charge of the other. Hans Clinkedager may be th 
· d · "d 1 e same

In IVl ua as Hans Clyngegill, but otherwise the personnel had 
changed. When Erasmus assumed the post of Chief Armo
M t W k . . urer, or 
as er or man as It IS usually called, is not known His nam fi
. · e rst 
appears on 20 ebruary 1519, when he IS referred to as 'an armo ,
• . F urer 

Agam In November 1519 he is mentioned as 'Asymus Ky · 
r. , . renor armourer 1or the bo~y, whe~ he IS gr~nted ?-n annuity of £lo.42 I~ 

1538, he was app01nted King's Brzgandarzus43 vice John G deceased, who had followed his father, William Gurre in the urre, 
. d h" . . M W ' same 

post. Erasmus retame IS position as aster orkman until 1 60 
thus completing over 50 years in his calling. His Christian n~ ' 
assumed various forms, Asimus, Asymus, Asmus, Herasmus wh~le 
. . , I e 

h. IS surname was written Kyrkonor, Krukner and Crykoner, but he 1s usually referred to as 'Erasmus Kyskener'. 
_The complete list of Master Workmen at Southwark and Green­wich is as under: 
Martyn Van Royne 1511-? 
Erasmus Kyskener ?-1560 
J hn K elte 1560-1576 
Jacob Halder 1576-1607
44
William Pickering 1607-1618 Thomas Stevens 1618-1628 icholas Sherman 1628 till the armoury closed down 

The royal armour was stored in several places, the chief among which being the Tower, Hampton Court, Windsor, Portsmouth, Woolwich and Greenwich, the latter becoming the principal depot on H enry VIII's accession and retaining its pride of place till the days of the Commonwealth. It must be appreciated that armour, as an item of military equipment, had become largely redundant by the close of Henry's life. Elizabeth's reign ushered in the true era of enriched armour. The suits produced were ornate to a degree and vied with one another in richness and inlay. Ceasing to be of any practical value on the battlefield armour became a matter of display for the tournament. It was the final paean which heralded its swan­song. Wealthy nobles spent large sums on exotic suits which served no useful purpose save to enhance the personal adornment of their wearers and add to the general pageantry of the tilt. By Stuart times armour had sunk to a purely sartorial level. For some time it had 
42 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, H~n. V~II, v_ol. 3, part I, no. 529. 43 Brigandarius was the official responsible for bng~ndmes, _i.e. the body armour ,~orn by the common soldier. It consisted of a leathem or linen tunic covered with small pieces ofsteel. 
44 The first Englishman to hold this appointment. In a ,,·-1:rrant dated I I Jul: 1614 w~erein he was paid £2 oo, the balance of £340 for arm~>U~ gilt and graven forth l t prince, he is styled 'Master of the Armoury at Greenwich• (S.P.Dom. Jas. I, 1. 77 
no. 62 (Sign Manual, vol. IV, no. 29).) 
97 





THE BACKGROUND 

been resisting the encroachments of the fire-arm but the march of events proving irresistible the bullet emerged as the undisputed victor. 
The principal rooms in the palace at Greenwich allotted to the manufacture and display of armour were the Green Gallery, the Great Chamber, Mr Pickering's workhouse, the cutting house, the locksmiths' office and the staff houses. The official in charge, known as the 'Keeper of the Armour', was usually a courtier standing high in the royal favour. This position had been previously held by George Lovekyn and SirJohn Dudley when in June 1538 it was granted to Thomas Colepeper, one ofthe gentlemen ofthe Privy Chamber, who was made 'Keeper of the Armoury for the King's Body and other habilaments ofwar in the long galleries ofthe tilt-yard at Greenwich' with similar fees to those enjoyed by his predecessors and an annuity of 100 marks.45 Poor Thomas! His tenure was short. His crime was lese-maj~ste for he had the presumption to fall deeply in love with Katherme Howard, Henry VIII's fifth wife. He was attainted and, 
on 20 December 1541, John Paston, another Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, ';'as appointed in his stead. His patent laconically decribes the post as lately held by Thomas Colepeper attained Ho sley 1 gth December'.John Paston was paid a salary of£r6. rss. 4d. for keeping the long gallery at Greenwich.47 Subsequent holders of the office of Keeper of the Armoury at Greenwich were Sir Thomas M orison 48 Francis_I~goldsby,4_9 Cipriano Scot,50 Sir ThomasJay 51John Cler k~s2 a~d William Burgis.53 The order of succession h~wever is com­
plicat7d by the f~ct that grants to this position ~ere often' made in revers10n. Sometimes the assignees died b r th bl t 
en·o th fi ·t Of Offi . e1ore ey were a e o 
~ Yd eh rui s ce-.Edward Pigeon belonged to this category50 -han ot ers were appointed in their reversionary places. Sometimes t ere were two aspirants ·t· . . 
. . wai mg vamly for the coveted post. This 

appomtment was nominally for 1·fc b h d 
it for any length oftime Th . i e ut _t e holders seldom retaine the ban ofdis l ·Ar. ey either received preferment or fell under 
p easure. ruter the Tud . h d h 

growing impoverishment of ors vams e from the st~g~, t e public life and und th S the Crown added to the uncertainties of 
' er e tuarts this t t f .er. •

sively chronic. The Office of s a e_ o auairs became progres­malaise. Arrears in sal . dArmoury did not escape the general 
. anes an wages
m the seventeenth cent were an everyday occurrence
O
ury. n r6 May 1627 there was a warrant to 

: Rot. Pat. 30 Hen. VIII n Rot. Pat. 33 Hen. VIII' p. :, m. 2, 27 June 1538.
"~~and Papers, For~i~ ~nr:i'J~:n20JJecember 1541. u s:p:no::JJas.I, vol. 62, no. 14, II M~:~hH6en. VIII, vol. 17, no. 880, 1542.'° S p Do Jas. I, vol. 135, no 25 162 I I I. 
.. m. as I v I • , 2. 

11 S p Do . ' o. 132 no 26 (S" 
II s:p:no:·~-II, vol. 117, n~. 63 2~gs Manubal, vol. 13, no. 71.) 11 July 1622. 
11 sp Dom. · , vol 119 n0 ' eptem er 1628 
· · •Car. I, vi • 33, 27 October 1628. ·
231 ' 
'no. 23, II January 1633. 98 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREE N WICH 
pay arrears of wages to the armourers at Greenwich for fifteen months amounting to £575, out ofmoney raised by the sale ofCrown lands, but the most pathetic case on record must surely be that of Francis Ingoldsby who appears to have been treated in a most cavalier fashion. He was an ancient retainer of the Crown in more senses than one and probably at his age a little senile, but this was no excuse for the treatment meted out to him. In order to obtain the wherewithal to keep body and soul together, he addressed in despera­tion a series ofpetitions to the Earl ofMiddlesex, the Lord Treasurer. There are at least three of these documents in existence. Their sequence is difficult to determine as the dates as well as the old man's idea of his age are rather confused, but the fact remains that these piteous appeals throw a blinding searchlight on the depraved state of the public conscience then existing. 
One petition dated June 162354 is couched in the following terms: 
ost humbly sheweth that beinge the ouldest servant to Queen Eliza­beth and his Matie and havinge nothinge in the world to relieve him but the ifee of xxd the day for keepinge his Matie Armorye at Greenwich for wh hee is behinde 6 yeares and is so far indebted that hee is like to perrish 
eing aged go yeares and not able to sue_ for it_hims~lfe. !"1e 1;1ost humbly beseecheth yor honor to vouchsafe to relieve him with his said arrears of fees to enable him to pay his debts and to keepe him from starvinge. And he shall truly pray for yor honors increase of all perfect felicity. 
This cri-de-coeur is endorsed: Let paymt be made to this poor olde man of one yeares fee out of six yeares arere due unto him 
Middlesex. 
The next one, dated 16 September 162255 runs as follows: 
To the right honorable sr Lionel Cranfeild, Earle of Middlesex, Lo high Treasorer of England. . . . The humble petition of Fraunc1s Ingoldsby, Keeper of his Mattes Armorie at Greenwich. Most humbly sheweth that being decr~pit a~d aged fourscore an~ t~n is not able to sue for himself hath not received his fee of xxd a day this six ye_ares. Wheref~re he mo~t h_umbly besee?het~ yr h_ono: in tender com­
miseration of his great misene to grant h_1m his renges 6 or part !hereof to pay his debts and keepe him from starvmge for he doth dayly faithfully pray for yr honrs perfect happiness. 
This is endorsed: 
For him soe to be payd. 
u Quoted from a paper 'The story of Greenwich _Armoury~ by_ Artht~r D .... harp, published in the Transactions of the Greenwich and Lewisham Ant1quaria11 on 9·, vol. Ill 
no. 4, p. 162, 1929. 
55 S.P. Dom. Jas. 1, vol. 135, no. 25. 
56 Arrears. 
99 


THE BACKGROUND 
The third, dated 1623, is written in a similar vein. 67 

To the Right honorable the Earle of Midd Lord high Treasorer of England. The humble petition of Frauncis Ingoldsby Kepr of his Maties Armorie at Greenwich. 
Most humbly sheweth that being the ouldest servant the King hath and having nothinge in the world to releeve him but the fee ofxxd by the day for keepinge his Maties Armorie at Greenwich wch hath not byn paid him this seven yeares and more havinge not byn able to sue for it himself being decrepit and aged fourscore and eight yeares and is run soe farr in debt that he is lyke to be turned out ofhis house and all he hath seized on and like to perrish for want. 
Wherefore hee most humbly beseecheth yr hon°r in tender compason ofhis great miserie to give order that hee may receive all his said reriges56 offee to keep him from starvinge and he shall spend the remaynder of his days in continuall prayer for yr honrs increases of all true and perfect felicities. 
No action seems to have been taken on this particular version of the petition. It is endorsed in a later hand: 
Francis Ingoldsby, Armorer at Greenwich 1623 We become tired with contemplating the abuses practiced in every ~epartmen.t under James t~e. first. This Petition from a man of eighty­eight labormg under Infirmities and unpaid for seven years of his small daily fe:, is only one more.added to many Proofs of the wretched state of the Fmances under that mglorious and profuse reign. 
It seems incredible to modern minds that such things could ever have happened.in the royal service, but a perusal of contemp orary docum;snts furrushes the proof. For instance, in February r627, Lord Totnes rec~mme~ds the surrender of John Cooper's patent of Keeper of Bngandmes and Surveyor of the King's Armoury a t the 
T

ower and at Greenwich· but C b · · · d
t d . . ' ooper, e1ng a man ofsp1nt, refuse :e;~~n er_ 1\~ll t~e arrears of his fee of r6d. a day for r8 months th
another ~~:~:ii:;~ides e Keeper and M~ster Workman there was the Armo , w·m e ~mou~-y at Greenwich styled the 'Yeoman of for life onu~ N1 a: arwin was granted this office, in reversion, Armoury' wh ;vemher 1613·6° Finally there was the 'Clerk of the this post at Go ept ~ he accounts. William Sugden was appointed to 
reenw1c as well a th f C .

the Tower ofLond A . s at o lerk of the Armoury 1n an annual allowan~:iF ~ pBrdil 16°~-His fee was 2s. 6d. a day with 
2 s. . for livery.s1 

,1 Saclcvillc (Knole) MSS Ser· 
" Master of the Ordnance· ies 1' no. 5864 (Old numbers) 
"S.P.Dom · . •• S.P. Dom:'i::_},v:o/ 55, no. 70, February 1627. ei S.P. Dom.Eliz. ~ol. ;775, no. 17, 20 N~vember 1613. 
9, no. 52, 2 April i6o1. 
100 

CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
Like any other organization, especially in which ease of living depended more on perquisites than on wages, the Armoury Office at Greenwich was not without its squabbles. In I 625, the officers and armourers of the King's Almayne Office of Armoury at Green­wich forwarded a petition to the Commissioners of the Ordnance and the Army, setting forth the institution of their office by Henry VIII and incorporating certain information laid against them by one Faulkener, 'a man not able to do anything in the Work'. They pra; the Commissioners to investigate the charges against them.62 On 2 November 1627 Roger Faulkener defends himself by assuming the offensive. He informs the king63 that the armourers at Greenwich have performed small service of late. He states that during the last seven years they have received £3,000 and have not made seven armours for the king's use. He attributes this negligence to Sir William 
Cope, Master of the Armouries, and prays that the Greenwich armourers may be employed in 'translating old armour'.64 Surveys of the armour stored in the :7ari~us depots were fr~quently u ndertaken, and certain of these which included Greenwich took pla c in: 
154765 13 February 156566 30 December r 56967 February 158668 June 158869 162070 
These lists are far too long to quote and save ~or the exJ?ert provide little interest. A precis of the 1569 accoun~ will be sufficient to indicate the items involved and the stocks held· 
I 150
Demi-lances .. • • • · · · · · · Flanders corslets. • • · · · · · 42 49 3466
Almain corslets . • • · · · · · · 
Brigandines . • • · · · · · · · · 145 I 100
Shirts of mail . • • · · · · · · · 580 pairs
Sleeves of mail • · · · · · · · · 
.•...... • 10
Jacks71 ....... 
14,43°
Morions ... • • • · · · · · · · · · 
62 S.P. Dom. Car. I, vol. 13, no. 96, 1625· 63 Charles I. N bcr 16"7 
64 S.P. Dom. Car. I, vol. 84, no. 5, 2 ovem -· 65 Archaelogia, vol. LI. February 1565.
6
6 6 S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. 36, no. l ' 13 December 1569. 67 S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. 15, no. 135, 3o 86 68 S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol. 198, no. 79, February 1S · 
528
69 S.P. Dom. Eliz., vol.211, no. 83, Jun ~ · 
101 • 162
70 S.P. Dom. Jas. I, vol. 1_18? no. be~on A padded linen garment worn 

71 Jack. A Body vestment s1m1lar to a gam · a shirt of mail. 
101 


THE BACKGROUND 
Sculls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2,700 
Steel saddles . . . . . . . . . . . 186 
Shaffrons72 ••••••••••.. 360 
Ermets73 •••••••••••••• 6 
The above equipment was stored in the Tower of London, Hamp­ton Court, Windsor, Westminster and Greenwich, and was, ofcourse, in addition to any fine suits belonging to the 'King's body'. 
There was, however, a complete inventory taken by a Commission in June 1611, after the death of Sir Henry Lee, K.G., Master of the Armoury, and on the succession of Sir Thomas Monson to that office.74 As this details the whole of the items stored in the various rooms and houses at Greenwich, it is set out at length in Appendix V. 
The Masters of the Armoury, or their deputies, resided by virtue of their office, in the mansion house in the tilt-yard, though in point offact it was usually the local Keeper of the Armoury at Greenwich who took up residence there. 

As the seventeenth century advanced armour became of less and less moment and the work of the armourers declined in importance. No doubt the realiza~on ofits approaching obsolescence was hatef~l to ~11 concerned, and its final phase was the perennial story of man s resistance t~ ch~nge. Although Tennyson tells us that 'The old order chan~eth, ):elding place to new' human inertia against adopting new techmques 1s very marked. It even took centuries before the fire-arm 
finally s?perseded the bow, for two hundred and fifty years after ~he commg of the hand-gun, Michael Montaigne could still lament its appearance 75 There di
· was a sort of halo of romance surroun ng armour and all that it represented which made kings and nobles loathdto a?andon it. It was the last vestige of feudalism wherein the 
arme krught cons'd1 d h' .
foo Id' . ere 1mself a bemg apart from the common ~~o iei and It degenerated at the last into an emblem of sno ery. d uht evolution cannot be stemmed so armour had to dis­
appear an t e craft to d I ' 
of Cha I I h' h ecay. ts fate was sealed by the martyrdom
r es w ic caused th G . . d

for ever. e reenw1ch Armoury to close its oors 
Charles I spent much ti · G . . 

completion of th Q ~em reenw1ch palace superintending the commenced for Ae u}e; s House for his wife. The residence was I lost interest in i;ne~ Jnmark, but after her death in I 6I gJames thus remained in atn or ered all work on it to be stopped. It had 
eyance for ten years. Charles I left the palace 71 Ska./fron. A mask of iron ho:-:C~ h~ i.e. the face ancl'~~per, brass or leather covering the front portion of a .r:.nnit. A kind fl' h · · 
,. S p Do O 1g t iron cap. 
" Third.: m. Jas. I, vol. 64, nos 7 
10n of the Seigneur d · M' 72,,1une 1611. YI• Sec chap. 1 page 21. e ontaigne. Born 28 February 1533. Famous for his 
102 
CROWN ESTABLISHME. TS AT GREENWICH 

at Greenwich for the last time in 1641 on a journey to the north which led ultimately to the block. After his execution, Greenwich, with other royal estates, was seized by Parliament, but when the Crown lands were sold pursuant to the ordinance of 16 July 164g, it was excluded from the sale, Bulstrode Whitelock being made Keeper of the Park and High Steward of the Manor of Greenwich. It was decided on 21 December 1651 that the Greenwich demesne should be reserved for Oliver Cromwell but the Commonwealth requiring funds for the upkeep of the navy, the House of Commons ' directed on 27 November 1652 that the property should be sold for ready money.76 On 6 December 1652 a survey and valuation was ordered, and on 31 December 1652 the House passed an ordinance for carrying out the sale. Although the palace and park could find no purchaser, portions of the estate passed into other hands; a 
messuage at the north end of tilt-yard, a part of the tilt-yard and the Queen's garden being bought by Henry Henn. Eventually in 1654, the Sub-Committee for the revenue after solemn and protracted debates declared the palace at Greenwich together with Hampton Court and Somerset House to befit for the accommodation of the Lord Prot ctor and his successors. Cromwell, however, died in 1658 and the Protectorate came to an end in February 1659. On the Restora­tion, the manor of Greenwich, its palace and park reverted to the Crown all previous sales being cancelled. 
h;t of the Armoury during the Civil War? On 1~ May 1649, the Council of State directed Edward Ansley to be admitted Master enwich and all tools etc. were ordered to be handed
W or kman at Gre .1di d h' h 
h. n o the same day the Counci recte im to searc
over to 1m. n . 
.c d · h · h arms and armour of the late king wherever
1or an seize t e nc ,
'th all the implements of the armourers craft
concea1ed together wi . . 
· h G ' · h k hops 78 A month later he was put m possession
1n t e reenw1c wor s · • M
-9
the Ravensbourne.' In the meantime, rs 
of the armoury m1.11 on ·111· · · h
'd f th last Master Workman, was stl ivmg in t e
Sherman w1 ow o e · 11 11 d h
' d bt . n the quarters officia y a otte to er
1
Armoury Office no ou . . • d
Th' did not suit the Puritanical conscience an on late husband. is C ·1 of State instructed Edward Ansley 1o September. I 649 the ?unci e the widow's reasons for retaining 
0
to take possess10n of the said offic ' . r. t ry 80 Edward Ansley's Job 
. . . · d red unsatls1ac o •
1 t evidently being consi e f ffi •al receiver. He had to take 
. d tO that o an o c1
might be compare ttle the accounts and evacuate stock, pack up the accoutrements, s? the armour was moved from the buildings. The greater part 0 
,o Journal of the House ofCommons, vo\,viiB t:;2;649 C.S.P. Dom. 1649-1650, p. 533. 
1 
n State Papers Council of State 1 32 ' 8 May 16_1-9' C.S.P. Dom. 1649-1650, P· ~33. ;s State Papers: Counci~ of State l b1'•~ Proceedin~, vol. ii, no. 18, 13 June 1649, 79 State Papers, Council of State, y 16-0 
C.S.P. Dom. 1649-1650, P· i83. r: September 1649, C.S.P. Dom. 16-19-:.> , so State Papers, Council of State I :.>5, 10 
p. 546. 
103 
THE BACKGROUND 

Greenwich to the Tower about r644, a transfer evidenced by a petition from Edward Ansley in 1660. Thenceforward the Tower became the main armoury showroom in the country and Greenwich was left derelict, ruin and decay invading its majestic precincts. The tilt-yard was broken up. On ro May 1650, the Council of State directed that its timber was to be applied to the repair of the wharf, and that the boards of the cock-pit and tilt-yard were to be used for repairing the great barn, a building which in due course was con­verted into a laboratory. The Council ordered the Comptroller of Works to arrange for the necessary work to be carried out.81 
What an ignominious end to bluffKina-Harry's hopes and aspira­tions. The tilt-yard, however, had outlived its usefulness. Constructed in the age when pageantry and chivalry still held the centre of the social stage, it passed with its pomps and vanities into the limbo of forgotten things. With its passing armour became a museum exhibit. 
The epitaph of the Greenwich armoury may be told in the words of William Legge, Master of His Majesty's Armourie in I 660,82 who with three other gentlemen carried out a survey of the arm ouries at 
the Tower and Greenwich. 
Wee doe finde as well upon our owne view as upon the i :i orm ation of ~ivers officers of t~e Ar?1ory, store-keepers and others thD t during ~h_e rune of the late distractions, the severall armes, amunicion, and hab1h­ments of warr, formerly remayning in the Green Gallery at Greenwich, were all taken and carried away by sundry souldiers who left the doors open. That sundry of the said armes were afterwards brought to the Tower ~f Lon~on by M~. Anneslye, where they are still rema ning. T~at the wamscott m the said Gallery is now all pulled down and earned 
nd

~way, a , as we are informed, was employed in wainscotting the house m_t~e ~ower where the said Mr. Anneslye lived. That a great part of the ceilmg 15 very much ruined and the whole house much decayed. That all 
the severall tooles and other uten ·1 r k" f r0 rmerly
• • h s1 s ior ma mg o armour 1c remaynmg ~n t e Master Armourer's workhouse there and at the Ar-m~urers'. Mill, were also, within the time of the said distractions, taken an c~ried aw~y (~aveing two old trunks bound about with iron which ;re stl 1re1;1a§~mg m the said workhouse. One old glazeing wheele sold 
o a cu_t er mb 00 Lane). That sundry ofthe said tooles and other utensilsh
ave smce een converted d · h · 
the time of th ·d d" an sold to private uses by those who, wit in 
e sa1 1straction h d h f h aid 

armes and t 1 b h s, a t e command and care o t e s the said too~ :e s~:n :t Greenwi:h and at the Tower. That diverse of bought them Th t h n °ther private men's handes who pretend th~Y the custody ~f Ma ~~ treat Anvill (called the Great Beare) is now in anvill knowne by t~ ic aell Bast~n, locksmith, at Whitehall, and the Coxe one ofhis M _e na~e of the Little Beare is in the custody ofThomas 
' aJestY s Armourers. And one combe stake in the custodY 11 State Pa~ Co · 
C S p D r-u, unc1l of State D ' 1650 
·,i • om. 1650, p. 151. ' ay s Proceedings, vol. ix, no. 20, ro May ' MSS. of the Earl of Dartmouth v I ... 
, 0. lll, p. 3. 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 

of Henry Keemer, one other of his Majesty's Armourers. And that the said mill formerly employed in grinding, glazing and making cleane of armes is destroyed and converted to other uses by one Mr. Woodward who claimed it by vertue of a graunt from KingJames of blessed memory, but the Officers of the Armorye for his Majesty's use have it now in their possession. 
Memorandum: That the severall distinguishments of the armors and furnitures before mentioned viz: The first serviceable, the second defective and to be repaired, the third unserviceable in their ow~ kinds, yet may be employed for necessary uses, and soe reported by R1ch_ard King and Thomas Cox, two of his Majesty's Armourers at Greenwich, who were nominated and appointed in his Majesty's Commission under his Signe Manuall before recited to be assistant in the service. And wee doe think the sam: to be by them' faithfully and honestly distinguished.83 
There is little more to tell; the sands of the armoury have nearly 
run out. Colonel William Legge,84 who had become Master of the 
Armouries on the accession of Charles II, had really a 'care-taker' 
appointment. The position was almost. a sinecure. On 5 ~ctober 
1666, he was authorized to sell a certain amount of ~nserviceable 
h·s charge in the Tower, so as to raise money for 
armour held on i G • h as A f h 
the r pair of the waterworks or armoury at .reenwic . . urt er blow occurred as the result of a report submitted to the kmg on 3 668 b th Commissioners for Retrenchment of Expenses.
J I
ahnuary Yd de y drastic cuts over the whole field of public
T ey recommen e ver d h c · 
d. B · t ecessity Charles II approve t e omm1s­
expen 1ture. owing on M h 668 
· , fi d" d · ed a warrant dated 18 arc 1 to put
s10ner~ n mgs ~n issu th of the same month.as Under this axe,
them into operat10n on 25 li · d
whole Office of Armoury were mite to
the annual expenses of the d d c. 1 
1 ss than were to be evote to 1a conry.
£400 a year, over £I ,ooo e d . 67 I when Sir Thomas
I . li t The en came in I 
t :"as a cnpp ng cu he offices of Master-General of the Ordnance, Chichely was granted t • t Greenwich and Master
11
Keeper of the Armoury i~ the gTa enes a d elsewhere in England.s, 
ry in the ower an 
of the Arms and Armou d d an independent existence
which ha pursue
Th Offi f Ar
e 1ce o moury bed in the Board of Ordnance and 
for at least 350 years became absor 
. . 1 ld ld" r J·ust faded away.
like the proverbia o so ie G · h including the 'Great 
.c d h torehouse at reenwic ' 
H ence1orwar t e s · ely devoted to Ordnance
1
' . h "lt d became exc usiv
Barn in t e t1 -yar . . . th gh they were were utilized 
ff; . d h kshops pnnutive ou ' 
a airs, an t e wor . h h d 1 ng been the principal powder for military purposes. Greenwic a O . b' Lieutenant of the Tower, John" ood and 
83 Signed by William Legge, J · Ro mson, 
Bartholomew Beale. d nd father of George, 1st Lord Dartmouth. 
84 Lieutenant-General of the Or na6ce;,ntry Book 23, P· 248. 5 October 1666. 
85 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. 171 , no. 1 ' 18 March 1668. 
86 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. 2 36, no. 19,,35no. 22, March 1671. 
87 S.P. Dom. Car. II, Docquets, vol. 1 ~ , no. 95 July 1671.
5
S.P. Dom. Car. II, Docquets, vo · -' ' 105 


THE BACKGROUND 
magazine in the country and supplies of that commodity were stored within the palace boundaries. There can be little doubt that on the abolition ofthe armoury the Great Barn was turned into a laboratory, and at the latter end of the seventeenth century this designation had become official. The Greenwich Laboratory manufactured fireworks among which was.funes igniarii or match which soldiers used for their muskets before the introduction of the firelock.ss In r 690 a warrant was issued directing that several grenado shells in 'Our laboratory at Greenwich' be recast into ordnance. Its site was in the N.E. corner 
of the tilt-yard on gr?~nd now occupied approximately by the main entrance to the Mant:Ime Museum. 
On 9 October r 694 a letter was addressed to the Lords of the Treasury by the Principal Officers of the Ordnance. It ran as follows:89 
May it please your LordPPs. 
Her MatY having bin pleas d · · · · 
. e some time smce to swmfy her pleasure
for removing all the Powd r. G · c · · 
. . . er 1rom reenw1ch house as L1kew1se our
Laboratory near ad1ommg wch · • . 11
d G ~ is now m Obedf e thereunto actua Y ~~rJve dto rba~esencl and Tilbury whereby the said places are quite 
e an we emg restrayned b O d . C .
Great Quantit in the To Y r er m ouncill from_ laying any 
. Y wer, are therefore forced to build a :.. cw Powder-
house rn some more conven · l . . 
Adm. Rufsell comes home ~ent pace, wh_1ch must be got ready against have made the An d E _rom the Stre1ghts. In order ,,·hereunto we 
nexe st1mate of h t h h d w
Laboratory for fixing shells a w a t_ e c arge of that an a ne 
Lay before y0 r LordPPs d .n? Carcafses will amount to wch we humbly payments afsigned vs for th~s::n~ w: may have money by 50~ weekly be lost. rvice m performance whereof no time must 

Wee are Office of Ordnance. May it please Yor LordPP 
gth October Most Obedt humble Servants 1694. Jon Charlton, Tho. Littleton, Wm. Boulter, Rt. Honobie the Lords f h Chris. Musgrave.
0 t e Treasury Attached to the letter · 
· are two e f 'A

Estimate for building M s 1mates. The first is entitled: n wharfe for shipping a ~ new . a~azine for Powder and a convenient for building a proofe-nh unshippmg into and out of the same as also 
ouse and d 11· ' ' 
The total estimate w £ we 1ng house for the storekeeper·
6 2 18

house was £434. 1os. 0;~ ' · 13s. gd. ofwhich the storekeeper's 
. Th~ second estimate for t smce it was to be at W I .he laboratory will be referred to later Th · 00 w1ch 
e estimate for the ' . October 1694 and was · ew Magazine for Powder' was dated 6 
• signed b JOh 
11 ~• KtnJ, vol. 1, p. _ Y n Charlton, Thomas Littleton,
28 
ttaaury Papen, vol. XXIX 
'no. 57. 
106 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREE~WICH 
and William BouJter. As will be seen, the request of the Ordnance authorities bore fruit very rapidly. 
A report by Samuel Travers, the Surveyor-General, dated g June r 693, recommended that a 'Survey of His Majesty's Lordship or Manor of East Greenwich in the County of Kent' should be under­taken, and this was carried out in 1695 by virtue of a Commission under the Great Seal dated 2 November 7 William III. The map which accompanied the survey90 shows very clearly the layout then existing in the palace grounds. The survey states that the Queen's Garden, the N.E. portion of the tilt-yard and about half the buildings therein were used 'For the service oftheir Majestys' Ordnance'; from which it may be inferred that Greenwich by the end of the seven­teenth century had become a consid_erable Ord~ance depo~. By this date the old powder magazine had disappe~re~, its place bemg taken by a building, known as the 'New Magazine very recently erected in an isolated position on the south bank of the Thames on t?e 
promontory leading towards the pn~s~nt Blackwall Tu~nel. ~ts site is th spot where the existing Mauntms Road would, if contmued, hit the ·water's edge. . . . 
The Greenwich magazine, being now in ~he public view, aroused feelirn:;s of alarm and despondency in the.neighbourhood. A pamp?­let ntitled Reason for Removing the Magazine of Gunpowder ~t Greenwich 
· t Place andfiurther Distance from the said Town and
to some more convemen , . . the Cities of London and Westminster91 was printed and circulated. The body of the pamphlet reads as follows: the Said Magazine is exposed to, of being blown 
The apparent Dano-er . . r. . 
• b • 
d other Accidents, ansmg 1rom its present 
up by T reachery, hghtmng, _an d" . d the extensive and scarce defenceless Situation and ruinous con t~n, a~ haps 6 or 8 ooo barrels reparable Damage with which the Exp oswn ° per . 'h .
ot but cause terrible appre ens1ons to
of powder must be attended, cann all who seriously consider it. Because of Greenwich and the places adjacent, 
I. The Inhabitants of the To':nL. d Prop' erties from the Destruc­
cr • · bl in their ives an , .
must suuer mconceiva Y, d the Public by the Destruction 
t· f h H d Church there· an .
ion o t e ouses an e;b building the Royal Hospital for of the Royal Palace, and that sup nee ofsuch an Explosion. And 
Seamen: the much to be dreaded c~n~~q~ajesty's Dockyards and Store­who will pretend to say how mWuc -~h and even the Cities of London houses, both at Deptford and 001wi. ' 
and Westminster, may be affected by ton the Kentish side, but also on 
11. The Banks of the River, n;_~ ~;h~d by the shock, as greatly to ob­
1
the Essex shor~, "':ould be so ~e . and many ships sailing, or at anchor struct the Nav1gat1on of the River, would in all Probability be deStroyed. . .re ·h John Kimbell, 1816. 
oo A · · I d d 1 The Charities OJ reenwic ' 
copy 1s me u e •n ) 
111 ·
B.M. North Library, 816 m7 (134 107 







THE BACKGROUND 
In_the year 1718 application was mad ..
of this Magazine and his M . e to Parliament for the Removal Officers of the O;dnance to aJeStY, the late King, gave Orders to the 
remove the same. b t · •
from the v\ ant of sufficient p d · u , as It IS apprehended, 
. ower an Mo tO p h
bmld a new one nothing wa d ney urc ase Land, and to
' s one. In the Year 1750, the applicat' .
his Majesty gave Orders for E 1?n to Parliament was renewed, when the House:92 And in the yeatn sti?1ate 0 i: the Expense to be laid before recommending a proper Plac ) 754dt lat Estimate (together with a Survey were laid before the House .9~ ' ~~ h also a ~la~ of the necessary Buildings
1
at a proper Distance from ; w_ ~ ~lace IS situate on a rising Ground,
1
foundation, where, in case ;y ~ a~ited Place and has a solid and dry the Navigation of the River~ a~ ccid~nt the Damage would not affect of the Objections made to th an the said Place is likewise free from any 
,: at at Greenwich. 
Gentlemen, Whiteh_all 
. 30Apn11751 I sendherew1th
last desiring "th t h · M · a copy ofan add f
laid before that~ is aJesty will be gracio r{ss o the House of Commons of I 9 March powder now beingou~~~n Estimate of the e~s Y pleased to give directions that there be place a~d further dl;:anm ~ few paces ofthe TJ;ns\cf remo~ing the Magazine of G_un­and I am to sign'f, t ce rom the said Tow ndo .r~enw1ch to some more convenient 
1Y o you th K· , n an C1nes Of L d d w · " 
to be prepared and J 'd b ft e mg s pleasur h on on an estrmnster , 
. . ai e ore the House of Ce t at you should cause the said Estimate Pnnc1pal Officers of the 0 mmons accordingly, Board of Ordnance. I am 
Gentiemen Your Most' Obedient humble Servant, Holles Newcastle. 
(Enclosure)
H
. 0 use ofC
R Martis I D • ommons I esolved !hat~ humble Addr 9 ie Martii 1750 (1751 ) p eased to gI\·e directions h ess be presented t h. . 

remov~g the Magazine / ~t an Estimate be Jafd bs MaJesty that he will be graciously Greenwich, to some mo 0 unpowder now b . efore this House of the Expense of Cities ofLondon and v/ co~venient pl~ce and ~mg wit~in a few paces of the Town of 
estmmster. urther distance from the said Town and 

u E . (Warrants and O . Servic!t~~te flfor purchasing land and . rders m Council PRO/WO/55/354, P· 8.) ur eet near the . erectmg a p
an all other necessa river Thames in E owder Magazine for Land and Sea
d 

Magazine at Greenw1·cryh conveniences to a ssex, together with barracks guard-house 
. nswer th ' d
The. ·ecessary d ft e purpose of the present Pow er 1

Magazine and all :n or erecting this In all about 20 a ppurtenances etc 
. cres etc · 
Dwellmg houses d · 

be purchased. an corn-mill to £11,000 Building th .
wharfing etc. e magazine walls, Building barrack Ji 
ofArtillery and th ~ or a company and a am••d h eir officers 

,,...... -ouse. ' £ 5070 18 rt 
8
Total £36,809 10

Signed •7Decembc 
r 1754
by 
the Principal Offi cers of th 0
J. L. Ligonier~ Cdnance 
W. R. Earle· ' J harles Frederick• 
(Warrants ' · S. Charlton. ' and Ord · 
ers m Council PRO/WO/55/355, P· 37.) 108 

CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
. And, lastly, the present very ruinous conditio f h . 
Its Proximity to the Banks ofthe River the Town nr°c t e s~1d Magazine, yard, and the Capital, call for its Spe~dy Remov:l. reenw1ch, the Dock­
1 This pronuncfamento appeared to have had its effect or p 'bl h s ow :1nd cautious mind of officialdom had been co~itatinos~ y the queSb.on for some time. Whatever the direct cause the g vh~r t e 
govern t · • ' mac me of 
men was set in motion soon afterwards and an Act f p li
rnent94 d . o ar a­
a was passe m 1 76o to remove the magazine from Greenwich nd erect a large powder storehouse at Purfleet Comm· · 
· d u . . · iss10ners were 
app01nte or carrying the Act ~nto execution by purchasing suitable land at Purfleet and construct.J.ng the necessary buildings 95 o ~eptember 1 760, Mr Sergeant Stanyfo~d reported that the. Com~; s10n, under the Great Seal had been issued for buying property at Purfleet an_d the Board of Ordnance ordered that every step should be taken :"'1thout delay to implement the Act as they wished the new construction work to be put in hand as soon as possible.96 As a result the Commissioners gathered at the Crown in Purfleet on Thursday 23 September 1760 at 10 a.m. to c~mn:ience their labours.97 £is,ooo was allotted to the Purfleet magazine 1n the Ordnance estimates for 1762.98 The undertaking was sufficiently advanced by 1763 to receive Supplies f powder for on 7 October of that year all wet powder at Greenwich and Tilbury was ordered to be moved to Purfleet.99 A certain amount of dry and serviceable powder was still kept at Greenwich though in decreasing quantities, but by 1768 the 'new' magazine there had fallen into decay and ceased to be ofany practic­able value. The remaining powder was then transferred to Purfleet, and the Clerk of the Works with suitable assistants was ordered to 
su:vey the whole property with a view to ascertaining the most suitable method of demolition and disposal pursuant to the Act of Parliament. On 22 March 1768, Mr Charles Newton, the storekeeper at Greenwich was ordered to discharge the extra clerk and labour­
101 
ers.100 By 1771, the buildings had been razed to the ground. There was some talk at this time of exchanging the nine or ten acres which surrounded the magazine buildings for land at Woolwich to increase the size of the Warren. Lord North, First Lord of the Treasury, was approached on the matter but the project never materialized. It is interesting to note that the 'New Magazine' must have been sadly neglected for it to have reached 'a very ruinous condition' in such a comparatively short space of time. Thus was the connection 
94 33 George II, cap 11. 
90 Ordnance Journal Books PRO/W0/47/55, P· 53°, 24June 176o. 
96 Ordnancejournal Books' PRO/W0/47/56, P· 215, 2 4 Sept 176o. 
97 Ordnance Journal Books' PRO/W0/47/56, P· 232, 30 Sept 176o.2 
98 Ordnancejournal Books' PRO/W0/47/59, P· 448, 2 7 May 176 , 
88 Ordnancejournal Books' PRO/W0/47/62, P· 1 54, 7 October 1763. 
100 0 ' / f 8
rdnance Reports, PRO/W0/55 4, • o. 1 1 101 Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/W0/47/77, P· 496, 7 Jun 77 • 
109 




THE BACKGROUND 
between Greenwich and gunpowder which had lasted several cen­turies finally severed, and the site with some adjoining ground leased to Mr Henry Vansittart, who purchased it in 1802.102 
On Blackheath, itself, firing practice took place from time to time, and the mounded platform from which mortars were tried was r 6 5 yards 30° west of south from the southwest corner ofGreenwich Park. There was also a gun-shed there where the two companies ofgunners and matrosses quartered at Deptford and Woolwich were ordered on 13 September 1715 to muster for pay every Saturday at 3 p.m. On 16 ~arc~ 1?87 John Evelyn witnessed an experimental shoot there and m ~1s dia~y u?der ~hat date says 'I saw a trial of these devilish, 
murdermg, mischief-doing engines called bombs shot out of the mortar piece on Blackheath. The distance that ;hey are cast, the destruction they make where they fall, is prodigiou . ' We of the t\--ve?tieth century, who have had the doubtful privilege of experi­encmg two worid wars, can afford to smile at the extravagance of language used by our forbears to describe the effects ofexploding gun­powder a~d the damag~ ca:1sed by bursting 'bomb '. We know the latent P0"' er concealed in high explosive and the atom, and can only wonder what our ancestors of200 years Id h tJ,0 ght ofit.
Ch 1 II fi di ago wou av .1 u ar es . , n ng the old palace greatly dilapidated by the ra~ages of time and neglect, decided that it was no fit ::>lace for the residence ofa ~onarch. He therefore conceived the ide;_ of erecting a more magmficent building in ·t w· h ·h h 1 of Sir
1 1
Christo her Wren he s p ace. it t. e p 
. 103P ' managed to complete a port10n of the new edifice for tdheCsuhm of£36,000, but funds ran out and further work 
was postpone . arles ho d. 
t b b ·1t J ' wever, 1d cause the Royal Observatory
O 22
;h.~ t1 
Mn Gune r675 a warrant was issued to Sir Thomas 'W~c e ey~ a~er-eneral ofthe Ordnance in the following terms·104 ..r.eecr~~ansgm o~ er_ to the finding out of th; longitudes of places forPern u navigat10n and t ·Id 
small observatory within as ronomy, we hav~ resolved to b1;11 a ground at or near the O ur Park at Greenwich upon the h1g~est rooms for o t p~ace where the castle105 stood with lodging 
ur as ronom1cal ob ' w·u d

Pleasure is that accordin servator and ass~stant, Our 1 _an you by Sir Christopher i;o such plot and design as _shall be g1v~n observatory you h en · · · of the place and site of the said 
' cause t e same tO b r. fi . h d

with all convenient s d e ienced in, built and ms e by the Treasurer f;~e' ge materials and workmen to be paid f~r
0 
rd

hands for old and de d nance out of moneys coming to his last, provided that th~a~h powder sold by the order of rst January £500.' The foundati ole sum to be expended shall not exceed ioa Inland R on stone was laid on r o August r675 and Sir 
1oa evcnue Office Ac iec Spa part of the Royal c~u~\]771-1802. 111 • • Dom. Car. II, Entry ~i ollege.
Duke Humphrey's Tower. 44, p. 15, 22 June 1675. 
IIO 

CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT GREENWICH 
Jonas Moore, Surveyor-General of the Ordnance, supervised the construction. John Flamsteed was appointed 'Observator' i.e. the first astronomer royal at a salary of £100 a year,106 and took up residence in the observatory on 10July 1676. The total building costs amounted to £520. gs. 1d. The following year John Evelyn had John Flamsteed to dinner, a guest whom he found to his liking. In his diary on 10 September 1677 he writes 'Dined with me Mr Flamsteed, the learned astrologer and mathematician, whom his Majesty had established in the new observatory at Greenwich Park, furnished with choicest instruments. An honest sincere man.' The astronomical ob­servator and the labourer under him were paid on the Quarter Books of the Office of ·Ordnance up to 31 December 1817. After that all 
paym nts ceased and the Royal Observatory passed ~rom the juris­diction of the Board of Ordnance to that of the Admualty. 
The palace remained in its unfinished state until William and M ary decided to turn it into a Royal Naval Hospital.1°7 This decision entailed a vast building programme and necessitated the removal of all th torehouses and workshops controlled by the Ordnance and the cessation at Greenwich of the activities of that Department of State. One of the first acts arising from this p~oposal was an _order d ated 19 December 16gs directing the demoht10~ of the ~arn m the 
t·1 1 Th" · d out and the 'Greenwich Barn, the fore­
1 t-yarc. 1s was carne W 1 · h w 
tory was re-erected on oo wic arren 
runner o· f tl1e Roya1Labora , . h r. 11 . ios
in t e io ow~ng year. Greenwich to band on the Force of circumstance thus compelled .c. fl. k . r. ny
W 1 • h where aiter 1c enng 1or ma
?
0
smoulder~ng torch to wic ' . flame. and the rudimentary decades, it burst _at last into a mightyer ed from the shadows into factory nurtured 1n a royal palace, em g 
the light. cl PRO/W0/55/469 4 March 1675.
106 Warra_nts from M.G.0. and BoarC, lle e Greenwich,' by Order in Council dated 107 Established as the Royal aval O g ' 
16 January 1873. O/WO/ 7/18 1g December 1695. 
ius Ordnance Journal Books, PR . h fi 't king down the barne at the tilt-yard 
'Agreed with Mr Haywa~d and Mr Fiteforo£r ~ the latter for £28. To have warrants and to re-erect it at Woolw1ch; the former 3 and signed contracts :3-ccordingly._' £ for the bricklayer's work in ca!'1)'ing out
6_ 12_ 
Actually Robert Fitch was paid 3 ?al price (Ordnance Treasurers Ledgers this operation in lieu of £28, the contrac u PRO/W0/48/35, 31 May 1697). , er at Greenwich, was ordered to send all Major Francis Brockhurst, the StorekeGep 'eh to Sir Thomas Taylor, Storekeeper
• h gazine at reenwi d h t es to the
serviceable powder from t e ma . forward wet powder an ot er s or . 
0
at Upnor Castle He was also directed tW l . h This was because the magazine had 
· h" h to go to 00 wic · · al h 'tal
Tower except timber w 1c was . f h alace buildings mto a nav ospi • 
to Qe emptied owing to the conversion°/ \~l26 November 1695) . . (Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/WO 47 G, •ich to house the timber lymg in the He was also instructed to hire a barn at reem, 
magazine. ROfW0/4?/I8, 5 December 1695)
(Ordnance Journal Books, P 
II I 0 


Chapter 4 
Woolwich Prior to the Advent of the (Warren-' 
Uuluuich,1 Wulewic 2 Hulviz 3 W 1 . 4 5 6 
lw:iche, Wolwiche, Wooli h'W e ~mc, Hulewic, Wolewic, Owl-
c , oolw1ch · 11 · h · 
the spelling, like certain d , spe it ow you will-for
1
fifty-seven varieties-lies m .~ectable food products, has (almost) It is nine miles from Lon~1 ~ on the southern bank of the Thames. though it has, since 1888 in 1Il_ the geographical county of I<.ent county of London. ' een incorporated in the administrative 
Since 'age cannot wither h
the origin of the name a er! nor cuStom stale her infinite variety', appeared in the Charte; ; :tfht _be expected, is obscure. It first Some early English rende0 • s rudis, daughter of Alfred the Great. 
nngs are Wi l . 7 
n t e four~eenth century the . u ewzc, Woldwiclz and W olwic/z. 
I h 
two centunes later ~ol h ?1ace is usually styled Wolwiche while 
wyc 1s th ' 
glo-Saxon wull, wul w ll e more commonplac -form . In
An
' I ' ' ' ' u e and wol m ' 
a P ace , camp or 'dwelli , . . eant wool' and wic indicated ,,,,r. ll · (. ng Eilert Ek ll
rru -wzc 1.e. Woolwich) d ' wa , 8 therefore suggests that 
, fi enoted 'a f: ' 
or a Pace rom which w arm where wool was 1xoduced'
1
be no ev1.dence to supportooth.1was . exported' . There would appear to never had any extensive sh is view. So far as is known Woolwich th b eep far · · · ' 
ere een any suggestion that a ming_ in its neighbourhood, nor has 
J. K. Wallenberg 9 on th h wool mdustry ever flourished there
' e ot er h d . .
a ~ompound ofOld English _ , an , opines that the place-name is
1
might be tr I d u e, owl' and · 'd · •
. ans ate as 'the ho wzc wellmg-place', which as m early times th' k me of the owls' Th. . .b.lit
d • 1c woodland • 1s 1s a poss1 i y, e ge.10 !fe considers that th s encroached almost to the river's corruption of th O e w forms . .
!iterated e . Id English ii o£1 are ~netymolog1cal, being a as wu, which would ' ten wntten uu and thus trans-name. Althou h • account f; h 1 . . 
h dl g m archaic Ian or t e ater vanat10ns of the ar Yseem to be of suffi • gua?e wolde signified 'old' 11 it would i A.o. 918-C . c1ent anti u· ' 
1 A.D. 10 -c:Je~0d:U1o;ax_onicum, ed. W d; ity t~ have had any influence 
14 
P· ?7I· 'P atzcus aevi Saxonlci ~rjYBirch, London, 1885-1893, p. 66r. 
• : ·0• I068-Domcsday Book ' c · · M. Kemble, London, 1839-1848, 
•0 • 1100-Text R · 
1 A.D. u oo-Do us,J offensis. 
• mtsuay Mi h 
'A.D. ro89-British onac orum, ed N .
RWJTds of Wool . hMUScum. . . Neilson, 1932. 
'Co · wic, W Ty­
• DC.ISC Oxford Dictio~ • incent, vol. I 
io Tiu Plate-mmus ofI(, ry of English PI ' p. 15. 11 Owls may still be h:.,dJ_. Kb Wallenber:cuNaies, Eilert Ekwall, 1936. 'And bet. e Arsenal at W~osal 3:, h1934. 
w· In charyt~ WlC • 
1th all my neghi:nd in accorde urs wolde and zyng.' MS. Cantab., Ff ii, 38 f. 18. 
II2 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
on the designation under review. The An lo-Saxon . appears in the suffix 'wick' or '~ich' implJng 'town':z: ,~f1~ u;,ually this same suffix can also be denved from the Icelandic ·k g '~ut
'an open b k h f · wz connoting
ay, cree or reac o a river'. In its latter derivat· , · k' expre e th ·d f a h 'b he side of water'. Finall ion0 wic
. ss s e i ea o am1et y t . ld be interpreted 'wood', 'weald', 'plain' 'slope' or 'hill' \1:r l c_a;1
ther f; · h b k d d ' · YY oo wzc,i
e ore, m1g t eto en a woode welling-place bordering on · M' Isaac Taylor holds a different view.12 He ascribes the naa rwetr. hr 
D a d 1 . . 1 me o t e 
. r:es a1: exp a1ns its etymo ogy as the hill reach presumabl from its situat10n under the shadow of Shooters Hill. y . -~ost early calligraphers adopted the habit of making 'W' the irntial letter. There were, however, two exceptions to this conventi One was the compiler of the Domesday Book and the other a h~n. 
· h . . s 1p­
:-Vng t employed 1n the infant dockyard. The former wrote Hul · 1nterprete d as ' the d . on the creek ' . vzz, _
welling All scribes until co p aratively recent times ~pelled as fancy dictated, orthography be{::g an lastlc art. This fash10n, no doubt, had much to commend it in t~at none could be accused of inaccuracy, but among its less attrac­tive features was the uncertainty it bestowed upon posterity. It has be n suggested that the author ofthe Great Survey of 1086 preferred his o vn tongue to that of the Saxons, thus using the Norman viz . for th Anglo-Saxon wic, and, rendering the uu sound phonetically to the best of his ability, substituted h for w. Whatever the reason Hulviz was therein recorded as being In Grenviz Hundredo. Our maste; shipwright may have had antiquarian leanings or he may have been untutored, but for some cause best known to himself he drew his inspiration from the primal source, and scorning sixteenth century 
orthodoxy, wrote Owllwiche. 
Woolwich is known to have sheltered human life at a remote period though the mists of time have effectually obscured the poss­ibility of ever ascertaining whether the early Britons had a river settlement there. There is one faint clue though its evidence is by no means overwhelming. While digging a boundary canal in the marshes during the eighteenth century on ground then recently purchased to enlarge the Warren, an elegant bronze weapon, bearing certain similarities to others discovered elsewhere in England and Ireland, was found near the trunk of a submerged tree, hard and black as ebony, six feet below the surface. This might indicate the presence ofsome early Celtic community. This object, tapering to a point and broad at the haft into which it was let and fastened by two rivets, was in an excellent state of preservation, and was exhibited befor the Society of Antiquaries by Dr Jeremiah Milles, the President, on 25 March 177 .1s The Romans undoubtedly occupied the district 
9 
12 Words and Places, 1882, p. l 15. 11 Ahael.re o ogia, vo.l vu, p. 412.
.. 113 











THE BACKGROUND 
which lay close to their great highway-Watling Street-which ran from the south coast to London and beyond. Their occupation was brought to light in 1856 when convicts, digging in Dial Square, Royal Arsenal, unearthed broken pottery and fragments of cinerary urns containing human bones. As cremation of this type ceased before the end of the 4th century A.D., the finds indicate that some of the present Arsenal premises cover the site of a Roman cemetery. Further discoveries in Wickham support this conjecture and justify the statement that the Romans did settle in the environs ofWoolwich. The funeral urns were deposited in the Royal Artillery Institution. 
The prehistoric topography of the locality differed enormously from that of the presen_t time. A vast forest, now submerged, stretched to the banks of the nver, the tidal waters of which, draining the boggy creeks during their ebb and sweeping over the quagmires at their flow, must _have presented a spectacle of desolation. Trunks of oak, yew ~d willow together with stags' antlers and other animal remains, dmnterred on occasions from the Woolwich and Plumstead marshes, testify to the primeval vegetation which once covered the land. The conditions described probably antedated any settled com­munity, ifwattle huts clustered together on the less marshy ground to the. east, can b~ graced by such an expression, but when man did decide to colomze the neighbourhood circumstances could not have been muc~ more propitious. In any case, when Cae a landed, the Thames did not flow along its present embanked channel. The water spre~d over a huge expanse from Abbey Wood on the south to Barkmg on the north forming a wide delta. Right up to the eighteenth century the marshes at Woolwich must have remained a drear spot. O~e ea? picture the scene on a foggy November evening with the m1st s~rling ove~ t?e stagnant pools. Dickens in his Great Expectations has given us a vivid account of life on the marshes bordering the Thames, and yet in his day the turbulent river had been embanked for centuries. A stream descending from Shooters Hill ran through the tangled wast~ converting the low-lying ground to the east into a reedy mere, while the sandy knolls to the west covered with scrub an~ bramble harboured the ubiquitous rabbit and other wild fauna which sough~ sanctuary within. To the indigenous inhabitants living 
0 th 

~ e outskirts these unhealthy marshes must have been peopled with boggarts and other horrifying denizens of the night and were undoubtedly shunned b II ' 
R' h Ya save malefactors and outcasts. ivers_ ave_ an unpleasant habit of bursting their banks and the Thames 1s not immune fi h' h · fi rn 
. rom t 1s p enomenon. It suffers at times ro a greatly mcreased flow d b • . ow
fl . . . cause y excessive ramfall or heavy sn 
.~ng ov~r Its basin. Then the numerous tributaries which drain into ~t, ethcomm~ rushing torrents, discharge their superfluous contents mto e mam channel Th" · · di but
· 1s 1n itself tends to cause floo ng, 
114 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
when these swollen waters on their way to the sea meet adverse con­ditions in the tidal reaches the result is often disastrous and low-lying ground near the river's mouth becomes submerged. 
This perennial problem, an ever-present threat, was forced on man's attention at the dawn of history, and the original efforts to control these periodic flood-waters were attempted before the age of written records. Both Sir Christopher Wren and Sir William Dug­dale14 credited the Romans with first undertaking this task while Walker15 states that the primitive Thames embank~nents were prob­ably the work of ancient Britons under Roman guidance. 
All through the centuries this propensity has been a menace to riparian dwellers, and many instances are reported of water rushing over tilled acres and of man's efforts to avert the consequences. As early as the reig~ of Henry III the waters of the Thames rose to such a level that many inhabitants of Woolwich perished in their ho~ses.1G John Stow is even more graphic. He says We read also that m the yeare 1236, the riuer of Thames ouerflowing its b_ankes, caused the Marshes about Woolwich to be all on a Sea, wherem ~oats and other 
· d wi'th the streame, so that besides cattell, the
V esse11 s were carne . . . 
women and children, mhab1tants there,
greates t num ber of men, . d d p 
were drowned.'17 In 1303 Walter le Band, Rich~r e ernefor~ and 
uted to view and repai.r the banks, ditches 
J l e Dover were dep , h , · K 1s I ho 1n d 
f. E C d those of Wolwyc e in ent. n t e
etc. o ,ssex ounty an . · d fi
£ 11 · · b d floods occurred which necessitate urther o owing reign moire 13a21 Robert de Bardelby, William de Leicestre, 
counter-measures. n d · 'fi John de Merton and Robert de Kellesleye ha . anhassb1gnnkme(ntf hor 
. b h then newly made 1n t e a o t e 
the view of a ~erta1n re~c Wol che by the violence of the Thames) betwixt Grenewiche anddd wy . thereof'_19 These four 
'd d 'd for the su en repair
t1 es; an to prov1 e d d ll" t fiossatis which became 
. . on terme e wa zzs e ' 
men fiormed a comnnssi d . h th ermanent maintenance a kind of statutory body charge wit e precaution in view of the 
Y. a very necessary p 
of the Thames waterwa '. . which frequently took place. Two gales and exceptionally high tidesk t s again breached and the 
the emban men wa 
and a haIf years 1ater . . the incident. They were in-commission were ordered to investigate through whose fault it had structed 'to distrain all those phersonfs· f; rther informing them, that h d h k.1ng good t ereo ' a 
. appene ; tot e ma hrou h whose neglect it came, not 
if they should find the pe~sons t h tgthe damage and peril which 
able to repair it so speedily as ~ ~t be prevented that then they 
would be occasioned thereby, mig ' 
. . William Dugdale, 2nd ed. 1772. 
14 The History of lmbanking and Draining, 
15 Thames Report of 18,JI, . p 491. 
16 History of London, Richard Skit1.er, 1Jj5~9~ vol. II, p. 114• 
17 Survey of London, ed. Charles m~ 140M~rch 1303. 
18 Rot. Pat. 31 Edward I, m. 3od, 2 Sd !26 September 1321. 
18 Rot. Pat. 15 Edward II, P· 1, m. 1 ' 
115 



THE BACKGROUND 
should distrain all those which had lands and tenements in these parts, who might have safeguard by the making-up of that breach, to the end that they should contribute thereto' .20 
These extracts indicate that the persons commissioned to inspect and renovate were granted wide powers, not only to carry out the necessary reconstruction v.ork but to compel the culprits to pay for the damage. This is quite understandable in view of the very serious effects which could arise from a broken dyke. 
In 1323 Stephen de Chellesfield became an additional member of 
• • 21 L L
the Commiss10n. ater on, awrence de Rustington and John Abel were added to the numbers, and when John Abel died, Richard de Cornewayll 'parson of the Church at Kydbrook', was appointed in his stead.22 
As the years passed this type of commission assumed a position of greate~ i?1portance -~nd receiv~d extended authority. In 1474 another comm1mon de walzts et fossatis was set up, consisting of ,villiam, Abbot of the Monastery of St Augustine, without the walls of the City of Canterbury; Edw~r~ Nevyll of Bergevenny, Knight ; John, Abbot of Bermondsey; Wilham, Abbot of Lesnes · Ma ter William Hat~liff;Ja_mes Haute, esquire; John Bromston, esq~ire; John Grene, 
esqmre; Richard Page; John Bamme, esquire; Roger ~ ppelton; Roger Brent; John Alfegh; William Swan· Robert Balard · Roger She!ley;John ~eth~rsole; andJohn Hert. It; terms ofr f rcn~e were to VIew and mamta1n the embankments 'by the coast of the Thames from the ,town of Wolewiche, Co. Kent to the t f thflete,
, ov. n o or
Co. Kent.23 
Th~re was another very high tide on 26 December 1516 which, sweepmg over the low-lying land at E 'th d 'd ble
n , cause cons1 eradamage to Crown property Th' · •a
· 1s is ev1 enced by an order to erect a shed at Defford Stronde24 to hous th k' , d · dry 
d. . e e mg s or nance 1n a con 1tion, and to pay the wages of th · h b h · the 
0 d d h d . e manners w o roug t 1n { nanct a~ ~ 0 ned the cables and rope which became wet as t e r~suht O a grheat and high tide that was upon Saint Stephen's
Day m t e store ouse at Herethe' th t r
I d a year. 
i) 
~ ~ed~o~rse tfhehcare and protection ofall river banks came under
th
e Juns 1cuon o t e Comm · · if 0 .c.
fi . . zsszoners o iJewers, who were appointed 1.or 
ve, ten or, m certain cases fift
'in all arts of the R ' een years at the pleasure ofthe Crown pro re %ata 2& B t ealm wherever needful' under the Great Seal · Y s atute 23 Henry VIII it was enacted that the 
to Rot. Pat. 17 Edward II 11 Rot. Pat. 16 Edward u' p. 2, m. i4d, 6 May 1324. 11 Rot. Pat. 17 Edward u' p. I, m. 5d, 30 January 1323. a Rot. Pat. 14 Edward IV p. 2, m. 14d, 6 May 1324. u Dcptford. , p. I m. 20d, 16 July 1474. 

u Letters and Papers, Foreign and D . no.~6o6for. . omestic, Henry VIII, 1515-1518, vol. 2, part 2• a special purpose'. 
II6 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 

Commissions were to be at the discretion and nomination of the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer and ChiefJustices, and to continue for ten years unless repealed by a new commission. The duties of the Commissioners ofSewers were to superintend the repairs ofsea-banks and sea-walls, and the cleansing of rivers, public streams, ditches etc. for the carrying-off of water; they were limited to the county for which they were specifically appointed. They :vere empowered to make such laws and ordinances as they considered necessary to effect the repairs, and to assess and levy such rates as they deem~d essential for that purpose. They might decree the sale of lan~s in default ofpayment ofsuch a rate, but their decrees had ~o.be certified in Chancery and obtain the royal assent. The C?m~iss10ners we~e subject to the jurisdiction of the Court of the Kings Bench. Their own courts have been regarded as Courts of Record and the records ofproceedings before them remaine~ usually in their c_us~ody or now in that of their present representat:I.ves.21 The Comrrussioners were, 
in fact, a very powerful corporation. In the earl art of the reign of Henry VIII, the names of the · · y p .c. 'E t · he28 unto Gravvsende29 by
Com 11ss10ners of Sewers 1.rom s grenewzc '../ 
the caste of the Themys within the shire of Kent' were: 
Thos Broke lord ofCobham; John, Abbot ofW~stminSter; John, Abbo~ 
' B h lme ve pnor of St Mary Overys,
of St Auo-ustine's, Canterbury; art e · \; ' E h . 
S. Th M s· Th evell · John Hales, baron of the xc equer,
ir os oore; ir os , h H I . J h 
Sir Richard Walden; John Willowby, sergeant-at-law; C _r Ria~'b O ~ Baker· recorder of London; Edw Boughton; Wm Draper' c Y son' Thos Tonge alias Norrey.30 • · h d a direct interest since the 
The abbots and pno~, of course, . ad d 1 nds in the neigh­relioious houses over which they preside owne a . . . O • h nd Plumstead. Of the remairung comm1s­
b 1
ourhood of Woo w1c a fi f" ortance • a man of sioners, Edward Boughton was a locald gu{e ~ i~pan early' but vital substance in Woolwich and Plumstea wh o ooof Nicholas Boveton 
. b t tOry He was t e son 
part 1n our su sequen s • • d th manor of Woolwich alias Boughton who by purchase acquire e ortunist who had th; It appears that Edward Boughton ;:as ant °tfe~ting winds offortune. faculty ofsetting ~is sails to catch t be m;:ans not altogether above He amassed considerable wealth Y h"p with both Wolseley 
. . H terms of acquaintances 1
susp1c10n. e was on h t have had close relations and Thomas Cromwell. In fact e seems do ce between them which with the latter according to the corhrespohn Cenomwell's influence that 
h . d I doubtless, t roug r 
as survive . t was, . , at Plumstead where he resided at 
Boughton became the kings agent 
27 Guide to the Public Records, MS. Giuseppi I 923, vol. I, p. 65. 
28 Greenwich. 29 Gravesend. . d D mestic Henry VIII, vol. IV, part 2, no. 275 
ao Letters and Papers, Foreign an ° ' 117 




THE BACKGROUND 
Burwash Court.s1 The perquisites of su h ffi h
'f, . c an o ce must ave been;~?: f~~~i{~~ht~i: s1:::e:eff hiHscalibre, besides _bringing him in~o 
• If r. . gn. e found favour m Henry's eyes 1n 1tse a 1act callmg for great mental T b B '.
equal to the occasion b agi ity, ut oughton proving grata at the Court at Gre;~:%~ ~der Cromwell's ~nfluence, persona on 30 May 1533 at th ·. e was made a Kmght of the Sword 
When Tudor Harry~ coro.7a:on of Queen Anne Boleyn. a2 portions for himself. but?0 ~~d ~he n:ionasteries, he kept the choicest his henchmen from 'time t e ti1 n~ it a useful expedient to reward Boughton was one of th? r:me with some of the pickings. Edward 
is iavoured clas cl . d r: h
monarch extensive lands b . s an receive 1rom t e 
foliows: Y special grant.33 This grant reads as 
Grant in fee to Sir Edward B h 
the manors, lands or tenement oufi ton 10 march 1539 (in exchange for and Blakyslondys in the parish:sc~f ~d Shuldforde, Medegrave, Brodeoke near Canterbury, Kent, and all the t Stephen, Hakyngton and Sturrey,
1 
manor of Plumstede and rector o/nds there, and for £52, 1 os.) of the late Monastery of St Augusti Y Plumstede, Kent, belonging to the advowson of the vicarage of~~enear _Canterbury, now dissolved, with the ofWykeham alias Est Wykeha pansh of Plumstede and of the Chapel all the lands etc. which John 1i~sKent,_annexed to the said vicarage, and late monastery held in PI d ex ahas Sturrey late abbot of the said 
' umste e B II
Wel1ynge, Wolwyche Lesn E' osca , Wykeham alias Est Wykeham,
' es, reth B 1
Kent. To hold by the annu ' ex ey and Yarde alia Crayford, 
a1rent of£4 · h l'b .
roth M arch 30 Henry VIII. wit 1 ert1es. Dated Vvestminster 
. These properties, ofcourse wer . . . 
Wich which he inherited fro~ . em addit10n to the manor ofWool-The same year he s d his father. of his Kentish lands theucure by Act of Parliament the disgavelling 
, s reversmg 
which had persisted th h a process of the law ofinheritance 
G l'L. roug out the . I
ave 11,zn seems originally to have county smce time immemoria . of rent, or by custom . meant tenure of land by payment

fi d I ary service . z· .
eu a tenure ofKnight . s zn zeu, m place of the ordinary

th service The 
e accompanying rules · . name eventually came to denote antedated the Conquest go~e:nmg succession. In Kent this custom universally accepted th atn. Its subsequent feudal laws and was so 
• · a It W ' 

e~t in questions affectin tra as presumed by Courts of law to . eVIdence to the contrary g nsfers of land in the county unless 
was forthco · T . • · 
1 Barthol ming. he mam charactensucs 
1 

Dover Castl~d'i!°d Lord Burghesh ra
Plumstcad named afird Wharden of the' &n oclsopn of Robert De Burghesh Constable of 
r. ter irn 'B que orts h d' d · ' d J d ·n 

bccame iurther corru ·, urwash' is a c .' w o 1c m 1359, owne an s 1 
n Letters and p pted to Burrage' (e g B orruption of 'Burghesh' which afterwards ., Letters d papers, Foreign and D . . _urrage Road). ' 

'"·) an apers F · 0 mestic H v
~ ,p. 255. ' oreignandDomestic Henry III, vol. vi, no. 601 (4). 1 Rot. Pat. 30 H~rv VIII ' enry VIII, vol. xiv, part I, 1539, no. 65 --, , p. 6, m 13 Ma
' Io rch 1539. 
II8 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
of such a tenure was that succession to land passed by ri ht to all th~ sons ~nd not to the eldest, thus discountenancing t~e law of pnmogeruture. In default ofsons, the estates passed to th d h
· d · e aug ters 
as co-portioners an ~o-heiresses. Among other features of avelkind tenure were that a wife took as her dower one-half · t dg Of
. d f ins ea one-
thrr o the land, the tenant was enabled to alienate the land b feoffment at the age of fifteen, and that it did not esche t · yf
. r. . a 1n case o an attamder 1or felony, the n1ax1m being 'the father to the bou h the son to the plough'. g ' In 154o_Edward Boughton was one of the numerous retinue which accomparned the Duke of Suffolk to Dover to welcome An 0 f Cleves to these shores.34 He died _on 10 December 1549. ne On 2 I June 1530.a French fnar was paid £735 for undertakin to stop up a breach m the Tha_mes em?ankment at Woolwich; an~ 1n the reign ofJames I another 1nundat10n occurred whereby several acres ofland became permanently submerged owing to the river t returning to its normal bed.36 no I t can therefore be appreciated that the regulation of the Thame water_s and the preven:ion ?f ~ood dama8:e was, if not a burnin; quesb.on, one of drenching s1gnrficance, which called for continuous legislation by Parliament. Further Acts dealing with river banks and marshes in the neighbourhood of Greenwich, Woolwich, Plumstead and Erith are listed below.37 The last of these enabled William Burrell of Middlesex to complete in 1606 the task which several companies had previously attempted without success. He is a man to whom riparian owners should be grateful since his engineering skill stayed the inroads of the river and reduced subsequent inundations to manageable proportions. His work, in addition to the locks, sluice gates and other mechanical devices for water control more recently installed, have made modern floods incidents of minor importance. Woolwich, then a tiny fishing hamlet nestling on the river's bank, could not have remained untouched by the Anglo-Saxon invasion which swept the country in the fifth century. Rivers, in particular the Thames, and the roads which the Romans left behind as a memorial to their greatness afforded considerable aid to the marauding bands from Europe in the conquest of their new kingdom. Landing at Ebbsfleet in Thanet, Hengist drove towards London and inflicted a 
34 Harl MS., no. 296, f. 171. 
35 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. v, 1531-1532, p. 750. 36 History of London, Richard Skinner, I 795, P· 491. 37 Rot. Parl. de anno, 22 Hen. VIII, n 10, cap. 3· Rot. Parl. de anno, 37 Hen. VIII, cap. 11. Rot. Parl. de anno, 5 Eliz., n 36. 
Ex bundello de Sewers in Capella Rotulorum, n 16• Rot. Parl. de anno, 8 Eliz., n 22. Rot. Parl. de anno, 14 Eliz., n 15. 
Rot. Parl. de anno, 23 Eliz., n I 3· Rot. Parl. de anno, 4 Jae., cap. 8. 
119 


THE BACKGROUND 
crushing defeat on the Britons at Aylesford. This battle not only laid bare Eas~ Kent to ~h': victors but struck the keynote to the subsequent subjugat10n of Bntam. The massacre which followed showed only too well the nature of the struggle ahead. While the wealthier land­owners fled, many of 0em overseas, the common folk took refuge in the forests and ~ills till the pangs of hunger drove them forth into the arms of their conque_rors and brought oblivion. Aylesford was 
followed some years later m A.D. 45 7 by the battle of Crayford which finally ~ealed t_he ~ate of Kent, most of the population which escaped extinction fleemg m terror. The fate of Woolwich in this holocaust wherein murder ~nd pillage competed with arson, must ever remai~ in the worn? of time, but that it survived in some form throughout the succeedmg fo~r hundred years is evidenced by the fact that in the tenth century it had bec~me an appendage of Lewisham. 
On ~ September _9 18, Lew~sham, with its four appurt nances, viz. Woolw1ch, Greenwich, Mot~mgham and Coombe, was given to the Abbey of St Peter at Ghent m Flanders by Elstrudis (Elfrida), 38 the daughter of Alfred the Great. This abbey had an eventful history. Founded by St Amand who built a church there in 608 it was destroyed by infidels in 611 and rebuilt in 613 by order of Clothaire, King of the Franks. In 616 St Amand dedicated the edifice to St Peter. Fire levelled it in 813. On being reconstructed, it was sup­pressed by Charles Martel and re-established by Charlemagne. In 851 the ~orm~ns _and Danes attacked the abbey and laid waste the surrounding district. !n 937 Arnulf, son of Baldwin II, Count of Flanders and Elstrud1s of England restored ·t b t · t years 
. d II . 1 , u rune een 
1ater he seize a its possessions and <list ·b t d th ng his 
. Th E . n u e em amo 
b.1 1
no 1 Ity._ e ng 15h lands, including Woolwich, would then have automatically reverted to Edwy, King of England, which accounts for the confirmatory charter given by his brother and successor, Edgar the Peacemaker, who in 964 declared: 
I Edgar, King and Chief of th E . h b . . . · 
1 d . . e ng11s y d1vme assistance, renouncing 

every ;w a~ ~randsitho_ry thmg as dross ... make known to all that I have ~ant~ toGho an( _is Peter, deservedly happy and to the s~ciety of the c ur)c at ~nt which Ghent in Mount Blemy'is a haven for merchant­me~ a certam hextent of land in a place, viz. which the rustics, from 
ancient custom, ave denom· t d L . ' 
· G · h W . ma e ew1sham, with all its appurtenances,

viz. reenw1c oo1w1ch M0 tt· h ·1
d d ' ' mg am and Coombe with their utensi s ~nthappend ag~s, and all things which the God of H;aven hath created 
m e pro uctions of the earth . •
11

great and small d h . ' as we m known as unknown causes, in
11

wm· . d ' an a t eir customs and privileges etc I have with a 
mg mm , granted all these th· · · ' fi

the interference of th R I mgs out of my possessions, and free rom devout and kindest f~en~yAa Tre~ury, to the prayers and friendship of my ' rchbishop Dunstan (under whose government 
N See page 112. 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
and patronage this same church of St Peter of Ghent continues to be 
ruled from the time of King Edwy, my brother, which same archbishop 
in this renowned Church was banished for some time by the same King) ... 
a_s well and as truly as I possesse_d these contingencies in my proper 
nght ... and as Elstrudis, my cousm and daughter of the uncle of King 
Edward, my grandfather, ... left them for the good of her soul, and of 
her lord, Earl Baldwin, and of her sons, Arnulfus and Adelulphus, etc. 
... and so I willingly and liberally by the advice ofmy bishop and nobles 
have granted and confirmed to the aforesaid C~urch of St Peter of Ghent: 
the possession of them for ever; but, finally, if a1:yone, w~ not making 
effectual provision, shall consent fraudulently to violate thIS our gift, let 
him henceforth consider, that at the last Da~ ofJudgment he must render 
up an account before God, and th:3-t he, with ~he rep,rob~te of whom it 
is said 'Depart from me, ye cursed, mto everlastmg fire, will suffer dread­
ful punishment, unless he shall beforehand make atonement by lamenta­
. d wort hy repentance. 39t1on an 
During the reign of Edgar's son-Ethelred the Unready-a tide of calamity swept over England. Ethelred ascended the throne in 97g at th age of ten after the murder of his ~rother, Edwar~ the Martyr. Edward's assassination betokened the tnumph of~chb1shop Dunstan's enemies and the relegation of that statesman to impotence, the kingdom being thus denied ~is wise counsel. Before Ethel:ed reached manhood the Vikings again began to ~cou: the seas lookmg for fresh lands to conquer. In 99 1 the Norwegians invaded England and tt 1 d fi t d the host of East Anglia at Maldon. Faced with 
u er y e ea e h hb" h , 'd 
this defeat, the hapless monarch, bereft oft_ e arc is ~p s;mb a~ce, could think of no better method of procunn~ peace t an y uymg off the invaders with money raised by a sp~cial tax (Danegelt), and · h tl English lands while he hoped to strengthen 
allowing t em to set e on ' v·k· h 
h . · · b t with Normandy. The i 1ngs, owever,
1s pos1t10n y a trea Y . h k. h · 
. d h · ·d f h bargain and returned to t e attac , t eir
1gnore t eir s1 e o t e . . . 
w ·thd 1 • b • the precursor of another 1ncurs1on 1n 997.
1 rawa m 995 e1ng . d 1
Eth 1 d fi r d knew not which way to turn an great y 
e re ' ee ing cornere ' f S Forkbeard King of feared further aggression on the part O wdey~ d t' h" •d Denmark and Norway. He therefore boun ormdan hyt o fisDsike 
· with Emma aug er o u e
bY contracting a second marriage ' • • h
R· h f E gland was by now precarious in t e 
ic ard. Though the state O n Ethelred in a fit of extreme all might yet have been well had not_ . ll th D 
. h lan of exterminating a e anes 
panic conceived the treac erous P B . , D 1002 the Vvest 
8t
settled in Wessex. Accordingly on nee s ayd d d , Saxons in obedience to the king's signal, rose up a~ mur e~h ~~~ry Dane 'among whom was Gunhilda-Sweyn's sister-ha h nbs iand 
' .c: e who saw er us an 
convert and one of the hostages ior peac ' . and child butchered before her eyes ere she fell, vowing ' ngean 
38 DT~e Cl!arities of Greenwich, John KembekllS 18.~~y')P·1!4s, vol. I, p. 32. zoceszs Rojfensis (Canterbury and Yor OCl ' 



121 
120 


THE BACKGROUND 
under the blows of her assassin. Swe n beside h. . 
swore to conquer England. The redemy ti f h. imself with fury, delayed. Invading the country with a~a;n ° is oath ~as not long
st
land for four bitter years, leaving behind h1e hbo ' he laid waste the ravaged towns and a trail marked b , d m . urnt-out homesteads, turmoil Canterbury "'as taken and ) k esolatwn and death. In the Alphege) being dragged to G s~c ed, and Archbishop Ailheah
( ' reen wich th . 
to death in default ofa ransom of£ ' was ere mercilessly done in slaying the head of a Church 3,ooo. Men who had no scruples 
· · h would have h · · · 
propnatmg t ~ property of a forei n no esitatrnn 1n ex-therefore, lost its English possessio g abbot. The Abbey of St Peter, During this reign of terror Ed w ns · d 
sons by his second wife, had b ar_ and Elfred, Ethelred's young court in Normandy. Edward af:en given sanctuary at their uncle's fessor, is said to have made' erwards known as Edward the Con­
. a vow the d d
that, if ever he ascended the tl re ate 26 December r 006 Lewisham, Greenwich, Woolwi:~o~ of_England, he would restore _Chu:ch o~ St Peter at Ghent. Th~ ottmgham and ?oombe to t!:e mscnbed 1s among the arch· fparchment on wh1 h the vow 1s
1ves o FI d
not have been more than th an ers, but as the boy could 
ree years Of

to grave doubt whether he Id h age at the time it is open 
. cou av t k ' 

vow records that It was tak . e a en much part in it The
• en pubhcI · · 

an t aul m the time of R b Yin the monastery of St Peter
d S P 
• o ert I~· 

December m the year of O L ' mg of France on 2 6th day of 'th h ur ord ' 
w1 t ese wor~s: '!, Edward, bein' one thousand and six. It ends affix my mark. It IS endorsed 'Ed g capable of understanding, do England, made this solemn ward' son of Ethelred K.ing of 
In rn13 the end came andv~w to God and St Peter.' ' 

thelred fleeing the country a~ey~ ~sSum:d t~e crown 9f England, rn42 on the death of Hardi J rung his children in Normandy. threcalled to the English throne canuted ' Edward the Confessor was 
ev~w amplified the donation~o ~nthtwo years later in fulfilment of grantm~ the monks the manor fo L e ~bbey ofSt Peter by a charter ances, VIZ Gre · h O ew1sh ·
th • · . enwic , Woolwich M . am with all its appurten­aned1ura re?alza41 in those lands fi' _ottingham and Coombe, with exactions ro . , ree1ng th fi . . . . 
TrinoJ . ' ya1, epIScopal h em rom all Junsd1ct1on 
TheuaChnecessztas ,2 r ot er · · • even the
· O wise, mcludmg 

I t3 b arter of Edward the Ca~pen~: as t~e Dom~day Book onfess?r was confirmed by William Ghent :e ~nfcGreenw1ch as being~ent~ons only Lewisham with its 
' e 1 erence is that the ~n t e possession of the Abbot of " Di«esi onqueror somehow managed to 
u V--• s Roffmsis {Cantcrb 
., Th~....,, 111 Privileges ury and york S . 
c thrccft Id · ociety) 8 

., Dated 108o t_ax for rcpairin . ' 194 'vol. I, p. 31. 
J. DUJeesis Roll'. . g bridges m . . . 
:umsis (C , amtammg . . .
anterbury and y cas~1es and repelling invasions, ork Society), 1948, vol. I, p. 28. 
I 22 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE W ARREN 

acquire Woolwich, Mottingham and Coombe between h" fi
ti f Ed d' h Is con rma­
on o war s c arter and the compilation of the s As subsequent charters to the_Abbey of St Peter by William :~:~·and Henry I refer solely to Lewisham and Greenwich, the Abbot ofGh must have tacitly accepted the position and of necessity relinq · :~ the additional holdings. Woolwich thus reverted to the CrowUIS e 
The reference to Woolwich in the Domesday Book is as fol~ws: 
In the half-lath of Sudtone44 and in the Greenviz Hundred H · 

h 6 f 1 · · h. h w·11· ' aimo
as 3 acres o and 1n Hulv1z w 1c 1 1am the Falconer held of Kin Edward. In this estate there are eleven bordars46 who pay forty-one g
Th h 1 . pence. e w o e 1s worth £3. This estate, remarks Lysons, is supposed to be comprehended · what is now the principal manor and which at a very early peri~~ was called the 'manor of Wulewick' and afterwards the 'manor of ?outhall' in Woolwich.47 The manor, with its social and economic implications, was an integral part of the feudal system being at the same time a unit of rural organization and a centre of local ad­ministration. Maitland calls it 'A complex of rights over lands and tenants which includes the right to hold a court.' It therefore con­sisted of the lord who held the manor, the land and its utilization the juriscliction of a court and the tenants, either free or bound, wh~ held of the lord. The manor lands comprised the lord's demesne, those cultivated by the tenants, open pastures, woodlands, commons and wastes. The extent of a manor varied. Often its boundaries co­incided with those of the parish in which it was situated. As Black­stone says 'It seems pretty clear and certain that the boundaries of a parish were originally ascertained by those of the manor.' Seldom does a manor stretch into adjoining parishes, though often a parish may contain more than one manor. Woolwich appears to be a case in point. In Angevin days it consisted of three main divisions of land called the manors of Woolwich, Southall and Jeffreys, or per­haps it would be more correct to say that within the main manor of Woolwich were two subsidiary manors, named Southall and Jeffreys. The manorial rights of Woolwich reverted to the Crown in medieval times and became absorbed in those of the royal manor of Eltha1n though the association appears to have been loose. Southall then became known as the 'manor of Woolwich' for all practical purposes. This change of nomenclature has tended to confuse the 
hiStory of the manor. . 
It seems clear that soon after the Conquest the authority of the 
44 'S
udtone' is 'Sutton-at-Hone'. rd 

.45 Raimo was th h •ff A man of similar name was confessor to Edwa II and Bish e s en . 
~p of Rochester in 13 16. 46 Bordar'-a cultivator of the soil. 
47 The Environs of London, Daniel Lysons, I 796, vol. IV, P· 559· 
123 



THE BACKGROUND 
Abbot of St Peters at Ghent over Woolwich was, if not abrogated, so shadowy as to be virtually null and void. At any rate, the church there was given by Henry I to the monks of the Priory and Convent of St Andrew at Rochester48 and certain portions of the lands were detached from the chief manor. Some of these were attached to the royal manors of Eltham and Dartford, while others were presented to the Abbot of StJean Baptiste d'Angeley in Saintonge, France, by 
Henry II after his accession.49 King John, however, who was a law unto himself and cared little for the anathemas ofthe Church, seized the Abbot's lands in_ Woolwich and Mottingham to suit his own purposes though he ~d apparently repent of his rash act some years later. Whether conscience or policy moved him he did address a mandate to Geoffrey FitzPiers on 25 June 1206 'on the occasion of 
his visit to the Abbey of St Jean Baptiste, instructing him. to return without delay the stolen lands to the Abbot together with any chattels which may have been purloined.so The townsmen of St Jean d'Ang~ley revolt:d in 1224 in favour of King Louis VIII of Fr ance, and this happemng together with the violent changes of ownership whi~h the~ had exl?erienced, doubtless brought home to the mo~s 
the msecunty of their tenure. They therefore decided to convey their estate to Aymer de Valence, bishop-elect of v\Tinchester and half­br?ther to Henry II!. In 1250 Aymer was consecrated Bishop of Winchester, and on his death at Paris in 1261 the lands of W oolwich reverted to Henry III who granted them to Avice de Aula, wife of th_e Keeper of Rochester, for the term of her life. This lady paid the "!{1~g £10 a year and had the assize of bread and ale and a gallows m ~oolwyc~ and Modyngham'. Prior to this grant, Gilbert de Mansco held m 1236 half a knight's .r • W · h d Warin 
. -1ee m oo1w1c un er 
1
d M h
e one ens1.a After the death of th .c. • J hn de 
· b e 1ormer m 1255, o
Mansco,. pro ably a son answered .c. the same 1e.c. e under R lph de 
, wr a Mandeville. Walter de Mandeville h h Id f h or of
w 1 · h ffi d h' w o e part o t e man 
oEol wh1c a rme is portion to be an appurtenance of his manor 

o
f t am and parcel of th h . _

h 
. e onour of Gloucester.<>2 H e then ex c :n~ed~hes~ 1~terest~ for the manor of Luton in Bedfordshire with


J 
fco nlifc e esci w ose -~dow, Isabel, held Woolwich and Mottingharn or e. 53 1ater Wilham d y · · to
Anth B k B~ h e esc1 conveyed these properties . ~nyhe ' his op of Durham54 who gave it in reversion after his own eat to t e Crown. Edward I thus became lord of the manor 0 R~gist'!'m Ro.ffenu, Thorpe Dzoceszs Ro.ffensis (Canterbu1769, p. 35. :: Rot. Pipe, 2 He~ry II. ry and York Society), 1948, vol. I, p. 433· Rot. Claus. 8 John m 6 J I 
p. 73). ' · ' 25 une 1206 (Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum 1833, vol. ' 
11 ,,.. ' 
1. est~ de Nevill, 18o7, p. 209.11 Placr.ta de Quo Waranto I 8I 8 ( Ed 
••Rot.Pipe, 2 1 Edward' I 7 ward I), p. 343. 14 Inquisitions post morte~ Ed . . tiom post mortem, vol. V, p. 'ili). ward II, no. 274, 22 May 1311 (Calendar of Inqu15i­
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
ofEltham and Woolwich, the latter becoming a manorial dependant 
of the former though it continued to hold a separate court and had 
a separate jury and homage. A Court Leet and a Court Baron were 
held yearly for the manor ofWoolwich, and a jury and homage were 
sworn within the manor. At this Leet the jury appointed two 
constables and two ale-tasters for the town and parish of Woolwich. 
In the Court Baron all tenants were free and paid a relief of one 
year's quit-rent on every death and alienation.55 . . 
Although the legal position was clear, t_he allegiance o~ Wool"':1-ch 
to Eltham was frequently disputed and ignored. Even in_ the time 
of Edward III the question must have come to.a he~~ owing to the 
fact that tenants of royal manors enjoyed certam pnvileges: A close 
roll of that reign56 indicates that the inhabitants of Woolw1ch were 
b eing treated unjustly in this respect. It states: 

The King to all and singular, the king's bailiffs_ an~ ministers within the realm to whom etc. Greetings. Order not to d1str~1n the men of the manors ofModynham and Woolwich, which are ofancient demesne of the Crown for payment of toll upon their goods and property, contrary to the custom of the realm heretofore, kept and approv<:d that men of the ancient demesne of the Crown are and ought to be qwt of such payment throughout the realm releasing any distress made for that cause. 
ken in which Woolwich is described as a

In r 649 a survey was ta d m ember of the Manor of Eltham but holding a separate court, an in the rei n of Charles II they were separate manors, but held g · 66 s1 The issue was finally resolved
together and so conveyed 1n 1 3· E h 
· · ' · h Sh · the Court of the xc equer
1n a suit brought by Sir Jo n aw in against Mr Richard Bowater who had recently purchased thi•m an~r 
O

of W oolwich from the trustees of Mrs Elizabeth 8 croop. ir 1 n whose family had leased the Crown
Sh f Eltham 
aw, 2nd Baronet o , · 11 d · th rights of Eltham and Woolwich for several generauo1:sladehg~ itn lel p t nt lawfully ent1t e 1m o a
Court of Exchequer that Letters a e . h • h 1 the freehold and customary rents, fines, duties, etcd. wf1t h1n t e royah' M • t was seize o t e reversion 
manor of Eltham, and that is a Jes y f 8d formerly paid and inheritance, that the yearly rent o f3·1:~d in. Woolwich and by Mr Boughton to the manor of Elthamdo; me time. that the 
'd f the town had cease ior so ' h h

on t e sout s1 e ? . d ered that the boundaries were lands had been so intermixed au ai~k t b disinherited through
1

lost sight of, and that the Crown was_1 edy lo _e that he knew oughtd r. I M B d"sputed the claim ec anng
e1au t. r owat~r I n evidence that the Woolwich of the lands belonging to Eltham. ~i~ S • Thomas Trevor the estate was within the manor of t am ir ' d 
1 r. d for the petitioner on 6 February 1695 anAttorney-Genera , 1oun 

55 Hundred of Blackheath, Drake, 1886, P· 145· 56 Rot. Claus. 48 Edward III, m 18, 5 July 1374· 
57 
Records of Woolwich, Vincent, vol. I, P· 2 1. 
125 





THE BACKGROUND 
Mr Bowater was ordered to pay the rent of£ Bd . h years' arrears and defend the bounds 1'n .c. t 5rAos. . Wlllt 30
d f h iu ure. s a coro ary to the e~ree o t e Court, a Commission was set u r Jul r 6 96 to deterrrune the actual boundaries of th 1 d p f O B y
now ofBowater h" h .r. e an s, once oughton and 
Th C .. 'w ic iormed the manor of Southall (Woolwich) 69 e ommb1ss10dn reported the result of their labours and defined the necessary oun s on 2 November 1696 As before mentioned ther · .
called the manor of s th ellwas an es~ate m the parish ofWoolwich 
ou a (Woolw1ch) h' h d b 
a manor and was styled 'M w 1c was repute to e Kent. It was this pro ert :~or of:Vulwiche' in the Feodary Books of of the Domesday sufv y, shurmised by Lysons, which at the time 
ey was eld by H . h Sh 'ff S .c:
the decease of Anthon B k S . aimo, t e en . oon a1ter 
holding one fourth ( a :~i a~ma de_ Wyndlesore is recorded as 
Monchensi who 1·n tu0 h ldght s fee m Woolwich of Warin de 
' rn e of th kin · 
of that portion of the k . h , e g. This was probably a half remainder comprising th~g tds fee. held by Gilbert Marisco, the Isabel, widow of John J ~ s _which came into the possession of answered for this same e esc1. Later on Sir John de Pulteney 1346, for knighting th~u;r:~~ sha:e in th~ aid levied on I November Neale of Pulteney near L Prmce. Sir John, the son of Adam financier possessed of a utt~rworth in Co. Leicester, was a great of London in n amp e fortune. He was Mayor of the City
1330 
consequence. He l~nt 133Eld 133J and 1336 and a man of considerable him to carry on with h" ;ar III a good deal of money to enable 
1
for this service. Four ce : :ench wars and was no doubt rewarded 
ennobled by its represe~t~;{~: lat~r,_on 14July 1742, the family was Earl ofBath. By a fine . d.' Wilham Pulteney, being created the a life interest in his W 1evli~ m 1347, Sir John de Pulteney conveyed 
oo wich ma
estates to Humphrey d B h nor, together with that of his other remainder to himself 60 e h.0 u_n, Earl of Hereford and Essex with .ts . . 1 ' w ich mte t
ongma owner,61 Aft s· res was soon reconveyed back to
1 Sir William Pulteney er ir John's death on 8June 134g his son, ' •
conveyed h'is South 11succeeded t °the 1amily.r. estates. In 1362 h e \Vorcester, and two ~th ma?or to John de Baronetta Bishop of truste 1 ers m trust 62 d . ' h
es sett ed them i t . . , an m the following year t e
1
garet and their issue. : ~ on Sir William Pulteney his wife Mar­her second husband' S~ ;y de Loveyn, son of Da~e Margaret by heirs of Sir William.~ rr icholas de Loveyn; and on the rightful 
Margaret, widow of Sir 
Exch Nicholas Sarnefield, K.G.-the royal 
11 
u Exchcquer Decrees 7 Will. " Ped cqF_uerd~pccial 'eonun~_m II8I, Hilary folio 319 
• 
in. iv co Ed 10n, Will" III . 

•1 
Rot. Cla • 2 I ward III iam ' no. 6795. 


II Rot Claus. 21 Edward III , no. 41 I. ta Ped. F' usd.. 36 Edward 111' p. 18, m 29d, 1347. 
• m. iv co 36 Ed , m I d I9Jul 6
· ward III n'o Y13 2 and m 20d, 20July 1362.
6
' • 14• 37 Edward III, no. 627. 126 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 

Standard Bearer-next comes into the possession of the Ma f Southall (Woolwich). Shemusthavebecome temporarily embar~~;s;d for money as she mortgaged the estate to Thomas Marshall and wm· Bures und~r _a coven~nt which stipulated that they were boun~a: surrender 1t 1f she paid them the sum of £100 in cash in the po h of ~ltham church before Michaelmas 1426. The mortgagees w:~e notified to attend the church and collect the money, but they did not appear. Instead they stipulate~ t~at_they required a further £ 4o. Dame Margaret refused to be 1nt1m1dated by this extortionate dem~nd. She alleged that the hold<:rs of th<: mortgage had amply repaid themselves by felling and selling the umber from the Manor and petitioned that they should be cited to appear before the Lord Chancellor. The money claimed was possibly furnished by the sale of the manor in 1424 to Richard Sturgeon for 200 marks64 who in turn made a profit of 1oo marks when he conveyed it on 13 October 
1435 after sale to John Tattersall.65 John Tattersall was a gentleman of London who married Agnes da~ghter ofJohn Chichele, grocer of Lo~don, and niece of Heru,'. Ch1chele, Archbishop of Canterbury. At his decease, John Tattersall left h vo daughters, co-heiresses: Margery, who marned John Roper of Swacliff, Kent, one of the Surveyors of the Customs of the Cinque Ports,66 and Anne married to Sir Ralph Hastings who at his death 
. ' . 
1n 1495 left all his interest in the manor of Woolwich at the disposal of his wife. Agnes Tattersall marrie~ second~y Sir Willia~ Kene, after whose death and that of her son-in-law Sir Ralph Hastmgs, the manor of Woolwich was settled on herself. She conveyed it to Nic~olas Boughton at Michaelmas 149~-The man~r then_descende~ to Sir Edward Boughton, his son, who in turn left it to67Nicholas, his son, who sold it in to Richard Heywood for £786. The manor
1554

at that time had as its appurtenances 7 messuages, 3 barns, 1 dove­cote, 4 gardens, orchards, 100 acres of arable land, 200 acres of pasture, acres 4of marsh, 50 acres of heath a~d 200 acres of ':ood­
50

lands together with shillings rent in Woolw~ch ~nd Greenwich.
40

Christopher Heywood, son and heir of the sai~ Richard, ~onveyed one third of the estate in January l 57368 to Richard Patrick, ·who together, the latter on 1 July 157sso and the former on 20 ~ugust 15~0'• conveyed all their interests in the manor ~f \~oolwich ~o William Gilborne, citizen and draper of London. Sir Nicholas ~11­borne of Ch · K t hi·s son was seized in 1590 of a mansion 
, anng, en , , . h d h . 

house in Woolwich, called Woolwich Hall, wh1c stoo on t e site 
6<1 pd
65 ped. Fin, 3 Henry VI, no. 108. 
0 e · Fm. 14 Henry VI no. 404. 1 H VIII 
676 :ather_ of Sir John Roper of Well Hall, attorney-genera to enry · 
os pe~. F!n. 6 Edward VI, Hilary. 
oo Re · Fm. 15 Eliz., Hilary. 
,0 Rot. Claus. 20 Eliz., p. 15. 
ot. Claus. 22 Eliz., p. 16. 10 127 






THE BACKGROUND 
o~the present Red Bar:a~ks; ofdivers orchards, houses etc. adjacent with the chattels rema1nmg in the house., a11 of wh'1ch he Iet on 2 o ovember 159° _to Francis eedham for 2 I years. He settled the 
manor of Woolw1ch· on Henry Gilborne h'IS son, who a· d wit· h
. h · d , Ie out ISSue. From im it escended to his n1·ece El' b th d h d
· · b th Th Isa e , aug ter an 
heir of his ro er omas Gilborne of W I · h Sh · d S
f L h oo WIC . e marne t 
Leger Scroop o out , Co. Lincoln who di d . fi . 1d'ffi 1 .
An A t of Parliament e m nancia I cu ties. inheri~ance in trustees, :~~;;ere~ore obta~ned in I 690 to vest her to pay her late husband's debt;hich ce~tam lands were to be sold from her undertakings u d.h!"frs Elisabeth Scroop was released 
n er t IS Act b . d
from the private fortune of Th . Y certam payments ma e trustees appointed under th o~as A_spm, her second husband. The 
. e a1oresa1d A t D w·11· G h
Dean of Carlisle and John H c -r I iam ra am, manor \\ith its appurtenan _arvWey of Thurley, Co. Beds, sold the 
ces m ool . h d . d
Bowater mercer ofLondo d h' wic an Charlton to Richar 
. ' n, an is son Ri h d 1· d f
the City, for the sum of £I , c ar , a men-raper o
1
, 8oo and a · 1 / h
Mr and Mrs Thomas Aspin. 71 Th nomma. sum_of 5 -eac to family until the beginning f h e_ manor remamed m the Bowater 
The manor of Jeffrey O t e nmeteenth century. Elizabeth's reign by Henr~ ~:s possessed in the b ginning of Queen.73 eney, who held it in capite72 of the 
ow what of the humbler folk • men and small merchants as the Of W 0 ?lwich, the labourers, fisher-t~eir trades, bought and sold fc centuries rolled on ? They followed like that of any other small c;mough~ a~d loved, and iived and died strayed within the clutches f :;mmty in the country. At times they was just a small fishing vill O t_ e law. Until Tudor days Woolwich a few narrow lanes leadin age, its houses clustered together between bounded between the pre g to ~he water's edge in an area roughly little up the hill on the · ~ent sites of the Dockyard and Arsenal. A 
ns1ng gro d 
no doubt the life of the small h un stood the church round which The church was originally d ~~let revolved. wards to St Mary Magd l e icated to St Lawrence74 and after-th h a ene It · 
e mot er church of th d" · anciently paid gd. chrism rent to · h · e 10ce r A
"';It Its whole tithe to the p . se. a s before stated it was given Bishop of Rochester by H nory of St Andrew and Gundulph,
his ' enry I £
parents and his wife 1a Th. _or the good of the souls of himself, ~~arter.1_1 Fur~er chart;rs to t~eg1ft was confirmed by a subsequent the dissolution of the p . same effect followed in due course. 11 R nory of St A d · 
ot. Claw. 5 William d n rew m 1540 the church at 
71 
A tenure held . . an Mary p 8 
n Hundred ofBtZ1cd1ately of th; so~e' ~os. 24 and 28. ,. Regist,um & aJh, Drake 1886 reign. ,1 Ta111s &1r.. ,J/tf'St, Thorpe, I 76 'p. I 51. 
,. -r rutnsis, Thomas H 9, p. 696. 
, atus &IT-.: Th carne 1
" Rt. . rll"'N•s, omas Hearne' 720, p. 230. !,utru,n &J/mse, Thorpe I 76 ' I 720, p. r70. 
' 9, p. 35. 
128 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVE T OF THE WARREN 
Woolwich was settled on the newly-elected Dean and Ch t 1· 
Ro h t I h h ap er o
c es er. n t e seventeen~ century the people ofWoolwich reatl feared for the safety of their church from the heavy traffi g · y to and fro between the Dockyard and the town. On 25 Acp J:>1ass6mg
th . . d . n I 50 
ey p~t~t10ne t~e Council of State for an order to the Na Comrmss10ners to issue from store a certain quantity of waste ti bvy and planks, unsuitable for ship-building, to repair the wharf le~· er to the Dockyard, which, as they said, 'is so much decayed by ~~g heavy loads carted over it, that neither carriages, horses nor f. : can pass it without danger, and it endangers the falling d~wn of~~ church of the town'.78 The estimate for the repair of the wharf, 55~ feet long and 6 feet deep, total £194. 10s. od., was accompanied b a statement that it had been repaired by the Navy Commissione; in r634. Then follo'."'ed an Order in Co_u~cil, which had a curious!; modern rmg about it. The Navy Comin1Ss10ners were to enquire into the m atter and ascertain who should carry out the repairs. If the State were not to be charged they were to examine the cost and certif what waste timber could be spared towards the work without 
making a precedent of it. It was agreed on 6 June 1650 that the government should bear one third of the cost of the repairs, allowed by giving the timber of old and decayed vessels then stored in the 
Dockyard. 
By the reign of Queen Anne the church was falling into decay as well as becoming too small to house the gro':"ing congregation. Money was therefore collected and given by charitable persons to renovate the structure. A survey, however, demonstrated that the old fabric was incapable of being either repaired or enlarged. It was therefore decided to rebuild it on a new site, and in May I 726 a piece of land I½ acres in extent and lying to the south was purchased from the Bowaters. In an Act was passed whereby fifty new churches 
1710 
Were to be built79 and thus, money having been contributed, the 
80 

foundations of the new edifice were dug. Finally in I 732 another Act was passed specifically ordering the rebuilding of Woolwich Church as one of the number directed under the former Act. The Act of George II directed that the sum of £3,000 should be paid toward the cost of rebuilding before 24 June 1732. Treasury records complete the story for on 25 May 1732? Nathaniel Blackerley, trea­surer for building new churches, received the sum of £3,000 for 
81 
'rebuilding Woolwich Parish Church'. As early as the fourteenth century Wool~ch inhab~tants we~e getting into trouble over breaking the fishing regulations. Their 
11 nd 1 
~: S.P. Dom. Council of State Proceedings, vol. IX, PP· 9 a 94· 9 Anne, cap. 1 7. 
80 fon y B k
5 George II, cap. 4. 1 1 2 6 (
X 81 Calendar of Treasury Books and Papers, vol. II, 173 -734, P· 3 XXVI, pp.314-315). 
129 


WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN
THE BACKGROU D 
misdemh~anourf ,h,·asCt?e age-old one of poaching. An old Deed in the arc 1ves o t e 1ty of Londons2 states: 
Be it remembered that on Saturd h
1farv (2nd February) in th hay t e octave of the purification of St.
• ·, , e I 3t year of King Ed d f TT •
Edward Laurence Albyn ,v·ir . war , son o ..1.~mgThomas' Sprott and five' ot~e;:m Tngge, MaSter Joh~ le Fisshmongere, 1fayor and Aldermen si ·t prnduced at the Gmldhall before the ~,-hile under the charg~ o/Jehen dnets called kide/s83 taken in the Thames 
o n e Pelham fish f W 1 . h d
John Godrom, drynke~4 of Plomstede. ' monger O O WlC e, an \\no said that the same kidels belon .
Lesnes, Berkynge and Erheth h ged to certam men of Plomstede,
th
kidels were placed in the wat:~:f;0 we~e ere named, and that the said fish and salmon etc It was th ~resaid to the destruction of the small Aldermen that the kidels sho Ide~ ore adjudged by the said Mayor and on the peril which awaits th u ~ burnt, and that the said fishmongers, 
em, s ould not commit the offence again. 
The lawful measure ofthe 
a minimum of two inche b meshes ofThames nets at this time was 
s etween knots ss These sharp practices we · 
monger. Even the saintly {~ not confined to the Woolwich fish-evade the law. In 1313 a :idez°t of L~snes was not above trying to the bank of the Thame . elongmg to him was disco ·ered on and brought before thes~pposite his abbey. This was confiscated Leire, John de Wyndesor ayo~, John de Gisorz, and \ illiam de on the Thursday next af;, a~ Stephen de Abyndone, Aldermen, (25 April), at the Guildhal~~ t { Feast of St Mark, the Evangelist in the street of Chepe b in .0ndon. It was ordered to be burned 
. ecause '1t w f; d d 
Mockinge, Henry Lombard as oun on the oath ofJohn e
1 
John de Garton, William S ' ]Laurence Aubyn, Oliver Brounyng, Richard Swote Geoffr cSot, ohn Freshfisshe, Robert de Mockyng, fish ' ey cot the y Pik
mongers, that the net ounger, and Alexander e, sufficient for fishing t th was too narrow in the meshe and in­
, o eud· ' 
to the loss of the whole • n oing of the banks of the river, and was also pronounced th~~~:nd of the people resorting thereto'. It People of England stat d h Great Charter of the Liberties of the aforesaid shall be rem e dt at all kidels and such embankment86 as 
. ove 87 Agam on 28 October I • Pesok of Plumstead wa ;14 a net called a coanet belonging to Robert s a en from the Thames brought before the " ' 
13 Edward II 1 20 L 
nd
London Life, H. T. 'RJ ' etter Book E, folio . 
, 11 A net for trappiney,fuS68, p. 135. xcix. Quoted from Memorials of London a A pretty kettle (kcdcl) h at the mouth 0 f 5.
"Probably a trinke,e of fish'. a stream i.e. keddle. Hence the expres ioJ1 
" 17Edward III 1' a man who used trink · 
~Life, H. T. Ril343, Letter Book F, fol s,1i.e_. nets attached to posts. d 
Thrown to make i~~' p. 21 • · xxi. Quoted from Memorials ofLondon an 
5 
17 
6 Edward II in the rive f;
1---Life, H. T: j,l13, Letter Book Afu~ rec~iving the kidel. d 
cy, 1868, p. 1 . ' · xci. Quoted from Memorials of London an
07 

Mayor and Aldermen at the Guildhall and ordered to be b , 
the ~to_ne cross in the high street of Chepe'.88 urnt near . S1nular acts of lawlessness occurred in the reign of Hen IV d instances could be further. multiplied. Doubtless illegal fishm:f and
g prove a profitable occupation when undetected. In 1406 Bonar a Th 
con t fi d . b 1 . ' ames
serva or, con scate sixteen nets e ongmg to certain fish of Woolwich, Erith and Barking because their meshes were coe:men to regulation. Bonar testified that the men concerned were aggrn r~ry
d h . ess1ve 

an t reatened to recover their nets by force. As a result of hi co_mplaint, the offenders were brought before the court at West~ ~1nster and, after trial, found guilty. They were, however, cham­p10ned by the Archbishop of Canterbury who interceded on their be~alf. They were, therefore, pardoned by the Mayor, their nets 
bemg returned to them.89 The presence of religious houses on _both sides of the Thames fostered trans-river traffic, and a Woolw1ch ferry was established at an early date. In 1308 a messuage and a ferry at Woolwich were sold by illiam de Wicton to William atte Hall, mason, for £rn.9o In 1320, Lambert de Trykenham conveyedcertainlandsinWoolwich and elsewhere, together with a ferry across the Thames, to John ~atymer and Joan, his wife.91 In turn, these same lands and ferry rights were sold in 1340 by William Filliol and Mary, his wife, to
92

Thomas -Iarwold and his heirs for I oo marks. Greenwich and Erith also poss...,ssed ferries, and their competition constituted a grievance for Woolw·ch people, who in 1330 petitione~ Parliament at Win­chester to suppress their rivals as the Woolw1ch ferry was a royal 
ferry farmed of the king.93 
In the reign of Charles II there was a warrant dated 28 May 1679 for a grant to Robert Moore, Thomas Walter and John Smith, their executors administrators and assigns for a term of 30 years of a ferry from Wo~lwich to the opposite shore; also of two fairs at Woolwich e:7ery year to begin on 2 4 April and 24 O~t?~er and to continue eight days each, it having been found by inqu1s1t10n th_at such a grant w~uld be no damage to the Crown, or to any subJect, or to the 
neighbouring markets or fairs.94 Much legislation has been passed since and sev~ral other ferries 
have been installed but such subsequent undertakings are of much 
later date. ' Woolwich grew very slowly during the centuries. Even by the 
88 18 Edward III L tt Book F fol. xcii. Quoted from .Memorials of London and Lond L. ' I 334, e er ' 
on ife, H. T. Riley, 1868, p. 220. 
811 Records of Woolwic/1, W. T. Vincent, vol. I, P· 31. 
90 ;ecords of Woolwich, W. T. Vincent, vol. II, P· 17°· 
81 ped. Fin. div. co., 14 Edward II, no. 205. 
11a ed. Fin. 14 Edward III, no. 461. 
u 112 f;ndred of Blackheath, Drake, I 886, p. 152. 
· ·Dom.Car. II, Entry Book 51, P· !250. 
131 



THE BACKGROUND 
reign of J:Ienr>: VII it contained only 112 ratepayers. Its location on a broad tidal nver presented possibili'ti'es h d h fc d'
· I d , owever, an t e oun 1ng 
of Its roya ockyard when Henry VIII d d h h
· Ifc • ascen e t e t rone gave
the signa or expansion and s t th ­
• f h d e e VI11age on the road to prosperity.
The operung o t e ockyard b . h
attracted skilled artisans and d mug t_tra~e.to the neighbourhood, up for the various g eveloped its c1v1c sense. Houses sprang
overnment servants I d h d h
superintendence ofwh t • h emp oye t ere, an t e ments' brought a bettea ml1g t be termed the new 'Service Establish-
r c ass of re · d .
houses of these officials .si ent to the growmg town. The of a more substantial n' terectehd further back from the river, were 
a ure t an th f h d' fc lk
Even Pepys was impressed . h ose o t e or mary towns o .
wit these ' 0 ffi · 1 , 0 J 
1661 he supped with Mr p t . _cia quarters . n 14 une 'He did treat us very hande t, tfe shipwright and noted in his diary houses all the officers of th s~~e ~' and strange it is to see what neat gradually spread towards ;h ~~g ~ Yard have.' A built-up area thus 
Woolwich could hardly e 1? <? ground. peasant rebellions which s remam immune from trouble during the proximity to Blackheath ~ept t~e land during early reigns. Its close have prevented that w'ha avhounte rallying ground for rebels, would 
· en t e · 
und~r the banner of Wat T I msurgents poured on to Blackheath 
th
menm the Kentish con tin y e~ ere were possibly some Woolwich marched on Blackheath g~nht. h~tseventyyearslater whcnJack Cade 
f h Wit IS 20 ,
1 .
P_am~ o t : Commons of Kent' ,ooo men to present the Com­wich inhabitants were definite! ~o the Royal Council, some Wool­gentlemen pardoned for th . Y m~olved. Among the seventy-four Hethe and William No th eir part m the conspiracy were T homas the less fortunate were r_ hampton, both of Woolwich while among 
W I · h eig t men b I · ' 
00 wic , situated as 1't • e ongmg to the town. 
h d 'ts r. · is on th · 
~ 1 iarr share of alarm d e mam sea-lane to the capital, has 
kin ' . s an ex . 
g s enenu:s. It, together with cursrnns due to the malice of the concerned with resisting th A Plumstead and Charlton was closely be the first to suffer firome rmada as the riverside pa;ishes would 
mak if. · any d d · •
Th e, ' m pursuance of th . epre at10ns the Spaniards might 

ames. A battery of gun eir boast, they dared to ascend the were set up at Erith and sGwas er~cted on Market Hill and others moored acr h . reenh1th A b ' 
th Th oss t e river at Ch e. attery of gun-boats was
1

the K ames at Gravesend to ~r ~.n, while a bridge ofbarges spanned e ent and Essex shores Alalc hltate the passage of troops between ments to set fir · t e lo l m · h · 
. e to everythi h ea ab1tants made arrange­~:v:!1~~a~a 'scorched-ea:fh~ 0~~d t~e Spaniards effect a landing, exci~ t ese preparations p icy is no development of modern ement, not to say fear . must have caused a great flutter of " s· ' in the hea t f W . s 
. . u William Ralci r s o oolw1ch women a District Antiquarian s!~and Woolwich
icty, vol. X. ' R. J. Jackson, Proceedings of the Woolwich 

WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVE N T OF THE WARRE~ 

most_ of the able-bodied men of the district were, at the time, away fighting in the Low Countries. 
Nearly a hundred years later history repeated itself in the Dutch wars and this time fear seems to have given way to panic. The times were certainly serious. The Dutch had long been our rivals in tr~de and a war had been going on intermittently for a couple of years. Both sides, being excellent sailors, fought stubbornly, and the battle of the Downs in June 1666 lasted four days. Parliament voted large supplies in aid of the struggle, but intrigues at Court and the King's profligacy dissipated the money and it seldom reached the goal for which it was intended. Work which should have been done was left undone, supplies and stores which should have been ordered were left unordered. Consequently the country was ill-equipped for the final assault which came on g June 1667 when a Dutch fleet, sailing up the Medway, battered down a fort at Sheerness, broke through a chain guarding Chatham docks, and burned numerous vessels sheltering there. The country feared an attack 0:1 London where the guns of the enemy's fleet in action could be plamly heard. 
On 13 .June r667 Charles II wrote to Prince Rupert dire~ting him to raise batteries in or near Woolwich for the better security of the Thames against hostile raids, and instructing him to pr~ceed thither to take personal charge of the work, at the same time ordering 
persons of all rank to obey him.96 As a result of the king's letter a temporary battery or wooden97 platform mounting 6o guns was erected in Woolwich_ Warr~n, where the earthworks which formed the sub-structure still retamed the name of 'Rupert's Walk' when batteries of a more permanent charact fit rds constructed by General Borgard, whose 
. er were a erwa . . ss s· h' 

original plan still survives in the Bntis_h M_us_eum. ix s ~ps were ordered to be sunk off Woolwich and Sir Wilham Penn advised that 
·r · 1 t should be placed on board 
1 possible 4 ooo tons of stones at eas ,
the h' 'b k 99 E tually nine vessels were sunk off the 
s 1 ps to e sun . ven C · · 

tow 100 d J 6 J hn Cox asked the Navy omrrussioners 
n an on 20 une 1 6 7 ° • · · d 

for eight more ships to be sent to Woolwich for sinking m or: er to
my's fleet from coming up
h

secure the passage and prevent t e ene 
highe t d L d 101 In this emergency, errors were naturally 
r owar s on on. F h fl boat of440 tons rnade. For instance, the authorities sunk a r_enc y-. sent from Dunkirk by the French king for ~nsoners, havi~g on boar~ victuals for 300 men.102 Another ship carrymg £80,000 o stores, an 
1 23 
:: S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. ccv, no. 20 (Entry B~ok 7, P· 4 )· 
S.P. Dom. Car. II, ccvi, no. 10~, ccx~, no. ! d 98 B.M. Royal maps and plans, foho xvi(A~irJty Paper). 
99 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. ccv, no. 107 100 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. ccvi, no. 58. 101 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. ccvi, no. 160. 102 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. ccvii, no. 158. 
133 




THE BACKGROUND 
a king's store-vessel laden with supplies for the fleet were also sent to the bottom.103 By now the Exchequer was wellnigh empty and Charles borrowed £10,000 from the City of London for the defence ofthe Thames. For ,~ant ofrea~y ~oney Parliament paid off the clamorous seamen with tickets bearmg 1~~erest. These were received by the sailors with dis­
gust and. ma~y JOmed the enemy, being heard to call out from the Dutch ships: We fo~ght for tickets before, now we fight for dollars.'104 Two extracts which follow give a g h' d · u· f reelings
h' h . d . th rap 1c escnp on o 1_. ~ IC exist~ m e me~ropolis and its southern suburbs during this t:Ime of tension and stram. One is a letter dated I June I 667 from
5
John Rushworth to a frie d 10~ H S
M, · R l k R n · a e says that 'the Royal Charles, anta
O 
ar~a, OJ; b ah Doyal James, Loyal London and Unity all great ships ~re h~r~e Y t e utch in Chatham river besides ~wo lesser ships1~ w, IC 5~~ ~en lhost their lives, and two' more ships sunk in the n~er~ 7,0~h. · et t ey got over them and the chain too and did this mIChscthe. D ISkcompelle~ the sinking of all other great ships near 
a am oc ' not leav 
will be recovered in tim:g one above water, but it is hoped these ready to tear their h • ff Th~ merchants are undone; people are used at Whitehall air .0 the1r heads; great importunity has been 
, especially bys· G . p 1· t
but nothing will prevail. t .ir eorge Saville, for a ar 1~me1: ~ also all the bishops and ' ~ere Is one great grown man against it, cheated the king N paP1sts, and all those who have cozened and 
. ews arrives t Od h fi
Brest and appear bef; h ay t at the French have come rom that they are friends oredt e Isle of Wight; some at Court give out far as Woolwich. p anl not enemies. The Dutch are expected as 
'th th ' eop e are fled fi G 1 kh th
Wl eir wives and hild rom reenwich and B ac ea it will.' The other is i r;n. We are betrayed, let it light where 'In the evening came M.1 ~pys' Diary under date r 3 June r 667 · 
nd
tell me that never w elhng and several others to the office a all over at this day-er~people so dejected as they are in the City we are bought and ,s;~-~o talk most loudly, even treason, as that and
others about the Kin . hat we are betrayed by the Papists, so backward as no g, cry out that the Office ofOrdnance hath been Castle till such a ti powder to have been at Chatham nor U pnor 
p · , A me and the · · a
apISt. day later p carnages all broken· that Legg is Batten and W. Pen ~pys records that 'at night ca~e home Sir w. at Woolwich and Dw ~only can tell me that they have placed guns and Blackewall andep or~, and sunk some ships below Woolwich
• , are In h ,
~onung up'. Being a pra ti opes that they will stop the enernY s amuel Pepys called on k~~1 man as well as a very inquisitive one, 111 Pcpys' . odbam, Clerk of the Ropeyard, on 23 
0 
lN ~rr' D~' 14Junc 1667 
111 S Domiary, 14Junc 1667. 
·· -Carn · 
. , vol. ccv, no. 76. 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
June and together they went out to inspect the Woolwich batteries which they considered to be excellent works to command the river below the ships that were sunk, but of small value above them. 
John Evelyn who lived at Sayes Court near Deptford was also greatly perturbed by events. He writes in his diary on 8 June 1667 'To London, alarmed by the Dutch, who were fallen on ou: fleet_ at Chatham by a most audacious enterprise entering the ve:Y nve~ wi~h part of their fleet doing us not only disgrace, but incredible mischief 
· b · ' 1 · t hor and moored
in urmng several of our best men-of-war ymg a anc . there, and all this through our unaccountable negligence _m not 
· . • d me feanng the
setting out our fleet in due time. This a1arm cause ' . 
. t London (which they
enemy might venture up the Thames even ° . )might have done with ease and fired all the vessels in the river toho ' ' f house to anot er
to send away my best goods, plate etc. rom my d c· . t 
· t b th country an ity m 0 
P1ace. T he alarm was so great that it pu O more•
fi • . h I hope I shall never see , 
ear, a panic and consternation, sue as 'th N there were everybody was flying, none knew why or whi ~: L:~ :tviiddleton, land fo cc despatched with the Duke ofAlbemar h ·ng to Chat­Prince Rupert and The Duke to hinder the ~utc ;r~ms· but the ham, fcrtifying Upnor Castle and laying chamfis ant o:r ships and 
re 1 h h 11 and set re O • ' 
so ute enemy broke t roug a , · h est of their fleet retreated in spite, stopping up the Thames,l~kePrepys he went to 
. ' s· d later l e '
Iy1ng b "ore the mouth of it. 1X ays ' t d under the orders 
. h h' h had been erec e di 
see th e b attery at Woolw1c w ic . b Henry Mud man ofPrince Rupert. In another newslette:;r::te~h:atley, Doncaster106 on 20 June 1667 to Sir George Coo h mentions the fact referring to the Dutch attack on the Thar~s ; at Woolwich with that the crisis had necessitated 'raising a P ~ or f Dover Gravesend 60 pieces of ordnance and the stre1:gthenhmCg O ncil co~cluded that
' . t n t e ou h
etc.' In order to cope with the situa 10 ' board the mere ant 
· b fficient to put on · t the
six weeks' victuals would e su the Ordnance to est1ma ~ ships and ordered the Officers of d · tain the batteries at 
an an main 
number of men required to m 107 • 1
Woolwich Gravesend and Chatha~-h n they had the ball at the r 
Strange'as it may seem, the Dute ;.:ey proceeded no further up feet failed to exploit their advantag~~r serious attack. Charle~, how­the Thames and desisted from furt d nd now was determined to ever had become thoroughly ala6r6meh ~nstructed Prince Rupert to
' o 6 July I 7 e h my and
tighten up defence. n 'ble return of t e ene ' fortify the Medway against a poss1 Chatham, Sheerness and such ordered him to proceed to Ro~he~t:~cting the perfecting of all works other places as were necessary ord r. r disposing of the forces to b 
. f h ·ver an io
for the security o t e n ' i no. 1oo. . p )
1011 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vo.1 ccv.? no, 26 (Admiralty aper . 107 S p Dom Car. II, vol. ccvu, 
. . . 135 



THE BACKGROUND 
employed there according t · .
personally The ki I h o mstructions he had already received General of Kent i a:c arged the Earl ofMiddleton, Lieutenant­the l\1ayor and 'c e o cerCs emp_loyed in the Yards at Chatham by 
ommon ounc1l of L d d 11 Id"
workmen etc. to obey th p . , . on on, an a so 1ers and 
e rmce s direct· 10s 
The scare at last di d d rnns.
nd
hall, dated g August ~ o,~n, a an Order in Council from White­
667, instructed the o d C • •
to cause two-thirds of th r nance omm1ss10ners Woolwich and one third e l~nners employed in the fortifications at to discharge the Captai:s : ose_at Gravesend to be taken off; also decrease the pay of the remaippomted over the guns; and also to 
109
5 October the battery at W t1:1"g gunne~s. A few months later on put back into commission a~~t;ich. ':as dismantled,110 but it was soon should further incursions position was considered advantageous in Council stipulated thoctcu~ On 22 January 1668 a further Order Blackman's land i e T a tpe battery at Woolwich in Captain
' · · ower 1
Gallions Reach should b . ace, and the one over against it in 
1
. h r. "fi . e continued 1u E . ....
wic 1ort1 cation assum d · ventually m 1737 the Woo ­
,·ision of General Borg ed a more permanent form under the super-
Like all wars, howevar ·. .
1
called for a quick solu/r, it eft its problems behind and one which Proposals from contrac:on ;as the clearing of the Thame channel. Gould offered to clear t~rs T~wed in. On 3 September 1668 Thomas for £1,600 and the old e a~es of three ships sunk at Woolwich except ships and lab wrecks, if the king would find all materials 
. our, or for £6 'f
t e s ips.112 On the sa d oo 1 the king would provide all
h h which appeared to be:.~hayJohn Gibbs put up another proposition to the Kavy Comrru·ss· er more grasping in its terms He suggested
• 1oners th t 1· f h · 
m hand and a third of th a t ey would allow him £3 500, half t~ree ':reeks was out of thee;:her half to be paid when ea~h of the give him the three wr k .Y of the vessels and if they would also 
ec s w1th 11 h . ' . 
guns, he would weigh d a t eir goods in them excepting s nk b I an carry f ' .
~ e ow Woolwich at his out o the channel the three ships ~1me must have elaps d b own cost before 15 May next.113 Some 1t was fin 11 . e efore the · • I
a Y decided to bl nver was cleared and ev1den t Y agency, as it was not t'll ow up the hulks by direct government
1
~dward Sherburne Su 5 July 1669 that Francis icholls and tively, reported t~ thrvior and Clerk of the Ordnance respec­alltl ot~er materials fore d: a~ Commissioners that the powder woolwich and lodged ·isposmg 0 f the wrecks had been sent to 
m the · 
1oe s.P. Dom company of Paul Linby, their 
111 0r· • · Car. II, vol ··· 
u, iginal Warrants . ccv111, nos. I 19-1 . 111 ~ginal·
~m. Charles ~ldv ~rdcrs_ in Councif Ip~cJ,i,io/ok/17, pp. 251-252). 111 Sp Warrants an'd O~d~' no. 57. ' 55 425, no. 200. 111 s'p' Dom. Car. II V I crs in Council PROJW
0
· ·Dom.Car 11' · ccxlv, no. 162 ' 0/55/425, no. 137. 
• , VO1 ccx1 •
• v, no. 161. 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
agent, ready for issue to Mr Young gunner of th R l r
A ' e oya James 114 pparently there was a further scare ofrenewed war. Phineas p · muster-master, reported to the Navy Commissioners at 8 et~
1 
May 1672 that heavy gun-fire was heard at Gravesend At fi a.1:1. thought that the noise proceeded from scaling (prov~g ?) rsdtIt was 
t w I · . • or nance 
a oo w1ch, but the continuous roar undeceived Mr Pett a d d
h" r h h' . . n ma e
1m rea 1ze t at somet 1ng more s1mster was probably afi 0 t s 
officers at Grave~end _believed that the fleet was engaged.115° • ea Some further hght 1s thrown on t_he Woolwich defences during the ~utch war. Annexed to an Order 1n Council on 23 December 6 2 
. . fi A L . I 7
1s a pet1t10n rom nne ong, a widow. She claimed that her sec d husband, Richard Long, who had been commander of the N~~t­zngale, was put in command ofthe men at Woolwich and that owi to hardships there experienced, had died ~ithout receiving; peU::;'. This fact could be substantiated by refernng to the original warrant dated 14 June 1667 at Woolwich from Prince Rupert to Captain Long in which the latter was ordered to raise as many seamen as po sible by beating the drums at London or otherwise to serve at 
olwich. He was also instructed to plant what guns he could on th quay called Jenning' s Quay there and with Captain Benjamin Symonds to take under his command such seamen and others as should be needful to manage the said guns. A note dated 12 January I 67 r was added to the petition by Viscount Brouncker and Sir J. Smyth that Mrs Long 'is desired to make out what time her said late husband spent pursuant to the above warrant'. The answer to this query is supplied on the back, for thereon is a certificate dated 13 J anuary 1671 signed by W. Bodham (Clerk of the Ropeyard) that Captain Long was appointed to command some seamen and guns at the new fortifications at Woolwich from 14 June 1667 and served to the end of the month, but that he knows not how much longer he may have served. His pay was 5s. per day of which he received 
6 
nothing, he hoping for a greater allowance.11 Woolwi.ch did not remain unscathed in the outbreak of plague which preceded the Great Fire of London. On I 5 August 1665, Christopher Pett reported to the Navy Commissioners that that dread scourge had broken out at Woolwich in two houses, and he expressed the fear that it would be very mortal. He assured their Lordships that he would take every precaution to prevent the malady spreading to the Dockyard.111 Lack ofsanitary arrangements and ignorance of hy­giene in the seventeenthcentury favoured contagion and infection.The disease therefore gained a rapid hold. A month later o~ 2~ September Pett informed the Commissioners that cases had mult1phed and that 
114 S.P. Dom. Car. II vol. ccLxii, no. I 10. 
116 S P .. Dom. Car. II,' cccix, nos. 4 and 41. 
116 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. cccxxxi, nos. 128 ~d 1281. 
117 S.P. Dom. Car. II, vol. cx.xix, no. 35 (Admiralty Paper). 
137 

THE BACKGROUND 
many workmen were dead. 'He is afraid that soon he will be unable !o contin,ue work at th_e D?c_kyard. He would like a pest-house erected m the '\: ard and stnct lilJunctions promulgated that all infected families should be segregated, kept in and shut up.'118 
T,~o Lor~ Mayors of London have been, not only intimately associated with the town of Woolwich but concerned in an indirect manner wi~ the origin of the Royal Arsenal. It was their property, th0ugh t~e1r ownership was separated by almost a century and a 
hal£ which formed the 1 f . 
, ' . nuc eus o the establishment known as 
\ oolw1ch Warren' The· • · d s· 
. . . · ir names were Sir Martm Bowes an ir Wilham Prichard The f L
b · ormer,. ord Mayor m. 1545 was a great endefactor to .the town. He belonged to the Goldsmiths' Company an , among his many acf ·t· · H
• d h . IVI ies, was sub-treasurer of the M int. e marnTe h t ree times. First, to Cecily Elyot by whom he had two sons, omas and Martin• dl d · d
o t b b ' secon Y, to Anne Barre ( who 1e I 9 c O er 155d3)hirydwhom he had three daughters Cycely· Charity and 
Joanna· an t 1 El· , ' 
d h" ' -Y, to isabeth Harlow He died 4 ugust I 556 
an 1s w111 was dated 20 S b · h Id t 
Greenwich on his death f. epte~ er 1542. An inquisition e ~ Bexley, Plumstead and ound ~Im to be possessed of much land in Blackfen and was left ~oolwich. That at Bexley was known as Place;l19 and that at ~ his : 1dest son; that at Plumstead as Sujfo~k Martin Bowes was bu ?01~1ch as Tower Place in the vVarren. Sir Lombard Street d ned in the Church of St Mary -oolnoth, been painted b;a~ ~ :ontemporary portrait of him, said to have Goldsmiths' Hall B O1 em, hangs in the Committee room of the Sir Martin Bowes. y a ddeed of feoffment dated 28 September I 56o, 
erecte five I h . .c. or 
persons over fifty a ms ouses m Warren Lane 1or po 
income arising fro~ear: of age and endowed them with an annual to each occupant in ;sira~ de_vi~ed_ for that purpose. The allowance Goldsmiths' c artm s time120 was paid quarterly by the 
ompany of L d .
spection between mid on on, who were to make a yearly in-preached at the pa . ~u~mer and michaelmas; to have a sermon and the poor IId {~s c_ ~rch; and to give the churchwardens 75• they were rebuil~ b ;horinal al~shouses, having fallen into decay, 
Sir William p. hy de oldsm1ths' Company in 1771.121 
nc ar Lord M .. 
ally a merchant tail ' E ayor of London in 1683 was origin­
. h T or at ltham H l ' W 1 
~c • he present al h . · ea so gave generously to oo ­tively modern constr~· ouses in Ropeyard Rails are of compara­ground given to the t c 10°£ bu~ they occupy the site of a piece of use of the poor wh· hown Y Sir William Prichard in 1679 for the Bowes's almshouses!~ was described as 'the ground at the back of 
lll SPDo 
111 A · m. Car. II, vol cxxx·.. 111 £tropcrtJ formerly ~longi~~'tO·h57 (Admiralty Paper). 
0
111 ~s~ t e Dukes of Suffolk. houses were abolished . . . 
in 1888 and the charity converted into pensions. 
138 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 
Woolwich had a market at least as early as the beginning of the seventeenth century for on I June 1618 there was a grant to Sir William Barne and Hugh Ledyard, esquire, Clerk of the Cheque to the Dockyard, and their heirs, of a ma:ket at Woolwich weekly on Fridays.122 It was they who probably bmlt the old market house near the N.w. end of the Rope house on.ground afterwards occupied by Prichard's almshouses. The market nghts then appear to have passed 
to Sir William Prichard who, as we shall see later, was the grantee in I 67 I of the old gunwharf. He immediately erected a ~ew market nd the market was transferred to its new site
h ouse on the wharf a · 
· fl • h d d 1·n course of years spread over Market Hill
H ere 1t -ouns e an 
123
where it survived till 1807-. 
. . bestowed on Woolw1ch were:
The other chant1es . . . b rde the historian of Kent (1536-1601),124 left 1575· S~r Wilham L_amb ~h's 'college at Greenwich, which he founded, 
one place m Queen Eliza e t b fill d f W00lwich for ever·
o e e ram h" wife gave four small tenements to 
1fr21. Richard Sims and Anne, is ' 125
the poor. fi rly minister at Woolwich, devised to the 1622. vVilliam Hawkes, ~rme t the rent of one acre of marsh land rector and churchwardens, in trus ' d Marshes and the interest of £27' 
. . b L el Plumstea ' ' 
situated m the b .ey ev ' r the poor, one shilling's worth every to be expended m bread fo Sunday. . d ted 24 August, devised an annual rent 
11
1639. Philip Roberts, by wid 'inabread for the poor. The sum issued charge of £1 to be expende· W lwich and the charge was confirmed originally out of three houses in °.~ 
694' 
by the Master of the Rolls, 26 Ap~ :fi v.icar of Lewisham, left 8s. 8d. a 1657. The Reverend Abra~a~bu~ede\n bread, and gave the rector year for the poor to be diStr James I 1611-1618, P· 497· . 
122 R p J Priv. S. c.s.P. th ~arket rights passed mto the posses­
6 1 
123 B ot.h abt. i_ _ac., ¥·th~ nineteenth century _e the population of Woolwich was 
. y t e egmnmg ~ 'l but by this t.1.me . . . and importance at s1on _of the Maryon-W1lson f!mT~~ Arsenal too was grow~gctcfi~;d into the sere and movmg out toward Plumstea · . b then had very muc e ow occu ied by the the expense of the Ropeyard which rJ osed and in 1808 th~ a~t; Street' !as selected yellow. A new Act w~, therefo:ld. p s p and the street c~lle~ ~d not prove at all accept­old Town Hall and adJacent b~i mg ;ket Somehow this site i .fted to the space in front as the home of the new (i.e. th1rd) mMark~t Hill while 0thers dn a kind of illegal market able. Some stall-holders returned to as Beresford Square, w;~re bandoned Market Hill, ~fthe Arsenal Main Gate, now k;1o;n the proprietors; thriffiaul~ if not the legality, of 
eveloped. This created difficulties 0 ~treet site, and the c fi r; an attempt was made few pe_rsons patronized the Market s a arent. In 18?8 there it had flourished for 140 collectmg tolls in Beresford Square wa epcin Market Hill where nd the proprietors were to return the market to its second h~~-ns had been brok~~ \ 1007 these tolls were Years. It was too late; the old asso~a [ocal Board of Hea bl: h~ in Beresford Square, only too glad to lease the tolls to t e ket was finally esta. is purchased outright, and in 188~ the m;-rthe Boroug~ Council. t' in 1570. It was printed the property of the local authonty,ti ,Perarnbulat1on of K~n f other standard works. 
• 121 He completed his first draf~ 0 8lS6 He was also the au~ 0u°Chapel I 597; keeper of in 1574 and 1576, and reprinted in 1 2 ·r the records at the O s Bhencher of Lincoln's Inn 1579; keeper O re pulled down and a t e records in the Tower 1601. h ee small tenements we 
121; B 731 t r
Y Vestry Order, August I , Workhouse erected on the site. 
139 

THE BACKGROUND 
and church,.. ardens at v\ oolwich the right of presentation of three boys to the Free Grammar School endowed by him at Lewisham. 
~everal 0~ .our own sovereigns, among them Henry VIII and Elizabeth, v1s1ted Woolwich in its early days, but the only foreign crowned head who appears to have come to the town was the Czar, Pe~er the Great, when learning the art of shipbuilding at Deptford. It is repo~ted on 4 March 1698 'The Czar-Peter the Great-went to ,voolw1ch on Wednesday where Lord RomneyI2G showed him the bomb ket_ches and afterwards entertained him to dinner_,121 
Woohnch before the W b · · k5 

... ' arren ecame a centre for military wor a:if activi~e\ muSt have been a delightfully rural spot. There are 
s. ~noug Paces 0~ natural beauty, woodland and pasture in the d1stnct to present a vivid · f ' d 5 
. picture o the sylvan surroundings orchar and meadows which must h ' W
catch a glim f. c. ave met the eye of the traveller. e can 
pse o 1t irom Pep h •d • · h D k

yard. He records in hi . ys w o pa1 many v1s1ts to t e . oc ­Greenwich and callin s diary _on 22 May r663 how after landing at . g at a little ale-house at the end of the town to '"rrap a piece of rag r d h.
walking he a d h. oun is toe which had become sore frorn 
, n 1s comp · · h

listening to the · h . amon strolled pleasantly along to WoolWl c he states 'and t~1g tmgales en route. A year later on 22 April I 664, got to some he· hence, only that it was somewhat fogg· till the sun 
ig t, walked with 1 · h · rnY

way staying several f . great p easure to Wo lv. 1c 1n later on 8 May /~es to_ liSten to the nightingales'. Three years
2 166 nd

Mr Hewer to Wool .' h ~ wntes 'My wife away down \-vith Jane a
1

to-night and so to ; ~h in °rder to get a little ayre, and to be there Yarner hath taught~ e: maydew to-morrow morning which Mrs face with· and I er is the only thing in the world to wash her 
' am contented . h . ' 

Of course the m d l wit it. The country lanes e a portrayed by the idealist has a reverse side. 
Hanging Wood Chwelre not particularly safe especially after dark­' ar ton had · · ' kh th 
was a favourite huntin 'r a simster reputation and Blac ~a teenth century Se g g ound of toughs and roughs till the nine­
· aport and r· ·d · 

able reputation of b • . iversi e towns always had the unenvi­
1 nd 

~o harbour more u: ~!a:mks ofiniquity and possibly they did t~ m-land. For this re p ant characters than the country districts 
b ason most . . d 
y water. Pepys, himself w v1s1ts to the Thames towns were rna e abroad on his busin O as not above feeling qualms as he walked 'To Deptford and ~ss.l ~ 19 September I 662 he writes in his diarY pullet. I walked by boo wich Yard, at night after I had eaten a cold 
rave mo h. ' d 

me to Redriffe it b · . ons me, with 3 or 4 armed to guar
th I ' e1ng a Joy t h ' . . n
at was now in th t O my eart to think of the cond1UO 
me, unspoke to. I 'he a ph~ople s~ould of themselves provide this for 1• ar t IS walk d d
CMastcr-GencraJ of the d IS angerous to walk by night, an 
117 O
.S.P. William III ( r nancc. , 32.9, ff. 326-327) 1698
' p. 131. 140 
WOOLWICH PRIOR TO THE ADVENT OF THE WARREN 

much robbery committed there.' Again on 30 June 1664 he writes 'By water to Woolwich and walked back from Woolwich to Green­wich all alone; saw a man that had a cudgell in his hand, and, though he told me he laboured in the King's Yard and many other good arguments that he is an honest man, yet, God forgive me! I did doubt that he might knock me on the head behind with his club. But I got 
safe home.' Lastly, though Woolwich has been more renowned through her l~ng history for the Arts of War, rather than fo: those of Peace, she did produce one poet of the first magnitude. Ri.chard Lovela_ce, son of Sir William Lovelace was born in the town in I 6I 8. Sol~er and verse-maker, he will ev:r be remembered for his immortal lmes: 
'I could not love thee, dear, so much 
Lov'd I not honour more >128 and 'Stone walls do not a prison make Nor iron bars a cage '129 
12s T W
o Lucasta on going to the ars. 
129 T ,
o Althea, from Prison. 




Chapter 5 
Crown Establishments at Woolwich) prior to the Advent of the Warren 
The first royal establishment at Woolwich was the dockyard. The date of its foundation is uncertain, though there must have been some provision for shipbuilding in the town early in the sixteenth century, when Henry VIII ordered the Henri Grace a Dieu erroneously referred to as the Great Harry, to be built after the Regent had been lost in an engagement off the coast of Brittany on I o August 1 5 12 • 
nd
Bishop Gibson asserted it to be the oldest yard in the kingdom, a 
Camden pronounced it the Mother Dock of England, a claim chal­
lenged by Deptford, where a pond communicating with the Tham~s 
had existed from early times within the Manor of Sayes Court. This 
natural basin, though small, may well have been used as an anchor-
K. ' h. • June
age fcor the mg s s 1ps before excavatrnns were be0 ·un on 9 
a . h nd
1517 by John Hopton, Keeper of the Storeho scs at Ent a 
1 
Deptford, and Clerk Comptroller of the King's Shios in the Thames, 
who undertook before Christmas to make a ha;bour at Deptford 
. d d' . . d S d to
ma mea ow a ~ommg the King's Storehouse at Deptfor tron 
accommodate the Great Galle,, the Mani Rose the p ter Pomegranate,
::n ./ ' er
the Great Bar:k and the Lesser Bark. 2 Both these pretensions, howev ' 
'd , der­
must be set as1 e, as the first dry-dock, as the term is now un 
stood, was constructed at Portsmouth in 1495'.3 
The Henri-Grace-a-Dieu, built at Woolwich and fitted at Erith, was 
on her launching in October 1515 one of the finest ships afloat. She 
took three years to complete, and her construction called for a l~rge 
b f hi · h d 1nto
num er O s pwng ts and other craftsmen who were presse f 
service from all parts of the realm. This influx into the hamlet o 
W 1 . h . d d to be 
oo w1c raise a housing problem and accommodation ha d rented by the State from local householders. Storage space a:rn wharves, too, were needed and these had also to be leased fr 
. . d' 'd d ther
pnvate m 1v1 uals. All wages paid to 'Shippewrights an ° officers workinge upon the King's great Shippe called the Jfarry­Gr, n· W ' 'hhave
ace-a-~eu at oolwiche' and other costs connected therewit blic been meticulously entered in a book 4 now preserved in the Pu d' Record Office, which commenced on~ December I 5I 2. The expen ~f ture on the vessel totalled £6,472. 8s. old. exclusive of the cost 
4
1 Rot. Pat. 5 Henry VIII 
• B.M. Addtl Chart 6289' p. 2, m. 10, 12 January 1514. 1 F. C. Elliston Erwood Wi00/ ·.L d . . 23 
, Records of the Exch WI.Cri an D1strzct Antiquarian Society, 1949, P· ·)cqucr-Trcasury of the Receipt, vol. V (P.R.0, E3615 · 
142 

-~ 
..c: 
00 
.s 
-' 
u 
(),) 
0.. "' C:
..... 
H H H 
"'O 
:-.. 
ro 
~ 
"'O 
~ 
~ ~ 
.... ~ 
3 
...:!! c::! 
..a 


\I'.. 


co 
I.{") I.{") 
.... 

........ 
ro 
,,... 
0 
~ 
ll.l 
..r:: E--. 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
I ,9~7 to~s of timber presented by various religious houses, corporate bodies, bishops, noblemen and other men of public spirit. This docu­ment, being an analysis of accounts, makes, except to the research student, dull reading, but a few representative extracts may be quoted, to give an idea of its contents. 
'Iren wrought in spyks, clench-nayles and ruffe, and iren unwrought with nayles of all sortes, as well for iij galeys, as for the grete shipp called the Harry-grace-a-dieu 4 Hen. VIII, f. 91 £243. 6s. 31d.' 
'bedds, bought for lodgying of the shippwrights and other artificers workying appon the Harry-grace-a-dieu and the iij galeys at Wolwiche' f. 1 39 £39. 8s. od.' ' 
'Hyre of houses, grounde and wharfes occupied with tymber horde secole5 and other stuffes apperteyning to the making of the Har~-Grace~ a-Dieu and the iij galeys, as followeth beggnnying 4 Hen. VIII, f. 267 
£19. 5s. od.' 'William Crane for his house and ground at Woolwich I year, ended Mich 5 Hen. VIII, occupied with the king's timber, secole and stuff 40s. Edward Mathewson, hire of his wharf halfe year ending Christmas, occupied with the king's timber which came from the Abbot of St Albans 
IOS• 
. Maryon Danyell, widow, grounds and houses occupied by the king's 
timber r  year ending Mich 5 Hen VIII  £6.  
Robert Annysby of Aylefford, for the hire of a  wharf I  year ending  
Mich 5 Hen VIII  26s. 8d.  

W illiam Crane, hire of his house, occupied with tymber, smythes, forges, secole etc. half a year ending Lady Day 20s. Edward Borgrave, for his house and ground at Woolwiche, 1 year, occupied with board, secole, fish etc. 6os. Nicholas Boveton, gent, for ground occupied with timber 5s. John Bullok of Erith, for hire I o weeks of a barn by the shore for killing beefs and motons for vitailling mariners, shipwrights and workmen etc. 3s. 4d. Edward Borgrave, for hire of his wharf a quarter of a year, for timber and secole 10s. 
&c. &c.' 
A comprehensive precis of this volume is given in The Hundred of Blackheath by Henry Drake.6 The King often journeyed from his palace at Greenwich to watch the construction of his cherished vessel. He took the keenest delight in maritime affairs and little escaped his vigilant eye. Henry, we may he sure, fared sumptuously on these occasions, J?hn Wo?-owse,_the steward of the ship being paid 16d. for cream which at divers times he provided for his Majesty's delectation. T~e Henri-Grace-a-Dieu was 
6 6 Sea coal •The Hundred of Blackheath, 1886, ed. Henry Drake, P· 153, footnot 4· 
11 143 

THE BACKGROUND 
launched in the presence of the King, his consort and many of the nobles and prelates of the kingdom, all of whom went on board and were regaled 'at tlze Kinge's clzarge'. The ship was of 1,500 tons dis­placement and when afloat took 400 men to work her to Barking. Henry VIII sailed in her to the continent when he went to attend the Fiel~ of the Cloth of Gold. Her life, however, was short as she was acc1dently burnt at Woolwich on 2 5 August 1553. Machyn in his diary laments 'This XXV day of August [ 1553] was bornyd the [great] Hare, the grettest shype in the world and yt was pete and yff yt had P!esyd God, at Wolwych [byJ ne~kelygens and for lake 
of over-syth. 7 On gJuly 1518 the King bought from Nicholas Partriche, grocer and alderman of London, and Marion his wife (late wife of Gerard Daniell of London, fishmonger) a mease,s salthouse and wharf on the banks ~f the Thames at Woolwich; also a small parcel called the Pyttel. T~e purchase was probably made to increase the precincts of the ~ud1ment~ry dockyard. Henry paid £r oo for the life interest of Manon Partnche1° and th · · · b h d 
. . e revers10nary mterest of Eliza et an 
Alice Darnell the childr f h fir · · h
' en o er st marriage then minors, w o,
when they came of age b ' t0
. were y covenants to make a full estate
th
eWKinilli~· Thee property was bounded on the east by land belonging to am rane on th b • · h 1
' e west y land belongmg to IC o as 
Boughton, on the south by the Ki , h. h d h th by
th Th Th ng s 1g way an on t e nor H;n ;.,~~~ e Pyttel was close to the highway. In August I 5 I 8, ryd u h purchased a house and land at Woolwich for £r 13·
6 B
s. ., w ere or for what • h b n
b ht fi th purpose Is unknown. It may ave ee~id or e use of the dockyard or as a storehouse for the Office 
0 
ft \hna~ce.1?e Royal Dockyard at Woolwich became a reality a er e_ aunc mg of the Henri-Grace-a-Dieu and its activities soon ;utgr~~ Its small compass. On 31 March 1546 therefore Sir Edward o~g Donkconveyed to his sovereign two parc~ls of land' called Bow­
ton s oc s and two oth d s d
Hill h" h er parce1s called Our Lady-hill an an 
b . w IC _were part of the Manor of Southall the latter probably t e1fJ rfq~I~ed for the extraction of ballast Q~een Elizabeth went
0 
t k hoo Wbic on 3July 1559 to see her new ship. 'The Queen's grace 
o e er arge at Gren h d 
ther yt was n d wyc e unto Wolwyche to her new shype, an bankett andar;:t Elezabeth Jonas, and after her grace had a goodl~ fyre ab~ut m d e~ was grett shutying of gunes and castyng 0 
a e or plesur.'12 This ship of 700 tons burden was 7 Mach ff
• A yn iary, Camden Society vol 
mes.suage. , · 43. 
10 • Rot.. Claus. io Henry VIII 6 Marion Partriche could oni ~ · • the Bc_>ok of Payments for the h a:r~recently married her second husband, as in ·eU 
widow' in J)OSSession ofgr dnri-ace-a-Dieu she is described as 'Marion Dani ' :: ~g's Book of Payments, o~n a:~d 1yuses at Woolwich. trype Annals, vol. 1, p. 163. ry III. 


CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
commanded by Sir Robert Southwell during the defeat of the Spanish Armada. 
Other well-known ships launched at Woolwich were the Prince on 24 September 1610, a vessel of 1,400 tons built by Phineas Pett and given by James I to his son Henry, Prince of Wales; the Vanguard and the Victory in 1631; the Royal James on 14 April 1663; and the Sovereign of the Seas on 14 October 1637. The latter vessel was laid 
down by Phineas Pett, master shipwright and had a tonnage corre­sponding to the numerical value of the year in which she was con­structed. She was 128 feet long, 48 feet broad, 152 feet from the fore-end of the bulk-head to the after end of the stern and 76 feet from the bottom of the keel to the top of the lanthern. She had five lantherns, of which the biggest would hold ten persons, upright, three flush-decks, a forecastle, half-deck, quarter-deck and round­house. The lower tier had 60 ports, the middle one 30, the third 25; the forecastle 1 2, half-deck 14, and as many more within, besides 10 pieces of chase ordnance forward, and 1 o right off, and many loop­holes in the cabin for muskets; I I anchors, one of which weighed 4,4oolb. The Dutch called this ship the 'Golden Devil', on account of her gilded ornaments, and the havoc she made in their war with our Commonwealth.13 She was accidently destroyed by fire at Chat­ham in 1696. 
The dockyard was not immune from squabbles. Thomas Smith, farmer to his Majesty for ballasting ships, presented a petition to the Council in 1636.14 He stated that he was ordered to pay £1,450 for materials and £650 for a wharfhouse and lands at Woolwich to the Burrell family, on receipt ofwhich the materials were to be delivered and the wharfhouse and lands assured. He complained that, having paid £1,150 and being ordered to deposit £300 in the Court of Requests, he had as yet received no materials and that the £650 was likewise questioned in Chancery by Ralph Eltonhead who refused to hand over the wharfhouse and lands. He prayed that the materials might be delivered on the payment of the £300 and that he might give security in Chancery to pay the £650 to whom it should be assigned. On 25 May 1637 Eltonhead denied the same on oath. He swore that he gave up possession of the wharf the moment one of Mr Smith's servants asked him for itI5 and that Mrs Burrell's bal­lasting clerk made use of the wharf for b~llasting_ either for 1'1rs Burrell, Mr Smith or some other person without his knowledge or consent. The Lords of the Council considered the position on 30 September 1637 and ordered Eltonh~ad to attend ~~em _and state the action he now proposed to take in the matter. This quarr 1 
13 Quoted from The Hundred of Blackheath, 1886, ed. Henry Drake, p. 154. 14 S.P.D. Charles I, vol. cccxl, No. 69. 16 S.P.D. Charles I, vol. ccclvii, no. 82. 16 S.P.D. Charles I, vol. ccclxviii, no. 89. 
145 



THE BACKGROUND 
eventually l~d to litigation which dragged on for years between Thomas Smith and Mary, widow and executrix of William Burrell. After l~ngthy argument _it transpired that neither Mary Burrell nor her cluldren had any title to the wharfs and lands at Woolwich. Finally t?e Archbishop _of Canterbury was involved in the dispute and_ Parhame~t was petitioned in 1643.11 . Smee the h15tory of the dockyard is outside the scope of this work, it only suffices to record that the establishment was finally closed on l8 September 1869 and handed over to the War Office authorities who retained it as. an Ordnance Depot for some sixty years, the greater pa~t ofth: site being subsequently sold to the Royal Arsenal 
Co-operative Society. Before taking leave of the famous d h th Acworth
f; mi1 will yar , owever, e a Y repay a study. Their story commences on 2 July 1614 whe~ John Acworth was granted for life the office of keeping all [na,al] storehouses at Woolwi"ch C K 1s H h d rently
. , o. ent. e a appab [Ad
een mrralty] storekeeper at D tr. d d W 1 . h r some
· · h ep 1or an oo v\IC , 1or
time pnor to t at date b · · d
th K" fc ' ecause on 25 February 1637 h pet1t10ne he Nmg or a_ grant in reversion of the office ofClerk of the Acts for t e avyl' }ayihn~ that he had served his sovereigns lizabeth and 
James [ ] 1or t 1rty-five · k • d d
w 1 · h d years m eepmg the stores at Dcptfor an
°0 
wic d yhar s_ together with other employments concerning the
Navy, an t erem had ' r d d 
· th , H per1orme as good service as as ever one ~n d ~ s;~~ · e stressed the fact that since the late King's death he ka .os eWgreater part of his emoluments 'since onlv the store­
eepmg at ool · h ' 
· alty h Wlc now remains to him'. The Lords of the Ad­~rrCh '1 owlever, held strong views on the subject They reported 
o ar es on 13 March 6 h · · f
1
posts in th N 37 t at the granting in reversion ° ti . e avy was contrary to the royal practice and that the P\tloAner wahs moreover quite unfit for the position.10 Thereafter
Jo n cwort fades from th .
sumably his e picture and William Acworth, pre­son, assumes the d +: d · · · · f St re-
keeper Woolw' h D k Uw.es an respons1b1ht1es o o 
' lC oc yard William Acworth wa ·1 d d 
actions in as II s a co ourful personality whose high-han e 
ma community t 1· d the
monotony of 'ts th . mus to some extent have re 1eve doubt that h 1 o erw1Se humdrum existence. There can be little 

Turbulent a:;as a rogue though shrewd and capable to a degree. trouble for long. ~~:~ntati~e b~ nature, he was seldom out of wich he was d t . gh his duties were confined solely to Wool­Dockyard untile e~mmded to retain his official quarter in Deptford to disobey S hor ere to quit by an authority he was powerless
rd
· uc an o er, following within a month or two of his 
i, S.P.D. Char! I vol . 
11 c s p J , · cccexc1x no. 1a 
11 S'p' · am I, 1611-1618 p ' 0 (S p.
2
• .D. Charles I vol M_: .:. 4 · .D. James I vol lxxvii no 57).
' • ~A!VIU, no. 31. ' . ' . 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
appointment was issued as a result ofPeter Pett, one of his Majesty's 
shipwrights to the Lords ofthe Admiralty, asking on 7 June 1637 for a 
house in the yard at Deptford.20 The outcome of this request was a 
letter from the Officers of the Navy at Deptford to the Lords of the 
Admiralty saying that of late master shipwrights had been granted 
places of residence at Chatham and elsewhere and they considered 
that Peter Pett should receive as much consideration as his fellows. 
They were also of the opinion that the habitation at Deptford of 
Mr William Acworth, the storekeeper at Woolwich, would be the 
most suitable abode for Mr Pett.21 The Admiralty was not dilatory 
and Mr Acworth received his ~arching orders on 17 June 1637: 
when their Lordships wrote to him as follows:22 
'By your place of storekeeper at Woolwich you ought to reside there, where there is a house lately enlarged for your accommodation. You are forthv ith to remove from the house wherein you now live at Deptford into the said house at Woolwich, there being other occasions for the habitation you now possess.' 

illiam Acworth though unscrupulous, kept a vigilant eye on the quality of his stores and refused to accept those which he considered to b of doubtful value. He was not prepared to endorse bills which were, in his opinion, detrimental to his department. Writing to Colonel Rich at Eltham on I 4 January I 654 he says that he had rec i ed 2,230 bolts of reed into store from William Sayward at 45/-per 100 bolts, but as part ofit was cu~ offthe waste near Barking Cr ek belonging to the mano: of W ~olw1~h he does not p_rop~se to sign the bill without further 1nstruchons. 3 Storage capacity in the dockyard was becoming a pressing problem ~y 1654. Provisions for the Marmaduke, for instance, could not be receive?, as the storeroom was housing the carved works for the Great Frigate a1:d th_e. ot?er storehouses were full •24 while four years later Acworth 1S pet1t1on1ng the Navy Commissi~ners for a new she~ for 'layi~g tar, pit_ch and rosin as these commodities run to waste 1n the open . At the time the storehouses were so congested that he could only take in two tons of rosin.2s This stocking of stores on ground. open to the populace, encouraged purloinment and theft, and Wilham Acworth, zealous storekeeper, requested the Navy Commissioners to erect a fe~ce on the hill against the deal yard to prevent such occurrences dunng the night. He estimated that the costwould not exceed £10 or £12 as there was plenty of waste timber available.26 On 27 July 1658, however, 
20 S.P.D. Charles I, vol. ccclxi, no. 32. 
21 S.P.D. Charles I, vol. ccclxi, no. 32, I I, 
22 S.P.D. Charles I, vol. cccla, no. 112. 
23 C.S.P. Dom., 1653-1654, P· 559· 
u C.S.P. Dom., 1654, p. 500. F b 6 8 
25 S.P.D. Council of State, vol. 188, no. 37, 8 e ruary 1 5 • 28 C.S.P. Dom., 1656-1657, P· 523. 
147 



THE BACKGROUND 
a glimpse is obtained of the reverse side of the medal· the faithful watch-dog is seen as the unjust steward. On that day a~ order went forth that the keys of the storehouses at Woolwich should be taken from William Acworth and entrusted to some faithful person the said William, 'having been suspended from office on accou~t of fr~u~s .and ~mbezzlements committed of late'.27 The publication of th15 lilJUnc~on gave the signal for attack, and on 31 August I 658 two ".'7oolwich m~n, John Kirke and Stephen Turner, writing to the Admrralty Commissioners, made serious accusations against William Acworth. The letter in essence reads as follows: 
Information agaillSt lvlr Acworllz 
Being in the house ofH H · . · h h
d M Wh" . enry urst m Plum Street with Josiah C urc ­man ~~ r itmg, surgeon of the yard at Woolwich and having some I ~scodurshe abhout Acworth, the storekeeper at Woolwich yard, Hurst 
comp ame t at e had p t h' . t
h. d ·ts d h u im out of his place there the better to ac th15 ec~I ' and t ~the was the veriest knave living as he not only wasted b ~ ~a~ ~ an 1Jt er stores for his own use to the ;mount of £200 a year, hu aid ado :o two copper boilers of the value of £30 or £40, and that he cdou ec are enough to hang him. but as he had such great friends 
e urst not meddle with 1• Al ' b •
formants. um. so the following propositions Y in-
r FirstllD' :Whhether the. ground at the upper end of the State's yard,
1ormer y m t e possess f M 1 · 
\\ ithin the c ion ° r Sheldon, Clerk of the Check, and ying State althou~~Aon pahle of the State's ground does not belong to ~he 
' o cwort keeps p · t r r 1t ?
Secondly Wh th A ossess1on and pretends to pay ren 10 · State's chief st;re~r cwo:th's letting a person have a room ?ver t~e Thirdly Whether ~~:e, Wit~ a trap door in it, is according to his truSt · house and thrustin thecleanng out of ~ne of the lofts in the State's sto~e­of corn is accord· g h~akum and hair together to lay a great quantity
' mg to is trust or not? The letter was forwa d d . h H y
Hurst late 1 k r e wit notes of the examination of enr 
' c er to Mr Ac th , h • • · b ling
candles and oth wor , c argmg him with em ezz remainder. als er;tores, some of which he used whilst selling the barrels of ~ail o o 1os Lawrence, that he knows nothing of the 
what he had hs codnvfieyed by Acworth to some of his tenants beyond ear rom C · T th's
tenants living at W db . aptam aylor and from one of Acwor repair his house A 00 ndge, and that when he sent the money to Willi A ' cworth sent him nails'. 2s am cworth was e · d h the 
storm and return to ort ~a~e but he managed to weat er ·t for the Admiral Cp ~i~h little damage to his prospects o: ~redi ' on 5 October ief8 omm~ss1oners wrote to the Navy Comm1ss1oners 
0rd
the place of stor \ ermg them to re-admit William Acworth to e eeper at Woolwich 'notwithstanding any forrner 
•1 S.P.D. Council of Stat I 
II S p D Co . c, vo . 192 no 5 
· · · uncd of Stat I ' · I.
c, vo. 192, nos. 125, 126. 
148 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
order of suspension; he having paid the fine of £80 levied on him for cordage embezzled and conveyed away by the unfaithfulness of his son, ~hen he was ~ntrusted with the management; also having entered mto a bond 1n £1,500 for the faithful discharge of that office'.29 The father was reinstated but the son, being considered the greater villain, had any payment of wages due him suspended.so 
Acworth, now clad in a white sheet of repentance appears once more as the good and faithful servant. He renders accounts of his stores, pushes forward the work of the yard and generally busies himself with the duties of his office. As guardian of the public purse he arranges for the apprehension of George Miller and Richard Waterman, the former of whom is found in possession of iron work and other provisions belonging to the King's stores. Miller was caught red-handed with 2cwt. of old iron in a boat ready to make a get-a-way to London. He professed to have purchased the metal from Waterman though his cargo was identical with the supplies delivered to boatswains and carpenters for sea stores. The culprits were sent on a warrant for examination by Antony Dean and Daniel Christmas.31 
There can be no doubt that William Acworth's post was far from being a sinecure. He had to battle unceasingly against the shortage of money which was such a prevailing feature of his time. He con­tinually asked, but asked in vain, for additional accommodation for stores committed to his charge.32 
He constantly demanded an increase of his establishment to meet the additional work which was ever thrust upon him.33 He suffered from labour troubles as absenteeism in the yard was rife and he applied for authority to discharge any man who absented himself, without cause, for more than two consecutive days.34 He contended that he was surrounded by evilly-disposed persons ever on the lookout to enrich themselves at the expense of the State. This was without doubt true. He was the perfect example ofthe poacher turned game­keeper. Samuel Pepys, who made constant visits to Woolwich Dock­yard writes in his diary under date I 6 June I 664: 'So I to the office where all the morning, and at noon to the "change," so home and to my office where Mr Acworth came to me. (Though he knows himself that I know him to be a very knave), yet he came to me to discover the knavery of other people like the most honest man in the 
29 C.S.P. Dom., 1658-1659, p. 456, vol. 194, no. 13· 3°C.S.P. Dom., 1658-1659, p. 456, vol. 194, no. 17, 5 October 1658. 31 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. xxvlli, no. 31, 7 January 1661. 32 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. xxxix, no. 113, 31 July 1661. 
S.P.D. 
Charles II, vol. lxiv, no. 25, 4 December 1662. 

S.P.D. 
Charles II, vol. cxliv, no. 61, 8January 1666. 33 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. xxxv, no. 70, 17 May 1661 · 

S.P.D. 
Charles II vol. lvii, no. 60, 15 July 1662. 34 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. xxxv, no. 70, 17 May 1661• 


149 



THE BACKGROUND 

world. However, good use I shall make of his discourse for in this he is much in the right.' The clouds gathered again in 1668. This time the situation was 
far more ominous and arose out ofa complaint made by Mr Clayford that William A?worth was converting government stores to his own use. The first sign of the approaching storm which took a whole year to blow over, was on 30 January of that year when Acworth asked Samuel Pepys to be allowed to defer his appearance before the Board ofAdmiralty concerning Clayford's complaint until Colonel Middleton had completed his survey of the stores at Woolwich Dock­yard. He also requested a copy of Clayford's petition and a reference to be made to His Royal Highness touching the affair so that he could have time to prepare his defence and clear himself.3 5 Ever the efficient servan_t ~ho is determined to carry on despite the yapping at his heels, Wilham Acworth writes to the Navy Commissioners on 27 February 1668 in a grandiloquent and magnanimous vein. He informs them that he has stopped legal proceedings against Clayford and that he will neither molest him nor his bail till the whole matter be settled, provi~ed Clayford desists from taking advantage of his action and refrains from persecuting him. He stresses the fact that he has much work on hand and that, as he is transcribing hi accounts, he does not wish to be sent up and down to refute Clayford's charges until his accounts are in order.36 The next move was 1nade on I 2 March when Mr Wren, writing to the Navy Commi ioners, says that 'Mr Acworth, the storekeeper at Woolwich, affirms that he can answer satisfactorily an accusation of Clayford for converting stores to his own use, but being very full of employment he is straitened in time, and obtained his Royal Highness' leave to have till T hursday week to put in his answer; he desires you to allow him the time he craves, and if after that he makes any further delay, he will be without excuse'•37 On 26 March 1668 Charles Porter wrote to Samuel 
Pepys as follows : 
'Mr Acworth has used his utmost endeavours to procure the witnesses appointed to wait upon your Honours but the absence of one in the coun~ry and the sickness of another, ca~se him to request a week's tim_e to brmg them. I would have waited on you, but can say nothing until you have heard these witnesses.'38 
The following day Samuel Bartlett writing to Charles Porter at the Middle Temple informs him that he is desired by Mr Acworth to be with him on Thursday to justify his certificate, but as the Quarter Sessions, which he attends as Deputy, are to take 
11 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxxxiii, no. 124. " S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxxxv no. 103 17 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxxxvi, no. 83."11 C.S.P. Dom. Charles II, vol. 237, no. 68. 
150 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
place next week, he cannot. attend till the Thursday following.39 
Four months then elapsed till r4July 1668 when Acworth petitions the Navy Commissioners to allow him. access to his receipts, affidavits and certificates so that he may prepare his proofs against Clayford's false accusation.40 Events moved slowly as is the way with legal proceedings. On r r August Mr Wren asks Samuel Pepys to hand Mr Speaker the papers about the Acworth case as soon as possible because the latter was leaving London in two days time. He states in his letter that he cannot attend the Board on the morrow as the House of Commons is sitting. He reminds Pepys of the account which the Lords Commissioners ofHis Majesty's Treasury will expect. 41 On the following day Mr Wren announces that as the Speaker had to proceed into the country earlier than was expected Mr Pepys would 
have to defer handing him the Acworth papers, but that they must be ready for presentation on his return.4_2 The w~ole_business worried Pepys; it was evidently distasteful to him. In his diary he wrote on 
28 August 1668. 
'After much talk and great content with him43 I walked to the Temple and staid at Starky's my bookseller till Mr Wren comes, and by appoint­ment we to the Attorney-General's chamber, and there read and heard the witnesses in the business of Ackeworth, most troublesome and per­plexed by the counter swearing of the witnesses one against the other.' 
Inevitably the climax approa~he?--On 2 I November 1~6~, Mr Clerke, addressing a communication to the Navy Commissioners requests that a valuation may be made of the goods t~ken by ~r Acworth out of the stores with the names of the parues who will attest it and that all the witnesses may be ready by Wednesday at 7 O'cl 'k · tl eveni·ng.44 The Court duly assembled, the evidence 
oc 1n 1e fi d • f 'N uil , 
was heard, arguments were adduced.and a n ing 0 . f otSg tyl was announced. This verdict was o bv10usly a great re11e to, amue 't · hi·s di·ary under date 2 December 1668. To-day
Pepys who wn es in . . . I h . th t M A orth's cause went for him at Guildhall against
ear a r cw d . h , his accusers, which I am well enough please wit · . . was William Acworth more sinned against
Wh t h t th ? 
a was t e ru • • h fi 1 r. · d 
· · h ally an astute rascal wit power u .Lnen s
than smmng or was e re . I in h" h 1 ? H 1· d at a time when Jealousy was commonp ace
ig p aces. e 1ve • • h d k d 
and he certainly had his detractors. Pepys on a visit to t e oc yar at Woolwich discovered his dishonesty as early as M~y 1664, and he W 'd d d I by many who worked 1n close contact 
as cons1 ere a scoun re . . • d with him. How did he evade purushment if he were guilty an 
30 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxxxvii, no. 88. 
40 s p 1 ... 3
• .D. Charles II, vol. cc xlll, no. 2 • 41 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cclxiv, no. 145· 42 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cclxiv, no. 152• f th
• e
43 s·1r William Coventry-a comm1ss1oner · O 44 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxxxix, no. 137· 
151 
THE BACKGROUND 

manage to retain his appointment till death removed temptation from his path? Perhaps the following extracts from Pepys diary may supply the answer. 
14tlz January 1661 After dinner Mrs Pett, her husband being gone this morning with Sir W. Batten to Chatham, lent us her coach and carried us to Woolwich where we did also dispose of the arms there and settle the guards. So to Mr Pett, the shipwright, and there supped, where he did treat us very handsomely (and strange it is to see what neat houses all the officers of the King's yard have), his wife a proper woman and has been handsome, and yet has a pretty hand. Thence I with Mr Acworth to his house, where he has a very pretty house, and a very proper lovely woman to his wife, who both sat with me in my chamber, and they being gone I went to bed. 
21st January 1663 Then came Commissioner Pett and he and I by
' 

agreement to Deptford, and after a turn or two in the yard, to Greenwich and thence walked to Woolwich. Here we did business .. . Back and dined at Mr Ackworth~, where a pretty dinner and she a pretty modest wo~an, but above all thmgs we saw her Rocke, which is one of the finest thmgs done by a woman I ever saw. 
2211d May 1 664 And thence by water to Woolwich where mighty kindly received by Mrs Fal:oner and her husband, who is ~ow pretty well again, this being the first time I ever carried my wife thither. I walked to the Docke where I met Mrs Ackworth alone at home; and God forgive rne ! what th~ughts I had; but I had'nt the courage to stay, but went to Mr Petts and walked up and down the yard with him.45 
Comment appears superfluous. 
It seems strange to modern conceptions that a man under charge of embezzlement should calmly be allowed to continue in office where he had further opportunities for peculation, instead of being formally suspended from duty. Yet such was the case. During the year 1668 William Acworth still actively functioned as storekeeper, 
Royal Dockyard. 
While this scandal was in progress William Acworth was exposing 
another. On I 2 June I 668 he reports to the Na Commissioner as 
follows: vy 
'I beg ~nstruc~ions, having stopped some men from Greenwich who were loading a lighter with stones to hat town, wh" h had been 
. pave t 1c 

ordered for pavmg Woolwich Do k d b h . b there had
c yar , ut t e tim er "The Acworth family is a l"ttl fi . M gdalen,
Woolwich is the tomb of a M1 w·Irn using. In the churchyard of St Mary _a which the name ~four hero disa r 1 iam Acworth who died in 1671, the year 10 urch­yard is 'Avice wife ofw·il'peaf from the_State Papers. Also buried in the same et eper ofthe Doc~d died h~ lft ~orth, ~ied 1643'. When William Acworth, Store ~ice and was Samuei Pep~s at;ra ~~1 bowh1?hzabeth, sister of Peter Pett. Did he marry orarY William Acworths ii B 6 c Y Is second wife, or were there two contemp agehis father's storeho~ci. I 58, the storekeeper had a son, William, old enough to man 
Mr Falconer Clerk of th R . d by !\-fr
William ~-e opeyard, died in July 1664 and was succeede 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
prevented its being done. Most of the stones will be wanted for paving the 
yard where they are, thus saving labour and charge in cartage; should 
they be sold before this is done, it would be prejudicial to the service.'46 
He had, at any rate, one champion. Mr William Bodham, Clerk 
of the Ropeyard in a letter to Samuel Pepys on 24 July 1668 
commends Mr Acworth's zeal in 'seeking to have the stones, so much 
stickled by the Greenwich men, preserved to his Majesty's better 
service in paving his own yards first and selling what remains to a 
better chapman'. He affirms that the paving stones were essential for 
Woolwich Dockyard and continues 'I deplore the baseness of a sub­
ordinate officer who, for private lucre, has endeavoured to trapan a 
sale of them to the Greenwich lapidaries at 3s. 6d. a ton, when a 
paviour will give 45. 6d. and a citizen offers 8s. I am tender of the 
Board's reputation, being an old servant, a_n~ wish that enquiry 
might be made what inferior officer first soli_c1ted th_em to sell the 
ston s, and the weight of his pretences for 1t exammed; also Mr 
Acworth should be questioned why your order of the 18th June was 
not put into execution. I am odious already to bad men by my 
clowni h un-modish crimes of honesty and fidelity.'47 
The l;st communication on this matter is one dated 25 July 1668 from William Acworth to the Navy Commissioners which reads as follows : 
I am told there is a warrant for 100 tons of paving stones to ~e taken from Woolwich to pave Greenwich, but you have alrea~y authorized the Woolwich officers to agree with Robert l\llaxfield, paVIour, to pave ~he yard, taking the stones left in part payment. The pav1our has t~ken a Vlew of the places most needful to be done, where heavy carts go with cordage from the Ropeyard, and affirms that there will not be stones enough, but ifa . 1 r.t h ld allow " r. 6d. a ton for them. Whoever moves your
ny are e11, e wou --r-h K" , d · d 
Honours to have any stones from the yard before t e mg s yar 1s one, it is merely a drive at their own private interest, rather than the good of 
the service.48 
Thereafter the subject appears to lapse. Po?r William! ~e was seldom free from embarrassment. The next. thing we learn 1s that ·s h 1 burnt down the fire being caused by the over-
hi 
ouse was near y ' . • d" · 
t. f · hb 's flue The main beam 1n the l.Illng-room
h ea mg o a neig our · d 
oof was destroyed and other amage was
Was ch arred through , the r d · d · 
· · t" the frost burst the expose pipes an cistern
done. Bemg winter 1me, . ft. Th thereby adding to the difficulties of quenching the ames. e building had to be shored up to prevent collaps~. No doubt he and his wife had a narrow escape. He reported the c1~cumstances to the Navy Commissioners on 21 January 1670, assessing the damage at 
118 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxli, no. 102. 47 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxliii, no. 123· 48 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxlii, no. 14o. 
153 



THE BACKGROUND 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT W0OLWICH 

£20 and asked for speedy repairs to be carried out and the services of a plumber to repair the cistern and pipes 'as the house lies open to th~ weather, "'hich is sharp, and I and my wife and servant have only JUst recovered from sickness'. He ends his letter with the words 'I thank God the fire did not happen in the night; otherwise, for want_ o_f water, we should have been burnt in our beds.'49 
Wilham Acwor~h by 1671 must have been getting on in years, yet 
he was as pugnac10~s as ever, always ready to take the law into his 
o_wn hands. A certam John Cooke forwarded to the Navy Commis­
sioners a crop of complaints. He accused Acworth of: 
(I) Impounding three of l. . · horses fi . .
11s or trespassing and demanding I os. for each! notw1th~tandmg the fact the Acworth's horses had trespassed severa1 times on his garden and orcha d 
(2) Impou1:ding some cows belongi:g·to John Latter and Mr Leach of Charlton, forcmg the owners to pa 1. £ fi
) I d• Y 11m .3 or trespass. 
. (3 mpoun mg the horse of one Betts and takino-from him I os. for 
, for his 11
himself and Is. man, a t 1oug 1 the horse being °. cross spanned 
couIdn t get over the fence. 
(4) Distraining all the gh d bread and cheese of a poor widow, · ea11 d
S · h h 00 s, e mit.' w ose usband died in his lvfajesty'sservice. So that having refused her victuals she had to rely on tl h . f . b
An . . 1e c anty o ne1g1 our .
( )5 
action causmg the death of one of Leach's horses. 
The N~vy Commissioners got 'a bit tough' over this possibly they ~ere gettm_g a little tired of Acworth after so man; ) ears. Theyfor;ed him that if he would not give Cooke satisfaction or refer t ~ ispute to disinterested persons they would request his Royal 
Highness to remov ' · ·1 , ' · ht 
. . e pnvi ege and thus give the petitioner the ng to sue him m the courts.so Ac~orth's reply to the Navy Commissioners dated r r January I 67 I ' is a masterpiece of injured innocence. ' 
'I have seen John C k' c . . 1·t to 
h. h I b . 00 s 1a1se petition and the reference upon , 
w 1c su nut I pay a d c ' d hich
I h h d · ear rent 1or 12 acres of marsh Ian , on w

av\ ano beaSt since it was mowed last Midsummer but he has had;e~e~ t~ngry hard·Wrought horses and two cows at a ti:ne feeding in it. a "t e: pu: out and gave him notice three times and was at la5t ~ec~ssi ated t~ impound four of his horses but he wo~ld not give satis­~~tlon, an cited me to the County Court'near Maidstone 30 miles off, :lt~re ahnhatthorney appeared for me, but he got weary of that Court, oug et reatened to k h fli d £10
until Lady-Da £ h eep met ere for three years. I was o ere t get 40s d ?: t e twelve acres Cooke's cattle fed on, and now canno ·, an is ?gs, coming through his own fence have ploughed upthe best part of mne ac f ' d fruit 
trees and h' h res O an orchard, planted with rose an I 
'd b is man t at fetched them from thence said it was a shamed shouI e so wronged He 1 . fi ·tan
" · a so permitted his servants to steal the rui 
S.P.D. Charles II vol cclxxx.. 
" S.P.D. Charles 11' voJ° .n, no. 46. 
' · ccxcvi, no. 9, 7January 1671. 
154 
roses, and he stilled great quantities of the latter before my face. He arrested a poor man for 18d. and kept him a prisoner with two bailiffs at an ale h_ouse for two days and nights. I have heard, where he came from, that he 1s a very troublesome untrue speaking fellow, and given to eat h" 
. hb I . IS
ne1g ours up. f any person can Justly say that I have done him wrong or ?we him money, I will either give him satisfaction or appear to his act10n without troubling his Royal Highness or your Honours, but I beseech I may not be condemned before I have been heard.'51 
One last gauntlet was flung before death finally closed his eyes and allowed his restless spirit to depart in peace. His health was evidently f~iling by 24 January 1671 when he informed the Navy Commis­s10ners that he was too indisposed to attend the Board and give his version of the differences which had arisen between John Awdry and himself about a horse of the farmer's which had broken into his property and damaged his pasture.52 The last letter he wrote to the Navy Commissioners was dated 7 November 167 I; thereafter his pen was stilled for ever. The last move in the Awdry contretemps was made by Elizabeth, William's widow, who on 6 July I 672 complained to the Navy Commissioners that John Awdry, joiner, 'between whom and Mr Acworth there was a suit caused by a trespass, which by the Board's order was referred to Captain Hannam, Mr Firzer and Mr Bodham', had refused to pay the sum awarded.53 
The e silhouettes outline to some extent William Acworth's charac­ter. That he was a man of energy and purpose none can deny, but assurance becomes less positive when the question of his whole­hearted devotion to duty is considered. His public life was passed in surroundings conducive to dishonesty when integrity was often at a discount. Was he any different from the majority of his fellows? Strife was obviously the breath oflife to him. He drove a hard bargain and, being cynical to a degree, never missed the opportunity of protesting his innocence when his honour was impugned. Though courteous to his superiors, he was hypocritical and lacking in humility,~~ was proud and over-bearing towards his equals. A man to be propitiated rather than antagonized, with whom it would be better _to agree quickly while yet in the way lest at any time he should deliver thee 

to the judge.54 . The next Crown Establishment at Woolw1ch was the Ropeyard where heavy cordage for the use of the Royal Navy was made. It was built between the years 1573 and 1576 by Thomas Allen on ?round lying between the present Beresf?rd Street and Warren L_an~, Its_ site being clearly shown on Barkers ~Iar:i of 1749. There 1s 1n existence an 'Estimate of certain newe bu1ld1ngs to be erected and 
51 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxcvi, no. 15. 52 S.P.D. Charles II vol. ccxcviii, no. 143. 
58 S PD C ' ..
M. · • harles II, vol. ccc:n.-vu, no. 32. 64 atthew V, 25. 
155 




THE BACKGROUND 
sett up at Wollwich by Mr. Allen, the queen's Maties marchante', dated 22 December 1 572.55 This totals £792. is. 7d. or in the words o~the document: 'Summa Totalis of all the whole chardges viY lxij1 xixd. Endorsed Worke to be done at Wollwiche 1572.' By Royal Wa~rant dated 6July 1573 Thomas Allen 'Her Majesty's merchant' received £Boo towards the cost of erecting at Woolwich buildings necessary ~or t?e n:anufacture of cables and other rope for the use of her Majesty s ships and was to be reimbursed any sum in excess of that figure. He had to build according to specified plans and was bound to pay £rno a year rent for the houses and a-round within one year of the completion ofthe buildings or 5 per cen~ on the money actually expended. The buildings were to consist of one cable-house 600 X 3° feet, chambered with board 300 by 30 feet the other 3oo feet to be 7 feet broad and boarded throughout; o~e 'way-house' 3oo by 20 feet, ?~a:ded above and under, with a large pair of stairs, and a house adJmmng to lay yarn in, 26 by 20 feet, boarded below and above;. a tar-ho~se 60 by 21 feet, a hemp-house 55 by 6 feet, boarded, with two httle houses at each end and a shed all the 
th
lengtb 0~ e said hemp-house; one storehous~ by the water 60 by21 feet with a cellar 27 by 2 r feet, walls and floor of brick; a 'pryvie' 10 by 8 feet, the vault being flint stone and floor boarded. 
Between 9 July 15 7 3 and 2I October 1576 the £800 was received by the hand ofRichard Hodgstone, Deputy to Henry Killegrew, one of the Tellers under the Privy Seal dated 6July 1573. Against this, the sum expended on timber lath b · k il -d hair 
. , es, nc s, t es, 11me, san , ,
des t d 3d 56
spa s raw iron-work
' . an wages amounted to £ 1 365. 8s. 44 · 
The estimate was thu 1 ' n 
. . s gross y exceeded. The Ropeyard was a exiguous e~tablishment according to modern standards; even 60 years later its annual budget onl h d £ 8d 51
St Yreac e 135. rs. . ~rage accommodation was always the crux at Woolwich, not only m the Dockyard and Ropeyard, but, as will be noticed later, in the_ Ord~ance warehouses as well. The gunwharf further details of which will appear later, was used among other things for the 
55 S.P.D. Elizabeth vol xc no 
51 E 
II d A ' . ' · 19·
nro e ccounts Pipe Offi 
n Add. 9294, f. 520. ' ce, no. 398. Wages of a Clarke of the Ch 
For keeping of the PI eque Per annum £18. 5s. od. For wa est M ug Per annum £ 6. os. od. For w/ o a aster Ropemaker per annum £50. os. od. 
Rope r!~e~' ~~;hke fr dafly attending the Hem T th ' an taking charge of the as arep'belar, "! such other materials and tools 
ongmg to ye. Rope house-yard at 25. per d"
For wa f; zem in the l~p~;~:i°a';a~hm_en nightlie watching 

apiece £24. 6s. Bd. 
The services of casual locall . Total £135. u .. Bd. Clerk 

of the Cheque out ofhi's t· Y rec~ited labourers would have been paid by the 
con 1ngencies. 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
~nloading ofhe_mp. ~t suffered ext_ensively fr?m flooding duringspring tides, a fact which did not make hfe any easier for officials. In March 1662 Edward Rundell and James Matthews submitted an estimate of £468. I Is. 7d. for building a storehouse next to the great store­house on the wharf in the Dockyard.58 In September of the same year Christopher Pett and two others estimated that £394. 6s. od. would be required to repair the Dockyard wharf or £612. 15s. 4d. to rebuild it completely.59 Nothing, however, seems to have been done, either to repair the wharfor to build the additional storehouse. On 8 March 1665 the Clerk of the Ropeyard bewailed the fact that there were no laying places for cordage in the yard and suggested that Mr Clothier's ground in the Warren might be used.60 Edward Rundell was a dishonest contractor; he submitted absurdly low tenders in order to obtain contracts. As an example he forwarded on 6 May 1665 three estimates (i) for a gallery from the old hemp loft to the street £15. 1s. od. (ii) Repairing 38 feet of wharfing in the gun-yard at Woolwich £18. 2s. 4d. ~n~ (iii) Altering and raising the shed at the Ropeyard £25. 8s. od. William Bodham commenting on 24 May 1665 to Samual Pepys says that he has ventilated Edward Rundell's estimates as much as possible and he 'can but pronounce him a prevaricating knave'.61 Affairs were becoming desperate. On 17 July 1665, Bodham begged Pepys to consider ,serio~sly the state of the wharf at Woolwich. He says that Rundell s estimate is only an audacious mockery which 'he will not stand to' while he 'suffers the wharf to be ruined for want of repair, while he beats off others from undertaking it'. Bodham stressed that if repairs were not put in hand by some one, the next tide would.'throw down the crane'.62 Nine days later he made the same pomt to Thomas Hayter.63 Edward Rundell was eventually allowed to repair the gun wharf in September r665 to the tune of £35. 19s. 6d. because two years 
later he requested a bill.64 • • Conditions still remained far from satisfactory at the Woolwrch yards. Commissioner J. Tippetts, who visite~ !he Establishments to go into matters, reported to the Navy Comm1ss1oners on 24 February r670 as follows: 
I went to Woolwich and viewed the old storehouse, and the portion erected of the new one. but as the ground is loose and it is too near the wharf, it ought to be r~moved and set within _10 feet of ~he old on~. If built as described in a plan drawn in the margm, there will be sufficient 
58 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. Iii, no. 144. 59 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. Iix, nos. 54, 56. . d ffi ·a1 
60 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cxiv, no. 76. Mr Clothier was a Ropeyar o c1 . 61 S.P.D. Charles II vol. cxxii, no. 18. 62 S•PD. . Charles II,' voI. cxcv11,.. no. 13. 
63 S.P.D. Charles II vol. cxxvii, no. 87. 
64 s ' 6
.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxxx, no. 9 • 
157 


THE BACKGROUND 
cover for making masts and boats. The additional charge, including 
materials will be £125.65 
We are now on the eve of a momentous event which altered the subsequent course of Woolwich history. This was the conveyance of the gunwharf to Sir William Prichard in part exchange for Tower Place-the nucleus of the future Royal Arsenal. On 23 February 1671 William Bodham writes as follows to the Navy Commissioners: 
The wharfin the gun-yard here [i.e. at Woolwich] which has belonged out of mind to the Ropeyard for taking up hemp and tar, and shipping cordage, and which was repaired three years ago at a cost of £30, is n?w so much ruined by the weight of guns and the ground so worn by brick and tile carts, ,vhich daily make bold to load their lighters there,66 that the men carrying down cables are forced to go up to their ankles in mire, to the injury of their health and to the loss of the service, and the ground at the foot of the wharf is so raised by tile shards that there is 3 feet of water less, v. hich daily grows worse. You will see by the sketch plan enclosed that if 8 rods of it were paled in at 15s. or 16s. per rod, it ~ould prevent all this, and if the crane and wharf be lost, the teamer will not cart to any other wharf in the town under double his present allowance which is gd. per ton, in or out, and rs. per last for tar.67 
rd
and with the letter encloses a sketch of the Ropeyard and gun-ya 
with a key to the same annexed. 

Without waiting for the grass to grow under his feet, William Bodham follows this communication up with another addressed to Samual Pepys on 26 March requesting him to lay before the Navy Board another statement about the wharf and the possibility ~f 
· his
· duc1ng sprmg · water into the yard two pro~ects dear to

mtro 
• ' J h h0 pe

heart which could be carried out at small cost. He expresses t e that both will be allowed. 68 The document69 addressed to the Navy Commissioners reads as follows: 
Ifyou were to view the wharf and crane where the hemp, tar, and jun~ are taken up, and the cordage is sent off-which is part of the gun-ya~ that was sold by the Ordnance Officers on the purchasing Cap~ai~ Blackman's house70 you would order it to be fenced in. It was repaire 
u S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cclxxxii no 14a ns 
.. I odd h ' . . . cl perso

tsee~ t . at no at~empt should have been made to prevent unauthonze t from entering official premises and using government property as they thought fi . :; S.P.D. Charles II, vol. ccxcvi, nos. 149 and 150. 
S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cclxxxiii, no. 110_ 11 S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cclxxxiii no II ted
110
70 Tower Plac J · h BI k ' · ' · ompensa
e. eremia ac man owned the property in 1667 as he was c warren

by th
b -~hbTr~ury for damage done to his orchards and fishery by the battery on e n pre­w t Y rmce Rupert. I_t must therefore soon have passed to Captain Blac½mWilliarJl 
•~ably the son ofJeremiah. The house was actually sold to the Crown by Sir familY Pn~hard,_and he may have bought the ~lace at a low figure from the Blackman 'blY as owmg to ~ts loss of amenities caused by the defensive works on its boundary, poi:ns will ~~tion? and then sold.it at a profit to the Office of Ordnance. These tra~sac:hapter.
exammcd ID greater detail as the story ofTower Place unfolds in the following 
158 



Tower Place 1545 
Burst gun at l\tfoorfi.elds 



_ 
r-­
, 
..... 
r-­

...., 
C 
0 
;... 
i:::.. 
' •. 
; 


CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 

by_ the Navy _Office, b~t is much damaged by the weight of guns, timber, bnc_ks &c. Iymg upon 1t, and_ th~ crane is of~e~ used and abused by those havmg no nght to meddle w1th 1 t, 71 so that 1 t 1s of Iittle or no use for the ropeyard to which it has been appropriated time out of mind. 
The _gun-yard being about to be used as a private wharffor merchant's guns, !1mber, &c. if the wharf is not fenced in, it will be subject to much more ~nconvenience. It will only take 34 yards offencing. I -o place in the town 1s so near or fit for the purpose, and the teamer will expect double allowance if he has to work to and from any other wharf. I have leave to lay on a branch pipe from the main thatsupplied CaptainBlackman'shouse with water, which will cost 35 shillings and savehisMajestydoublethatsum 
every year. I beg directions. .
Woolw1ch Ropeyard 24 March 1670. 

Finally Prichard's grant of the gunwharf must bring this short survey of the Ropeyard to a close.72 
A grant unto William Prichard and his heirs of his Majesty's old store­house and wharf called the Gun-wharf at Woolwich in the County of K ent together with the dwelling house, stables and other outhouses there and a new store house thereupon built. And also two small tenements with the appurtenances there, in satisfaction of £2,959 to be paid unto him by his Majesty for the purchase of a mansion or manor house with the appurtenances called the Tower Place with divers lands and tenements in the parishes of Woolwich and Plumstead in the said county with such other clauses of non-obstantes as are usual in grants oflike nature. 73 
W. Trumbell. 

Another D epartment of State which had a branch at Woolwich was the O ffice of Armoury. Surviving accounts point to its having been a tiny establishment in no way comparable with its sister organization at Greenwich. The few pieces of armour held on charge were housed either in a timber shed of their own, or, more likely, 
. ' 
1n an Ordnance building situated on the gunwharf, then a universal repository. The latter supposition is the more probable as the amount ~eld was extremely small, and a very close connection, verging some­times on integration, existed between the Officers of Ar_moury a~d Ordnance. The periodic 'remains' of armour normally 1?cluded m one account the amounts held in the Tower, at Greenwich, Wool­wich, Hampton Court and Windsor, though _there are two or three 
surviving which deal exclusively with Woolw1ch. . The total stock held at Woolwich in February 1587 was 48 Alma1ne corsletts.74 In the following year-June 1588-this had increased to 
71 See Note 66. . • . 

72 The Ropcyard was closed down in 1833 and sold to Mr George Sm.1th of\\ ~lw1ch, a contractor who promptly demolished the old buildings which were quite unserv1ceabl • The _Church of Holy Trinity and dwelling houses etc. were soon afterwards erected on 
the site 73 C.S.P. Charles II 1671 p.211 (S.P.D. Charles II, Docquets, vol. 2 5• no. 44 -pril 1671). ' ' 74 S.P.D. Elizabeth, vol. cxcviii, no. 79· 
12 159 
THE BACKGROUND 

440 Almaine corsletts and 320 black morions.75 Amounts which could hardly be called excessive. 
A special remain of the armour in the Tower and at Woolwich was taken in 1603. The statement occurs among the papers of Sir Henry Lee at Ditchley, Co. Oxford and reads as follows: 
A coppie of the Remaines of the armour of the Tower and Woolwich 

a,zno. 76 • 
Th' office of th' Armoury. A Booke conteininge ye severall prcells of Armor, yt weare found remaininge in ye severall armories hereafter followinge, after ye death of Mr John Lee, wch weare nombred ye iiiich vth and vith daies ofJanuar 1603. Anno Reg Jacobi primo and commited to ye charge ofJohn Couper by the Commandment of the right honnerable Sir Henry Lee, Knight of ye honnerable order of the garter, and Mr. of highnes Armories the pticulars whereof hereafter followe. 
[Then follows the list in the Tower J 

At Woolwich as in the former Remaine taken Backes and Brests for Almaine Corslets iiii iiii iiii and r od back. Callers with Bombards ................. iiii Ix.xv Burgonets and Huskins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iiii xlviii Murrions blacke ...................... cccxxxiu 
Burgonets old and nothing worth . . . . . . . . xii This is a true coppy ofthe Remaine ofArmor taken at y0 Severall places aforesaid by us whose names are hereunto subscribed. 
J. Kenion John Couper Lee Symonds. 

The last inventory ofwhich we have record was taken inJune 1611 when the armour stored at Woolwich77 consisted of: 
Backs for Almaine Corsletts ......... 287 Breasts for Almaine Corsletts ........ 278 Co1lers with bombards. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384 Combe Marrions .................. 322 Memoranda; that the said backs, breasts, callers and murryons are 
reported by the armorers to be very good stuffe, not being oute offashion and uneasy, and to be amended before they be used for service. Burgonets and Huskins . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 
Unserviceable 
Backs for Almaine Corsletts . . . . . . . . . 86 Breasts for Almaine Corsletts . . . . . . . . 132 Burgonets and Huskins . . . . . . . . . . . . . roo Collers with bombards. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 7 Coombe Murryons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 r Scullis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 
71 S.P.D. Elizabeth, vol. ccxi no. a3
71 ("\, cd ' •
""uot from A Parochial history ofEnstone C0 Oxon by the Reverend John Jordan I 8 5 7, 
p. 105. 77 S.P.D. James I, vol. lxiv, no. 71• 
160 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
Fifty years after this date armour for the fighting soldier had virtually disappeared and the stocks at Woolwich, becoming obsolete, were sent to the Tower, sold as scrap, or otherwise disposed of. 
Finally we come to the ultimate 'pre-war' Crown Establishment in Woolwich: the Ordnance depot located on the gunwharf. We thus arrive at the prelude to our story proper. Before a standing army was authorized the Office of Ordnance had little to do with military affairs except the custody, maintenance and equipment of castles.78 These it supplied with provisions, stores, arms, powder and shot together with a master gunner and gunners to man the defences in case of siege. With the passing of time the emphasis shifted from the territorial castle to the coastal fort, because as the centuries advanced invasion became a greater likelihood than insurrection. The state of the coast defences therefore became the main Land Service pre­occupation of the Master General, though when occasion demanded he did equip and munition such forces as from time to time took the field. In these circumstances, the main object of the Office of Ord­nance was to nurture and provision ships of the Royal Navy, vessels which it regarded as individual floating fortresses. The Ordnance supplied such ships with stores, equipment, cannon and munitions, together with trained gunners to act as gu1:-crews,.and _on return to harbour effected repairs to pieces or mountmgs which circumstances had rendered unserviceable. For its part the Admiralty was respon­sible for finding the ships and t~e i:nen to sail them. This c!ose association-a kind of Siamese twinship-between those responsible 

for buildino-the vessels and those responsible for converting them into ships ;f war obviously necessitated the furnishing of Ordnance services immediately a royal dockyard was opened. It m~y thus be assumed that Ordnance business commenced at Woolwich about I 518, the year Henry VIII bought his house, messuage, salthouse, wharf and land from Nicholas Partriche and the vendor unknown. It is, unfortunately, not possible to identify th~ subsequent g?nwharf with the wharfin question though both were 1n the same neighbour­hood. Were it so, proofth~t the year 1518 saw _the birth of Ordnance activities at Woolwich would be nearer estabhsh~ent. . 
The gunwharf was a small area some half acre m extent situated between the Thames and Woolwich Street,79 and bounded on the 
80 

west by Bell Watergate and on the east by Toddy Tree Watergate: Its river frontage was 265 feet, its western bounda:Y 210 feet, ~s eastern boundary 315 feet and its Woolwich Street side 3~0 feet. t 
is shew · B k , f 1749 where it is called 'Hill's wood
n m ar er s map o ?s O • . . .1 PRO/WO/sr../425, no. 167. During the 

D h ngmal Warrants and Orders m Cou~c1 d the i?epair ofall forts in England 
6,6 1

utc war an order in Council dated 26 April 1 7 P ace under the sole direction of the Office of Ordnance. :: Now High Street. Now Globe Lane. 
161 



THE BACKGROUND 
wharf' and is clearly visible in Buck's 'North Prospect of Woolwich in the County of Kent-I 739' where it is portrayed as a wharf with cranage facilities. It was, as will be seen, constantly subjected to flooding at high water. Upon it stood the Ordnance storehouses. 
The first reference to the Ordnance at Woolwich occurs in a State Paper of the reign of Elizabeth I dated 31 January 1586. It is an estimate for repairing the storehouse there and-reads as follows :81 
An estimate for provisions for the office of thordenance for the seas needeful to be taken in hande, as also newe buylding and other reparacions to be done at her highnes storehouse of thordenance at Woohvich, viz.: 
Reparacions The crane at thordenance house at Woolwich which is to A housefor be made xxvli. The wharfs theare to be repaired xiu. The workmen palinge to be repaired vjli xiij5 iijd. Item. A woorkehouse 
of Ix feet longe and xxij foot broade to be covered with rushes Jxli. Som~za £ 133. 6s. 8d. 
CASTLE IRON ORDENAUNCE 
De' Cannons 30 xxx d'Cannons, xl Culverins, xl d'Culverins, iiij Culverins 40 Sakers and iiij Fawcons, whiche per cstimacion will De' Culverins 40 way 250 mli wzt at vli per mli, r250\ as well to Sakers 4 furnish the ships whiche at the present doe lacke as Fawcons 4 alsoe suche as are appointed to be made. £1,250. 
BRASSE ORDENAUNCE 
Culverins 10 x ?ulverins, x d'Culverins and c Bases, ,vhiche p' De' Culverins 10 estlmacion will way IijD as wzt at vjli vjs -iijd p' mu Bases 100 wzt for the makinge only one with the other, £277. 
6s. Bd. Note that I set nothino-e downe for he mettalle because her Matie hathe to s;rve this purpose in store as I am informed. 

Garages etc. Item. Garages for the mountinge of the fore-named pieces, as also suche other as doe wante, by estimacion, £500 Somma £2,160. 13s. 4d. ~or all other needfuls th~ same may be provided in tyme excepte pouder, which I suppose her Matie bathe in store. Er of Lecistr hath-Sr Frac' Drak hath iiijxxx peces.a2 
The document is endorsed 'Matters touchinge thordenaunce to be presently cared for'. 
The next reference to warlike stores at Woolwich occurs some seven mo~ths Iat~r when an inventory of guns brought out of the West Indies by Sir Francis Drake is given. It reads as follows: 
A n:ue note of all such ordnance of brasse as well as serviceable as uns_erviceable brought out of the West Indies by Sir Frauncis Drake, Kmght, and Layde into her Mats' yerde at Woolwich in August 1586 and 
11 S.P.D. Elizabeth I, vol. clxxxvi no 
40

ll 'ty' TI. ' .. 
me pieces. ic ultimate sentence is written in another hand. 
162 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 

there receyved by the Comyshioners appointed for that voidge, as 
followeth, viz. Serviceable peces disposed into her highnis shippes by 
Sir William Wynter, Knight, and the Officers of the Tower. 1 Basilico; 
4 Canons; 16 Di Cannons; I 3 Cannon peeices; 3 Culverings; 8 Di 
Culverings; 15 Sakers, 2 I M yneons. All w'eh peeces beinge severally 
wayed amount to 1 74 tons o cwt 3 qrs 4 li. 
Unserviceable peeces converted into newe ordenance for her Mat's use by the said parties; 3 Sakers; 2 I Fawcons; 8 Fawconettes; 72 Porte bazes; 55 Chambers; the which being likewize wayed amounted to 59 tons 
o cwts 2 qrs ro li. By me Roger Monox, Late Servant to Sir Will'm Wynter.83 
These guns did not remain long at Woolwich, those which were serviceable being issued or 'laid aboard' sh!ps and those which were not, finding their way into the hands of private founders who broke them up and recast them into new pieces to be used as occasion dictated. In view of the Spanish crisis and the paucity of armaments in the country at this period, ordnance was not likely to have been left lying about and deteriorating in parks and yards. 
Although the estimate of 31 January 1586 had been_ carefully prepared and was heavy according to the standard of the time, there is no evidence to suggest that work it was designed to m~et ~as ever carried out. If, by any chance, it were, the workmanship displayed must have b en of a low order and the quality of the materials used must h ave been poor in the extre°:e, b:cause only twe~ve years elapsed before a complaint was submitted 1n July 1598 statmg 1n no unmeasured terms the appalling state of the wharf, crane and store­house. O n the contrary, the state of affairs revealed strongly suggests that nothing had been done in the interval as lack of mam~ena:ice during th t t' Id hardly have accounted for the detenoration
a 1me cou C .. disclosed. In a project addressed to the Or~~anc~ ommiss1oners 
touching the reform of the Office appears this item. 
Whereas the storehouse at Woolwich is of little or no use (the wharf and crane thereof being utterly decayed and ruined), and for as muc~ as a great quantity of shot, pikes, and other munitions h~ve of long trme there continued and do yet remain where they are subject to embe~zle­
rnent d d d · ·n decay to the great loss of her Majesty 
an o rot, rust an ruin i h t0
1

and hindrance of her service. It may therefore Pease your onours order that the same may be removed into the Tower ~f London therde to b k • h may be issued and use as 
e ept m her Majesty' store so as t e sa_me occasion shall serve for her Majesty's service.Si 
The advice tendered to the Ordnance Commissio?ers was dis­regarded no one being sufficiently interested to move in the matter. The old ~onditions continued at the gunwharf aotl stores became 
ea E 
84 xchequer Q.R., misc. 928-55. S(.P.D. Elizabeth I, vol. cclxviii, no. 13. 
C.S.P. Elizabeth I, 1598-1601, p. 76.) 
163 




THE BACKGROUND 
more and more 'decaied', as our ancestors put it, since the turn-over was so small. Nothing more was heard till 30 October 1613 when the sum of£18. Is. Bd. was expended on the repair ofthe storehouse and wharf.85 Eventually things became so bad that something had to be done and a brick storehouse, as being far more weather-proof, was contemplated. On 29 March 1616 a debenture was issued for 'A newe howse built at Wolwc11 for his MatY '.86 This debenture was made to John Andrews, Bricklayer, for the Office of Ordnance for the sum of£105 for building and erecting a new brick building for the use and service of his Majesty at Woolwich, adjoining the store­house there. This 'newe howse of bricke' was to be forty foot long, twenty-two foot broad, have two stories on,e nine and the other eight foot high and a garret having three gable ends. The house was to be built according to certain articles of covenant agreed to between 
John Andrews and the Officers ofhis Majesty's Ordnance. 
The tempo of government activity at Woolwich now began to quicken, the growth of the dockyard necessitating an expansion in Ordnance responsibilities. The miserable accommodation deemed sufficient in the sixteenth century failed to respond to the demands of the seventeenth, and more storage capacity became a paramount necessity. Over £70 were therefore spent on 20 J anuary r 6r g. 87 
Vicesimo die J anuarii I 6I 9 anno Regni Regis Jacobi decimo septimo 
A debentur made unto wm Wheatley, his Majesty's M aster Carpenter for Th' office ofTh'ordenaunce for the somme of threescore and ten poundes, fowerpence; as well for timber, hordes, planck, single quarters, deales and other necessaries spent and ymploied in makinge and erectinge of a store­howse and other howses at Wolwich for his Majesty's service as also for the wages and intertaynement of sondry car­penters and other Laborers imploied both in taking downe 

Carpenters t?e old howse there, and for sorting and layinge up the old 
Worke and 
timber and other stuffe, and for erectinge the said newe Wages in 
howse, the perticulers whereof are hereafter mentioned. erectinge 
Vizt 

a new 89
For vj loades and xxi/Y 88 foote of timber accompting JtY storehowse 
foote to the loade at Xd the foote -xxiijli viij8 iiijd at . . [£13. Bs. 4d.]
Wolwich For VJ <laxes worke for twoe sawiers about the cutting of old timber-XX8 [2 os.] 
:: Ordnance Debenture Ledger, PRO/W0/49141, p. IOO. Ordnance Debenture Ledgers PRO/WO/ / f 8 M h 1616 
n:c?~:a~~; ~tt 'n{OL/Wedg/C:, PROJW0'/:9J:g, r.\: :~ Ja~~~ry 161.9, also Ord­u ' 54~­
22, 

.. 50. 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
For a grindinge stone -ys 
XX 
For cciiij x en 90 foote of hordes at X8 the Cth foote -xxix8 
XX [29s.]For ciiij91 foote of twoe ynch plancke at vjd the foote -iiijli xs [£4. 10s. od.] 
For liiij0r 92 single quarters at yd a quarter -xxij8 vjd 
[22s. 6d.] For the caruage of theise thinges -xx8 For ye 93 whole deales -vij8 vjd For taking downe the old howse and for sortinge and laying up the severall stuffe -xu [£10] For the wages and intertaynement of sondry Carpenters imploied in erectinge the said _store~owse an~ fo~ the inter­taynement ofsondry Laborers 1mpl01ed lykew1se m the saide 
. 1 · en 94 d
worke amountinge to ccc XlX ays. . Amounting in all to the said somme of lxx11 iiijd £70. OS. 4d. 

As the old storehouse was demolished-it had evidently been allowed to become derelict through lack of care and maintenance­the accommodation was not increased to a marked extent, but enough additional space was doubtless provid:d to m~et_ cu:rent demands, the future being allowed to look.after its_elf. This 1t did by always being in debt to the present. Flooding a_t high w~ter was the bane of the storekeeper's existence at Woolw1c~ especially as the storehouses were close to the water's edge and piles of sto~es of all description lay in profusion on the wharf exposed to wmd and weather. Consequently repairs to the wharf and storehouse become 
Song during the first halfofthe seventeentha sort of recurrent theme I 62 7 Matthew Bankes, master carpenter,

Century. On 20 December , . W ·a £ r. b · · marsh earth to bed agamst the planks of
as pai 3r 1or nnging . 
f . d t t ngthen it against the v10lence of, and the

the whar in or er o s re . . · d · b h Th and to protect the storehouse agamst
inun at10n y t e ames, 
d . o~ 0 ' M h 6 8 Matthew Bankes had a debenture for

floo ing. a n 3r arc I 2 
.c. • • the damaged wharf and storehouse so

£301. 1 rs. 6d . 1or repairing . hr. flooding and 
. M ~ , nd at Woo1wic 1rom 

as to preserve his aJesty s grou A ril 6 8 d 
96 On 8 p I 30, s. 4 . was 

subsequent scouring by the Thames. k th 
. d h rveyor's c1er to assess e

paid to the master carpenter an t e su h f · s1 damage at Woolwich and prepare an estimate fort e cost o repair. 
90 290. 91 
180. 92 54. 93 5. 94 36
9 
95 0 · /WO/49/58 ·' also
rdnance Debenture Ledgers, PRO Ordnance Quarter Books, PRO/W0/54/11 : • also96 Ordnance Debenture Ledgers, PRO/WO/49/::,9, P· 77' Ordnance Quarter Books, PRO/W0/54/12•87 Ordnance Bill Books, Series II, PRO/V./0/5i/1. 
165 

THE BACKGROUND 
On October 1630, Matthew Bankes was paid £58. I 7s. od. for erecting posts and rails on the gunwharf and for repairing the wharf itse1£98 On 6 November 1635, Matthew Bankes had another debenture for repairing the wharf at Woolwich.99 On 10 September 1636, Matthew Bankes obtained yet another debenture for £3. gs. 8d. for repairing the damage to the wharfand house at Woolwich occasioned by the high winds. On 2 I April r64r, Matthew Bankes had to make new fenders and extend the old ones where the water had washed away the earth. He also had to replace most of the base ofthe wharf, repair the fence, make and hang a pair ofgates, support the roof of the house, and construct a new ceiling, floor and two new dormers; in other words he had to mend and patch up the storehouse and roo£10°For this and other work he received a deben­ture for £332. r rs. ·3d. One last extract from the Debenture Ledgers must suffice to prove the assertion that 'Time and tide stayeth for no man'. On 31 March 1642, Matthew Bankes had a debenture for 
£5r. rs. 4f d. for carpenter's work at various places.IOI Am ong the items for which he was to be paid was the repair of the wharf and pales at Woolwich in 1638. On the same day he received another debenture for £2. 10s. od. for repairing the storehouse there in r 639. 
The next item of interest to record is in 1644 when an estimate for a comprehensive repair of the storehouses was put forward.I02 
9 July 1644 Office of Ordnarzce 
eAn estimate ofr~paratons yt must_ ofnecessity bee psently done to make y stoare-houses wmd. ~nd water tite for ye keeping dry of ye Powder Match and other prov1S1ons, and to keepe ye said storehouses from falling 

down and utter Ruin. viz lmprimis for taking up and new casting divers of the Gutters and other par~s of the Le~ds and for workmanship and soda in laying the Leads agam and mendmg other defective places about the Leads etc. . £58. ros. od. For taking up and repairing tymber work ofthe Gutters and other parts ofthe_ ~eads and ~ake fitt the Leads. Repairing tymber work in the roofs. Re~amng the tylmg and brickwork etc. Making a new raft of tymber for a ci~terno and.flo~ring a stoare-house att Woolwich to keepe Shipp carnages dry. Fmdmg aII materials, workmenship and carriage etc. £108. os. od. TotaII £166. ros. od. 
The next improvement on the gunwharf was a new crane in 

re~lacement of the original which had become unserviceable. It was 
bmlt for the use of the Royal Navy, by John Pitt Master Carpenter 
"O . ' 

" rdnance B11l Books, Series II, PRO/WO/ r /I. Joo Ordnance Debenture Ledgers, PRO/WO/ 5 /6 . Ordnance Debenture Ledgers PRO/WO/49 1 5 :: Ordnance Debenture Ledgers; PROfW0/49/75. OrdnanceJournaJ Books, PRO/WO/ / 49 77•
47 I, p. 65. 
166 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 

to the Office of Ordnance. The relevant Navy Order was dated 24 March r646 and the cost including the timber and nails was £141. ¥· 4d.103 It has already been pointed out that these govern­ment cranes were used by all and sundry quite regardless of the fact that such use was unauthorized. Consequently, persons having no responsibility for the structure, cared little if their rough handling 

Mrt WILLIAM BODHAM'S SKETCH OF THE GUH ·WHAR.F 
Scol• 75 F•e t. to lh• l"ch 
S .P...Dnm Cha,•l~~ff Val 296. Ha./ 50 2J..-J F.S,,,."Y JCT/. 
A-Thamu F C G -Wh•rf belonging to the R.opeyard , G -Ye Gate, 
FD -toward D a polo1ft4y ••• set to enclose !IA R.opoyard l,b, r~_y 
E -Y. "'•!I From 9• Ropoycni 
gate t-o ih crone \UhaT'f by which all h,mp, tor 
encl eordo9• posseth. 
i h -A 9ot.wo_y whtn palrd in. 
'----·------·--· 
A Ill 
~ 
FIG. 1. Bodham's sketch of the gunwharf 

caused damage or not, with the result that it frequently did. No surprise need be caused therefore when Mr Scott, the surveyor, ':as told on 6 M ay r66 'to take care to repair the crane at Woolwich
4 

and also the gate of the wharf',104 . a· D t h r was now making its influence felt and
Th
e impen mg u c wa . Th" · 
· the fleet and its armament. is necessi-

Steps were taI<:en to increase . d · 
tated b f ships' carriages for warships, an m 
a greater num er o h r. h
modation on s ore .1or sue 

consequence more storage accom J 66 10· u mountings. A contract was therefore placed on 3° u 1Y 1. 4 ~-0~ the erection of a new storehouse at Woolwich for lobd~mkg s_ ihps 
. t" built of nc wit a

carriages It was to be of stout construc wn, . . 
1

tiled roof having an area of 564 square feet.ms The two pn~c~pt 
craftsme; employed on the work were Thomas Norfolk, master n~d-­1 t 10s and they were pa1 ,
ayer,107 and John Scott, master carpen er, 
103 Ordnance Debenture Ledgers, PRO/W0/49/S3. ~:: Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/W0/47/5, P· 224· December 1664. 
1
Ordnance Bill Books, Series II, PRO/W~i5~tofwo/4g/182 _ 1o February 1664
108 
Special Ordnance Estimate Book, \\Toolwic ' July 1664. 
107 6 21 
1 
108 Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/W0/47/6, P· -June 1664. Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/v\'0/47/5, P· 2 49 -2 
167 




THE BACKGROUND 
the former £314. 4-J. 2d. and the latter £356. 17s. od. Details of the costs were as follows : 
Bricklayers' Work 
For laying and building in good mortar 26¼ rods and ro feet brickwork for the walls-£157. 14s. 2d. for 104 squares II foot oftyling for the roof at 28s. per square-£I45. I5s. od. for digging the foundation and levelling the ground 645 yards at 4d. a yard-£Io. I5s. od. 
Carpenters' Work 
For 55 square g foot of flooring and timber for joists of oak at 45d. the square-£I23. 19s. od. For 5 large doors and door cases in the brickwork, the door cases being of oak at 40d. each-£ro. os. od. 
For one little door-18s. For 38 windows of oak at 15s. each-£28. 10s. od. For 104 squares of roofing of fir timber at 35s. each-£182. os. od. Pailing, posts and three gates at the front of the building, the pailing 
being of fir and the posts of oak; 92 foot long and 9½ foot high at 2s. 6d. per foot-£11. ros. od. 

We can, with the help of Mr Bodham's somewhat crude plan (see page 167), now obtain a picture of the original Ordnance Establish­ment at W?olwich. It was hardly an extensive layout by modern standards, m fact 'modest' would be the operative word, but it doubtless served the purpose for which it was intended. The gun­wharf, on which the depot stood, had a go yard river frontage in the form ofa wharfand a depth ofsome 8o yards running back from the Thames to Woolwich Street. A small area 6o by Bo feet at its north western corner belonged to the Ropeyard being known as its 'liberty' where tar, hemp, and cordage were lo;ded and unloaded. Its nor~hern boundary of 6r feet was of course, part of the main wharf, its '":estern edge was a wharf8r feet long abutting Bell Water­gate, and its southern and western limits were those which Mr Bodham wanted to 'pale'. A track from the Ropeyard led to the gu~wharf and, passing through the gate, continued to the crane, which stood on the river bank within the 'liberty' itself. Upon the gunwharf, or gun-yard as it is sometimes called were three store­houses with some minor buildings attached, the la~ter being probably 
used for office accommodation, and a dwelling house with stables. There was the 'old' brick storehouse built in r6r6 the wooden structure er~cted in I 6I 9 in place of the original shed ~hich had by tben fallen in ruin, and the 'new' brick storehouse constructed in 
166,, to 'lod h" ' · · bi
• T ge s ips carnages m'. These are clearly distinguisha e m Bodham's sketch. 
168 


CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 

Woolwich at this date had no independent Ordnance storekeeper, the stores there, in common with those at the Tower, the Minories and Chatham coming under the charge of the Storekeeper or Keeper of the Stores at the Office of Ordnance. Unfortunately we have no means of knowing which official was responsible for Woolwich stores prior to the institution of the Office of Storekeeper at the Tower. Probably the Yeoman of Ordnance, whose work was connected with the provision, custody and issue of stores, ~erformed that duty. It may be assumed with a fair degree of certainty that John Watson, appointed Storekeeper in the Office of Ordnance on I 2 February 1557, did have charge of the stores at Woolwich. This assumption is reinforced by the fact that he is the first of the form~r storekeepers mentioned in the patent to Thomas Powell and _Richard Marsh viz.,100 'in full manner and form as John Watson, Richard Bowland, Thomas Bedwell, John Lee, Amias Preston, or Samuel Hales and 
John H ammond, or any of them etc.' John Watson was_followe~ by Richard Bowlandno who certainly controlled Woolwich. This IS made clear by the petition of Thomas Bedwell,111 who solicited the Office of Storekeeper for the Ordnance at Woolwich and Chatham on r 2 May 15s _n2 In his petition Thomas Bedwell, who had a good
9 opinion of himself, states: 
It does not appear that the charge ofkeeping the st~re of t?e Ordnance, rem · · t w 1 · hand Chatham has been mentioned m the patents 
am1ng a oo w1c f Sh' 1 h 

ofSir William Winterns or that ofany other Officer_ o the 1ps! a t ough it was thou ht meet b the Com.missioners to app_omt the keepmg of that particular s~ore to be :etained in the patent ~f Richard Bowland, keeper of the general store out of which it has been issued etc. . . After the death of Bowland, the Officers of the Or~nance did per~t 
S. w·11· w· · t the keeper of that particular store durmg
1r 1 iam mter to appom the vacation of the Officer for keeping the whole: · 1 h" If with his honorable goodI have satisfied my Lord Adm1ra nnse 
favour and liking. . h 
In respect whereof and that I may give some teSt11:1o~y to your honours ofmy endeavours in the exercise ofmy charge! may it P eadse youdrl. onours t · th remams there an to e iver me 
o appoint Commissioners to view ~ b indenture if there be the charge thereof so that I may receive them Y ' 
nothing against me and I hope there shall not._ h t And touching th~ store at the Tower, may it please your_ r.ont~ursfi 0 
. d k for my better sat1S1ac 10n or 

give me leave to join one new lock an ey which ou shall think more safety of the charge of the other locks and keys Y 
meet to be continued. 
109 p 
11 atent dated 19 June 1627. 
11; Appointed Storekeeper January 1572 • Janua 1589. 
Patent ofappointment as Storekeeper dated 15 ry ~:: ~:P.D.. E:lizabeth I, vol. cc_xxiv, no. 36. f the Navy 154g-158g and M t r of 

1r Wilham Wynter admiral, was Surveyor 0 0 rdnance of Navy 1557_~ 589. He died in 1589. 
169 

THE BACKGROUND 
Richard Marsh appointed with Thomas Powell, J ?i1:t. Sto~ekeeper to the Office of Ordnance on 19 June 1627 'For their JOint lives and the life of the survivor' was certainly in charge of the stor~s at t~e Tower, the Minories, Chatham and Woolwich. He continued. 1n office for many years and although temporarily suspended during the Commonwealth by John Faulknor114 was reappointed on r 7 May i66ons and functioned till his death in March 1672. Like many o!her ambitious men he attempted to exceed his powers and so fell into 
conflict with the Master-General. The dispute, which arose over Richard Marsh's pretension to the custody of the stores at Ports­mouth and other places in contravention of his patent, was refer_red to the two Secretaries ofState who, reporting on 25July 1661 against the claim, found that the claimant had no right to call himsel~ Store­Keeper General and that_ his writ only ran in the _four p:ace_s, 1.e. the Tower, Minories, Woolwich and Chatham, ment10ned in his patent. This finding was confirmed by the King in a warrant dated 20 _August 1661 which informed him, the said Richard Marsh, to refram. from 
meddling with the custody ofstores in places outside his jurisdicti?n·116 Owing to his advancing years, his son George Marsh was appointed assistant to his father with a salary of £200 p.a. by a warrant dated 16 March 1667.117 This salary was afterwards discontinued under the economy warrant dated 16 March 1668.118 
A homely touch is given byJohnFaulknor, Storekeeper ofthe Office of Ordnance at the Tower, the Minories, Woolwich and Chatham, when, as was then the custom, he appointed Edward Harrison, g~nt of London, his trusty and well beloved friend, to deputize for _him for one month during his leave of absence, which the Council of State authorized, in order to attend to the dispatch ofprivate affairs.119 There is a large vellum book in the Public Record Office120 con­sisting ofan abstract showing the state ofthe stores within the Of!ice ofOrdnance at the Tower, King's Minories, Deptford and Woolwich, with the receipts, returns and issues of the same from 1 September 1664 till 1 February 1667; and at that time the state of the stores according to the books of Richard Marsh, Esq., Storekeeper, com­pared with the like extract brought in by Edward Sherburne, Esq., Clerk to his Majesty's Office of Ordnance. This extract, unfortun­ately, does not detail the items specifically located at Woolwich or elsewhere, but merely gives the aggregate numbers ofeach held. The stores concerned were brass and iron ordnance from cannons of 8 
m Appointed by Parliament 1648. 
m Fi~~ly restored by King's warrant dated 16 June 1660.
111 
117 Or~g~nal warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/W0/55/426, no. 32. and 0J:1gmal w~nts and Orders in Council, PRO/W0/55/426, no. 106. Warrants Orders 1;11 _Councd, PRO/W0/55/332, S.P.D. Charles II, vol. cxciv, no. 28. :: Ongmal warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/W0/55/426, no. 114. Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/W0/47/2, 13 July 1653.
110 PRO/W0/55/1698. 
170 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 
to falcons, standing and travelling carriages for th~ same, shot, gren­do sh 11 d hand grenades beds and beddmg, general· stores,
a e , pow er, ' h lb 
carpenters, tooIs, p1'kes, pistol bullets, match,. bandohers, a. erts, 
b · hts, wh I b arrows shovels' turpentine, sal ammomacd b etc.
rass w·e1g ee -, · I dd. · t th warlike and general stores ment10ne a ove,
n a 1t10n o e . h · 
1 k d refined at Woolw1ch, later on t e quantity
sa tpetre was ept an • k B 66 
· h to warrant a special store eeper. y I 2, 
becoming large enou¥ ent had not yetbeenenvisagedofficially' for 
however, suchan app01ntm h hehimselfshould fill that post.121
in that yearOwenHurst suggeSts t at . 
·tie 
To the King's most Excellent M aJ 
. . f Owen Hurst sheweth. 
The humble l?et1twn ? house for Saltpeter and the refineing That yor MaiY h~vem~ ~o~~~e of Kent which imploy yor Majty hath thereof at Wooledge m yo YII of any perticuler person. 
. d tl1 e specia care 
not as yett comrmtte to M ·ty t grant unto yor Petionr the same
May it therefore please yor aJ_ 0 r M •ty l1 all thmk meete
at such salery as yo aJ s And yor Petionr shall ever Pray. .d t storekeeper the Office of Ord-
Al W l · h h d no resi en · ' .
though oo wic a 1 ok after its interests, which
"d 1 1Ocal agent to o 
nance d1 emp oy a • • g stores loading and un­
. . h' tores receivin , .
consisted of d1spatc ing s . ' ements for transport by nver 
1 d. fi h' s making arrang .. 
oa ing guns rom s ip , n the Thames, superv1smg
1 O

between \.Voolwich and ?ther Paces hich commenced to arrive lighterage and dealing with t~e ~uns wasi·ng numbers after 1651, 
.c. of in incre f

from the Tower 1or pro ld Artillery Garden. The amount o particularly after the sale of the ~ r .t d and any idea of a large business transacted was extreme Y irm e The agent was the only 
. b d" . ssed at once. . h

resident staff must e ismi . Wh he required assistance e permanent establishment official. ~~ harged when the specific recruited labourers locally, who wedre isccompleted. It is doubtful 
. ploye was . 1
task for which they were em ere ever at work s1mu ­
I f labourers w

whether more than a coup e O • b craftsmen from the Tower taneously. All repairs were carnet ~ut /or that fortress. They pro­who were on the Artificers' Est.ab zs mi; t d local labour, performed ceeded to Woolwich when required, coT~ e were no technicians at their tasks and returned to Lond07-° h e;econsisted of bricklayers, the gunwharf. The Artificers' EStab zs men heelwrights, plumbers
l . . .ths turners, w . k 

g aziers, carpenters, painters, smi ' "fie di"strict i.e. wor at 
d · a speci ' 

and masons. Each man serve in b • klayer carpenter orW b the same nc ' k
oolwich was always done Y d k the lighterage wor
1 . . s un ertoo b 

g az1er etc. The agent sometime d tract by some arge­
. 11 d un er con
itself, but it was more usua Y one r. mily were lightermenf the Care1es ia 6
owner. For instance members O Th Careles from 1 0 1 to
' . omas

connected with Woolw1ch. There was . 121 Charles II, vol. l v1, no. 134. 
C.S.P. Charles II 1661-1662, p. 62 5. S.P.D. 
l 
171 

THE BACKGROUND 
161 o Richard Careles from 1606 to I 6I I and Henry Careles from 1613,onwards.John Tiggins was also a Woolwich lighterman in 1606. There were others, but the names quoted are those which appear most frequently in the Ordnance Bill Books. . 
The first permanent official at the Ordnance depot at Woolw1ch was George Taylor, described as the 'Cranage Man'. He had many debentures for the work he performed, sometimes averaging as much as £20 a month, though usually the amounts were less. The first time his name appears to be mentioned was on gJanuary 1649, when he received a debenture for £2. 7s. Bd.122 and the last entry of his name in the Ordnance Bill Books was on 18June 1657, when his payment amounted to £g. 16s. od.123 He must either have died or left the Ordnance employ at Woolwich soon after this date for by 1 Septem­ber 1657 Paul Linby had taken over the reins of command.124 Paul Linby had a long career at Woolwich, extending over thirty years. He was originally employed by the Office of Ordnance as a labourer on the Tower establishment, at the latter end of 1653 at a wage
125
of £21. Is. Bd. per annum. Being a man of character and determination he rapidly bettered himsel£ By 1657 he had become 'Cranage Man' at Woolwich, and by 1660 'Wharfinger'. Thereafter he rejoiced in the title of 'His Majesty's Wharfinger at Woolwich' or 'Wharfinger to His Majesty's gunwharf'.126 In addition to being the Ordnance agent at Woolwich, he was a carter and barge owner. His team of horses was in constant demand for transporting guns for proof and his lighters were employed in moving government stores. Later on in the Warren he was employed in scavel work and undertook the repair of proof-butts. Linby must have become a man of some substance as on a hearth-tax return for 29 September 
1662127 
he paid tax on seven hearths. This was then the third higheSt tax in the town. It would be tedious to specify all the many kinds of work performed by Paul Linby for which he received payment. The number would be legion. His name occurs constantly in Ord­nance Quarter Books, Bill Books, Debenture Ledgers, Treasure~'s Ledgers and Journal Books over a period of thirty-five years in connection with cranage and lighterage work, transporting guns for proof, loading and unloading ordnance from H.M. Ships and many other tasks which could well be left to a trusted servant. He survived till I 688 and, as the latter halfofhis service occurred in the Warren, his further exploits will be recorded in the next chapter. Meanwhile 
m Ordnance Debenture Ledgers, PRO/WO/49/84. Ju Ordnance Debenture Ledgers, PROfWO/4g/8g. m Ordnance Debenture Ledgers, PRO/WO/4g/go. m Ordnance Quarter Books, PRO/W0/54/18 
m Ordnance Bill Books, Series II PRO/W0/51/4 8 March 1663 /
117 Hearth Tax Returns, Michael:nas 1662 Lower' half Blackheath PRO/E.x79/i 29

7®~~ ' ' 
CROWN ESTABLISHMENTS AT WOOLWICH 

one or two extracts concerning his activities in the earlier part of his career may be of interest. 
( 1) In December 1661 he was paid_ £20. I 8s. _od. for the use of his l1'o-hte and for cranage work at Woolw1ch; also to mclude the wages of a 
o r · h' 12s
labourer for taking 250 guns out of vanous s 1ps. 
(2) On 8 March r663 he recei".'ed £80. 1 Is. ~d. for ~gh~erage and 

cranage work; also for digging, loading and u_nloadmg clay m lighters and · ·t firom the marshes to Tilbury.for filhng up thenewwharfthere·12s
carrying 1 d 
(3) 
On 13 September 1 664 he was mstructe to remove the earth and rubbish which had accumulated among the guns on H.~. wharf at Woo1w1c· h and to take a complete inventory of.all ordnance lymg there .130 

(4) 
On I June 1555 he was ordered to deliver and lay on board the following pieces.131 


Unicorn Prize Trinity PrizeOrdnance 
12pdr 4 
14
8pdr 
18
6pdr Mynion 10 
2
Falconet 65 h was ordered to place on board the John and 
(5) On 29 J u1y I 5. e d dnance and carriages:

Katherine the underment10ne or r 2pdr iron ordnance I 6 
. 4132
6pdr with carnages 6 h instructed to deliver and lay on board the 
16
(6) On 18 June 6 d e w~·ns master) certain pieces of ordnance for

hoy John of London (An rew 1 , transportation to the fleet.133 t f ordnance by Paul Linby between 1662 
The cons ant movemen ° 'th Holland for the coming
• ed by the war w1 ,
d 66

an I 7 was occaswn 55 Paul Linby is referred to
9

events cast their shadows. 11: J~~~ 4a7nl on the 2 5 May 1670 as the 
as the 'Storekeeper, Woolw1ch , 'D S I ' 135
eputy tore <.eeper · h p 1Linby also a resident of 
D . h' . d th e was anot er au ' 

urmg t 1s per10 er f the fee'd gunners onthe Woolwich, who for twenty-two years_wasdo~eo670 when forty years of
T • H s appo1nte 1n 1 , 
ower establishment. e wa blishment in 1692,137 he was age.136 Although he left the Towe: e~aa warrant on 10 June 16961as probably the same man who obtaine 
28 
~ 29 Ordnance Bill Books, Series II, PRg1~gi~; it 
Ordnance Bill Books, Series II, PR 1 · 
130 
6 35
OrdnanceJournal Books, PRO/WO/47// 'f· 6 ·
~:! Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/W0//47/7, f. : 
~ Ordnance Journal Books, PRO/WO 47 i, 35. ~:: Ordnance Journal Books,. PROfW°cJ4;{Jo 1-1 /II. 
136 Ordnance Bill Books, Series II, PR /:> / /
12 
136 Ordnance Bill Books Series II, PRO/,VO/ 51W;rrant dated 30 June 1670, PRO 

W Ordnance Quarter Books, PRO/WO/54 3°· p!ss/469.
37 
188 Ordnance Quarter Books, PRO/WO/54/5o. M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/G&D/37/473, P· 13· 
173 
THE BACKGROUND 
to be a conductor of the train ofArtillery at Hounslow. Finally there was a third Paul Linby who received a warrant dated I I September 1686139 to become a labourer in ordinary in the Office of Ordnance in the place ofJohn Hare, deceased. What the relationship, if any, between these three Paul Linbys does not transpire, but presumably they belonged to the same family. 
Finally we come to the class of work, other than the provision, custody and issue of stores, performed at Woolwich in gunwharf days. Besides possibly a small amount of saltpetre refining, the only activity of a technical character was the repair of ships' carriages, a constantly recurring item in the Ordnance records. T wo extracts must suffice as examples of this type of maintenance. On 8 March 1663, John Scott, master carpenter, was paid £2 r. r os. I r d. for repairing ships' carriages at Woolwich,140 and in April 1666 Thomas Gasse, carpenter, received £213. 10s. 2d. for repairing 493 carriages 
in the following ships lying off Woolwich.141 
St. Paul; Bredah; Marmaduke; Dreadnought; Hound · Coventry ,· Freezland Fly boate ,· Pearle; Good!zope ,· Dunkirk; Seaven Oakes; Gulder de Rutter; Avis de Sweede and the M ary Rose. 
Four causes may be assigned for the removal of the Ordnance from the gunwharf to Tower Place in 1670. They are as follows: 

(
r) The establishment of a standing army called for an immediate expansion of Ordnance services, including the developm nt ofgovernment manufacture. 

(2) 
The restricted area ofthe gunwharfprecluded any such broadening of activities. 

(3) 
The fortifications on the Warren for the defence of the river against the Dutch had to a large extent spoilt the amenities of Tower Place as a gentleman's residence. 


(4) 
Proof, already being carried out on the Warren was growing in volume year by year. 


Had England remained at peace during the seventeenth century, things might possibly have jogged along for an indefinite period at the gunwharf. There would have been little incentive to move; moves cost money and money was scarce. The Dutch war, therefore, may be said to have been mainly instrumental in presenting the 
opportunity which Sir William Prichard and the Crown seized. How often has war upset the even tenor ofour ways and jolted officialdorn into an action which has altered the course of history. The Royal Arsenal is the offspring of such a jolt and may be said to have been born by necessity out of trouble. 
:: M.G.O's Warrants, fRO/G&D137;472, p. 46. m Ordnance Treasurers Ledgers, PRO/WO/48/8. Ordnance Treasurer's Ledgers, PRO/WO/48/6. 
174 
Birth and Childhood 

13 



Chapter 6 
The Beginnings of Tower Place 

The earliest association between the government and the Warr took place in 1651 when the Navy Commissioners were instructed~n supply timber for making three butts at Woolwich for the trial 0~ ordnance by General Blake and the Ordnance officers, and to pay th~ workmen for making them.1 General Robert Blake, M.P. for Bndgwater in 1640 and 1645, was a staunch Parliamentarian. He was appointed Admiral and General at sea in 1649, and a member o~ the Council of State in 1651. After a successful fighting career, he d1~d of fever while returning to England and was buried in West­nunster Abbey. His body, however, was removed from those sacred precincts after the Restoration. On I 3 June 1667, as before men­tioned, Prince Rupert, the second son of Frederick V, Duke of Bavaria and King ofBohemia by Elizabeth, eldest daughter ofJames 
I, was given a commission2 by his cousin Charles II to raise works ?-nd batteries on the Warren as a protection against the Dutch Fleet invading the Thames. His efforts in this direction culminated in the mounting of sixty guns on a temporary platform, and the oldest known survey of the Warren, drawn in 1701 by Albert Borgard, then a ~aptain of Artillery, shows along the river bank a parapet 13 feet thick pierced with 40 embrasures at intervals of 18 feet with accom­modation for an additional 20 pieces if required. Those two episodes may be regarded as flirtatious interludes prior to the courtship which led to ultimate marriage and a lifelong union between the Crown 
and the marshes of Woolwich and Plumstead. The question is sometimes asked 'When was the Royal Arsenal founded?' The strict answer is that it was never founded at all. Like 'Topsy' it just 'growed'. But growth presupposes_ a beginning ~nd the nativity of the Royal Arsenal may be converuently placed rn 1 670, the year in which the Office ofOrdnance commenced to take a decided interest in Tower Place and during which the first Wool­wich storekeeper-Captain Fra~cis Cheeseman-was appointed. The Royal Arsenal, as an institution, is thus almost 300 years old. 161 18 
1t S.P. Dom. Council of State vol xvii, no. 114, 15 December 5 (S.P. Domestic In erre 1651 ' · I 114) , e f
gnum, Jan.-Dec Navy Papers, vo • 17, no. · • e 
2

Rh_The warrant is add~esseci''To Our Deerest Cousin, pr Rupert Com t Palatmeo y'Me and Duke of Cumberland' and dated 13 June 1667. 05t Dere Cousin
Wee greet you ,;ell whereas vVe have appointed certaine \\'orks _and ~tt rys to f~rthwith raised at or'neare Woolwich for ye better security of ye River ag y att mpt (Waye Enemy in this Conjuncture of Affaires, etc. etc.' rrant Book, vol. xvii, 1663-8, p. 243.) 
177 


During its first thirty years of existence, the future Royal Arsenal was usually called Tower Place after the estate which was its matrix. It is therefore fitting that the early history of that property and the manner of its acquisition by the Crown should be treated at some length, especially since rumour, that lying jade, has played her part in propagating falsehoods which, lacking any foundation in fact, to-day pass for truth. 
'The flying rumours gather'd as they roll'd. Scarce any tale was sooner heard than told And all who told it added something new And all who heard it made enlargements too. '3 
Well might it be said of Woolwich Arsenal 'Put off thy shoes from off thy feet for the place whereon thou standeth is holy ground' for the original territory of Tower Place once belonaed to two mo~as­teries; those of St Mary Overy at Southwark a;d St Augustine at 
Canterbury. Let us begin our story. 
. At the be~inning o;the sev:nteenth century there stood east o~ the Bishop o~Wmchester s house m the borough of Southwark in Bridge Ward Without, a church called St Mary over the Rie (i.e. over the 
water) or St Mary Overy.4 Stow in his Survey ofLondon5 tells us that prior to the Conquest this chu_rch, or rather an earlier building on the same site, was a house of sisters founded by a maiden called Mary, to which on her death she left (as had been left to her by her parents) the oversight and profits of a ferry across the Thames. Afterwards, this house of sisters was converted mto a college ofpriests by Swithen, a noble lady, who 
repl~ced the f~rry_ by a wooden bridge. This bridge was kept in repair and mamtamed by the priests till it was superseded by one of_st?ne. In the year IIo6, this college of priests was refounded by William Pont de l'Ar~~e and William Dauncy, Norman K.nig~ts, for canons regular; Wilham Gifford Bishop of Winchester building ~he body 0~ the church in the sam~ year and the canon; entering 
mto possess10n Algodus w th fi • . · · ·t des
h . · as e rst pnor. After vanous vicissi u t e pnory was ~urrendered to Henry VIII on 27 October 1539 by Barth0Iomew Lmstead, alias Foule the last prior its value being assessed at £624 6 6d ' . ' • he
· s. · per annum. For this act of expediency t worthy Barthol~mew received a pension of£roo a year. The lands owned by the pnory a h' h . I · h 
. . , mong w 1c was a certam parcel at Woo wic ' were dIStnbuted by H VIII T . . r. II · to

the h d . enry • he messuage 1n question 1e in an s of S1r Edward Boughton who had also obtained other 
aPope The Temple ofFame I 468 
' • ow Southwark Cathedral · 1 Everyman Edition, p. 362• • Pennants' London, 3rd ed., I 793, p. 46. 
178 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
property in the neighbourhood which had belonged to St Augustine's 
Canterbury. ' 

The salient features of Sir Edward Boughton's life have been given in Chapter IV, but to complete his personal story it may be men­tioned that he was the son and heir of Nicholas Boughton of Wool­wich, by Anne, daughter and heir of Thomas Thanthur. Sir Edward married twice. First, Anne, daughter of Sir William Scott, Knight by whom he had two sons, Nicholas and William, and three <laugh~ ters, Isabel, Frances and Sybil, and secondly Joan, daughter of Thomas Leykenor of Sussex and had issue Henry, Bartholomew George, Margaret (died young) and Mary.6 ' 
In 1480 Henry Floos claimed for himself and his wife Joan, and her heirs, 1 messuage, 1 garden, 6 acres of land ~nd 2 meadows in Woolwich and Plumstead to Thomas Bulkeley. Pnce £10.7 In 1487, Thomas Bulkeley acquired from J. Brete I messuage, I garden and 
8

3 acres in Woolwich. Price £20. 
In an indenture dated I o March I 538, Thomas Smythe, gent, sold to Martin Bowes citizen and alderman of London for £20, a tene­ment mansion houses and woods in the towns and parishes of 
Woolwich, Pl~mstead, Eltham, Kidbrook and ~harlton in the Hun­dred of Blackheath which descended to the said Thomas after the death of Alice sm;the, his mother, one _of the daughters and heirs ofThomas V\Toode and Anne his wife; which Anne was daughter and heir of Thomas Bulkeley, late of Woolwich, gent. 9 
The above mentioned mansion was undoubtedly Tower Place, for only a month later it is recorded that in an ind_enture dated 10 April 1538 Sir Edv, ard Boughton sold to Sir Martin Bowes for £44 the hope or shore called Thames Bank, 6 acr~s in Pl~mstead, abut~ng on the Th th. the lands of the said Martm, west; the ditch 
ames, nor , d h h . 

of the marshground of Sir Edward, sout~; an t e s ore. of Sir Edwa d t. d es of upland adjoirung the great mansion and 
r , eas , an 2 acr . d 1 d · 
1

garden of the said Martin in Woolwich; part a :ea y enc ose m the garden adjoining the footpaths from Woolw1_ch to P~umstead, south, and the footway toward the mill of the said Maron, north, 
. · 10 

and other small accommodation pieces. . .. 
. d d d Apri'l 1538 Maron Bowes, c1tizen and
In 

an 1n enture ate I 2 ' · h alderman of London, sold for £3o to Sir Edward Boughton, Kmg t, of W 1 · h d' • · Pi' .a-erell Lane east, and the lands of 
oo w1c , 8 acres a ~01rung w ' • I c-. ld 

Sir Ed dB h t th and south· 2 acres 1n Co es1e e,
war oug ton, wes , nor ' d 1 0 f south of the highway, from Woolwich to PlumSte~d; an ~cos~ 5 acres, late bought of Thomas Bulkeley of Woolwich, esqmre, lymg 
2 
: Harl. MSS. Visitation of Kent, 1530-3 I (A-H), vol. 74• P· • 8 :ed. Fin. 20 Edward IV, 259. 9 ed. Fin. 3 Henry VII. 10 ~ot. Claus. 30 Henry VIII, p. 2, no. 23. ot. Claus. 30 Henry VIII, p. 7, no. 33· 
179 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
at the Quyllet, adjoining the king's highway called Quyllet Lane. Martin warranted Sir Edward Boughton against eviction under penalty of refunding him at the rate of20 years purchase, at the rate of 2 shillings an acre.11 
On 13 March 1539 Henry VIII granted to Sir Edward Boughton12 inter alia, the manor, rectory, glebe, etc. ofWoolwich with appurten­ances which had belonged to the Abbey ofSt Augustine, Canterbury, to be held in capite at one fourth of a Knight's fee. 
On 16 April 1540, Martin Bowes, alderman of London, had a grant in fee for £491. 19s. 6d. of the tenement and garden and 2 acres of land, lately leased to Sir Edward Boughton in Woolwich, Kent, belonging to the late Monastery ofSt Mary Overy, Southwark, and the lands etc. to hold by certain specified rents.13 This property was generally described as late in the possession of George Trappes, mercer, son-in-law to Sir Edward Boughton. 
On 29 October 1541, a licence was granted to Sir Martin Bowes and Anne, his second wife, jointly to alienate a capital messuage, orchard, ':harf and 2½ acres near the King's field in Woolwich, Co. Kent, which belonged to the late Monastery of St Mary Overy in Southwark, and lands, etc. to Sir Edward Boucrhton. At the same 
6 
time? Sir Edwa~d Boug~ton, son of Nicholas Boughton (or Boveton) o~tamed for_ himself, h~s second wife Joan and his heir-apparent Nicholas, a licence to alienate 120 acres of marshland in Plumstead, late of the Abbey of St Augustine Canterbury a part of Burwash Grove in Plumstead, late parcel of the suppres~ed House of Aeon, London, and other lands to Sir Martin Bowes.14 
On 20 May 1544, Sir Edward Boughton of Woolwich, Co. Kent, conveyed to Edward Dymmocke, a chief messuage in Woolwich in the tenure of George Trappes, mercer. This was the capital messuage of orchard, wharf and 2½ acres near the Kingsfield, late belonging to the Monastery of St Mary Overy in Southwark. It was bounded 

on the north by the riv:r Thames, on the east by the lands of Sir E_dward Boug_hton and Sir Martin Bowes, on the south by the King's highway leadmg from Woolwich to Greenwich and on the west by the o:char~ and gardens of the rectory of Wo~lwich.15 
This pa:ticular piece ofproperty passed through several hands, as th
e fol!owmg patents show, before it finally came again into the possess10n of Sir Martin Bowes. In September 1545, Sir Martin Bowes was granted by patent16 a tenure lately leased to Sir Edward Boughton in Woolwich, and other 
11 Rot. Claus. 30 Henry VIII p 8" Rot. Pat. 30 Henry VIII p6· 7' no. 3 · u Rot. Pat. 31 Henry VIII' . . 
1

14 Rot. Pat. 33 Henry VIII' p. 5, m. 9· Con.firmed Rot. Pat. 37 Henry VIII, p. 2, 11 Rot. Pat. 36 Henry Viii' p. ~' m. 4· ie Rot. Pat. 31 Henry VIIJ' :· 55~m.9251.6 A ·1
' ' ' • , pri I 540, 
180 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

specified lands at 16d., 1 7s. 6d., 8s. I o½d,, 6s. I od., 7s. 6d., and 
2s. 4d. for several parcels respectively. Part of the grant in fee for 
£400. 15s. od. of the rents reserved.17 

On 16 May 1548, the:e was a licence for _13s. 4d. (one mark) to Edward Dymmocke, Knight, to grant a capital messuage in Wool­wich, Co. Kent, with the garden, orch_ard and 'wh~rff' adjoining in tenure of George Trappes, mercer, lying ~etween Thamys· in the north and lands of Edward Boughton, Krught, and Martin Bowes Knight, on the east of the King's highway (regiam viam) fro~ Woolwich to Greenwich on the South, and the orchard and garden ofWoolwich rectory on the west to Thomas Stanley ofLondon, gent, 
his heirs and assigns.18 On 10 September 1557, th~re wa~ a licence for 1_3s. 4d. to Thomas Stanley, Esquire, to grant his capital messu~ge m Woolwich, Co. Kent, and a garden, orchard and wharf adJacent thereto, in the tenure of George Trappes, mercer, between the river Thames and the lands of Edward Boughton and Martin Bowes, Knight, on the north; the highroad leading from W?olwich to Greenwich on the south. and orchard and garden belongmg to the rectory ofWoolwich on th; ·west, to John Robynson of London, goldsmith, his heirs and assigns.19 On 23 November 1560 there was a licence for 13s. 4d. in the hanaper for J ohn Robynso~ o~London, gold~mith, to alienate by fine in the Common Pleas, a capital messuage m the _tenure of Ge_orge Trappes mercer in Wolwyche, Co. Kent, to Maron Bowes, Krught, and Wiiiiam Bo~es his son, and the heirs male ofthe body of William, with remainder to Martin in fee simple.20 After nineteen years, therefore, this capital mess~age returned to the ownership of Sir Martin Bowes. It lay approx1m~te_ly between the 't f' th Warren and the gunwharf. The Wilham Bowes
s1 es o e illi ' b Eli b h 

me t' d · th bove patent was Sir W am s son y sa et 
n 10ne 1n e a d h · f s· M · 

Harles, his third wife. Thomas Bowes, the son an_r: eir o rr artin 
S. M ti 's first w11e

Bowes was by Cycely Elyot, ir ar n · 
1 Of land formed the small estate known as
All the above parce s · f h' d h 
,..,.. Pl h' h s· M rt1'n Bowes owned at the nme o IS eat 
1 ower ace w 1c ir a . 

o A 66 I · quisition (post-mortem) taken at Greenwich 
n 4 ugust 15 . n an 1n . M · B · 

on 23 J 6 following the decease of Sir ~rtln owes, 1t 
. anuary 15 7, ti he held inter multa al, a 
1s stated that among numerous proper es, W 1 • h' h ds capital messuage a house called 'Tower-Place, 00 wic 'ore-:~ etc., 15 teneme;ts or cottages and a moiety ,of a tenemefnlatnwds1 et; . . 11 d th 'Brew-house 40 acres o .
certain wharf adjacent ea e e ' ld A ·1 This, together with land in Borstall, PlumStead, was so on 14 pn 
• Henry VIII, vol. xx, part 2, no. 4g6 (5, 2). 17 Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic, 
1e R •
ot. Pat. 2 Edward IV, p. 3, m. 30. :: Rot. Pat. 4 and 5 Philip and Mary, P· 15, m. 5· Rot. Pat. 3 Elizabeth I, p. 2, m. 29. 
181 






1568 by Thomas Bowes of London, son and heir of the late Sir Martin Bowes, to John Pears, citizen and fishmonger of London and Alice his wife. 21 ' 
From John Pears, Tower Place passed to Sir William Barne (or Barnes), a person ofnote in Woolwich. He was the son of Sir George Barn:, L?rd-Mayor ofLondon 1586-1587 (knighted 11 June 1587), by his wife Anne, da~ghter of Sir William Garrard of Dorny; and g:andson ofanother S1r George Barne who was Lord-Mayor in 1552. S1r Ge~rge ~~rne, the second, died in 1592 and his widow Anne in 16II. S1r Wilham Barnes_ was knighted on 23July 1503. He married 
Anne, daughter of Edwm Sandys, Archbishop of y ork. She was born_on 21.Jun~ ~57o. Sir William Barnes had a daughter Anne, who marned Sir Wilham Lovelace of Bethersden Knight and became the ~other ofColon~l Richard Lovelace, the p~et, and~son William, whom turn was k_mg~ted at Greenwich 29 June 1618. Sir William Barnes~ the first, died m 1619, and at his death left, among his other possess10ns, Tower Place, Woolwich• This 1·s e ·d d b y an znqu · z"si­
• v1 ence tzon post-mortem22 ordered the same year (17J I) Th· · · ·t·on
d d J ames . is 1nqu1s1 1 
~te .2? une 162 3 _(21 James I) states that with other property Sir Wil~am Barnes died possessed of Tower Place. The house then passed mto the possession of Sir wi·111·am B th d ho
· d D arnes, · e secon , w 
marne orothy, daughter of Sir p t M d K B f St 
, C e er anwoo , . . o
Stephen s, anterbury. He had one so w·11· b . ho 
d. d · h . . . n 1 1am, orn 1599, w 
1e wit out issue. This Sir William B ·11 d T er
PI · f; arnes sti possesse ow ace 1~ 1643,, _or on 7 September of that year he is shewn as the owner m the Lists of Estates Wool · h 6 , 23
I . k . ' . WIC ' I 43 . 
t is n~nlt n?~n ~hen Sir William Barnes, the second, died. He was certa1 y 11vmg m 1550 as the c: II . .fy
10 owmg extracts tesb. : 
(a) 
Sir William Barnes Woolwich A d £ 24 

(b) 
J; . '. . • ssesse at 500. . ffid 2.t4h u'}£ 1 644· Sir Wilham Barnes respited till further orders, on his 


a av1 e 1s not worth £1oo.25 
' (c) 6 Nover:zber 1650. Thomas Hulbert to M M l .
I beg a hearmg fo r o ens . 
fc th • d ffir my poor countrymen who have been a year in trouble 
or e1r goo a ect1on and d ·11·
Barnes will do h" b fc' are un one most unjustly. Sir W1 1am
1s est or them.' 26 th 
. ri Routd.douifbt Sir William Barnes was a stout royalist. Vincent m is ecor s o Woolwich V I I h 
tents ofa am hlet . ' 'o ume ' page 34, gives in full t e.c?n­p f P entitled A true and perfect relation of the seizing

th h
e ouse o one Maste w·11·
1 
21 r tarn Barnes, a Cavalier'. It appears
Rot. Claus. 11 Elizabeth I 
22 Inquisitions post-mortem S .' p. 16 , 11 March 1569. 
:: PRO/E/179/128/668.' enes II, vol. 401, no. 121 -PRO. 
C.S.P. Committee for adva f

or,f· 35. nee o money, 1642-1656, part I, p. 393, vol. A 65, no, 
C.S.P. Committee for adv f 

or p. 404. ance O money, 1642-1656, part I, p. 393, vol. A. 75, no. 11 C.S.P. Committee for ad 
vance of money, 1642-1656, part II, p. 1,166. 
I 
182 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

likely that the house might have been Tower Place since it was only 
a quarter of a mile from the town ofWoolwich and that the 'Master 
William Barnes' was possibly the bachelor son of Sir William Barnes 
living on his father's property. Otherwise, the coincidence is remark­
able. Briefly the pamphlet states that a certain Captain Willoughby 
sometime a sea-captain, had a company of roo Roundheads drillin~ 
and exercising at Gravesend until they should become proficient in 
arms for the service of Parliament. One day, in the year 1542 
Captain Willoughby set out from Gravesend with his men and rested the night at Erith. The following day they arrived at Woolwich and hearing that certain pieces of ordnance lying in the wood yard wer~ destined secretly for the King at Newcastle, marched to the spot and commenced to commandeer this art~llery. None attempted to stop them save Mr William Barnes who hved about a quarter of a mile from the town. On discovering his identity, the Roundheads went to his house and searched it very thoroughly; they also searched his stables. Having found nothing, they asked "Y'illia'? B~rnes whether he had hidden away any money or plate. Being dissatisfied with his reply the soldiers proceeded to tear up the floor ~nd dig a pit in the grounds. At last they discovered a trunk filled with plate and other belongings. Spurred on by their find, they ext~n_ded t~e a:ea of their digging till they unearthedanothertrunkcontarmn?pnests books and garments. They then apprehended Barnes and earned away the spoils. 
Sometime between 1650 and 1662 To':er Place changed hands 

again, as in the latter year we find Jeremiah Bl~ckma~, ~en~hant, paying a hearth-tax on fifteen hearths at Woolw1ch which md1cated that he was by that date occupying the house.27 He pai~ a similar tax in 1553_2s Alas, the rigours of war were to upset his pe~ceful domesticity. Prince Rupert's fortifications on t~e Warren spoilt the amenities of his property and tended to depress its marketable value. At a Council held at Whitehall on 6 November 1667 we read: 
·re did by his report this day, read at the

Whereas Jonas Moore, Esqul , . . Board represent that in pursuance of an order from the C_omrruss1oners fco · h Offi f Master of the Ordnance, he repaired to Wool-
r executmg t e 1ce o • d d d h 

W. h h h O b 1 t and having carefully v1ewe an ma e t e
1c t e 14t cto er as , Bl k E 

best en uir he could into the losses sustained by Jeremy ac man, sq., b th qd y d h. alls dovehouse meadows, ,varren etc. m 
y e amage one to 1s w , ' . r h" M · , 

m k" h b · 1 tforms and other occasions 1or 1s aJesty s 
a _mg t e attenes, p a 1 . ed the whole loss may amount service this last summer, he humb Y conceiv d fi . Wh" h h" :M · t in all to £184 besides the spoil of the fish an nut. ~c ~s .i: aJes Y h · . • d · d being willing that satisfaction should 
avmg taken mto cons1 eratwn a1: h h Ri ht Honourable the 

be made unto him for the same, did order t at t e g 
21 H M" h l 1662 Lower Half Blackheath, PRO /E/ 179/129/

earth Tax Returns, 1c ae mas , 7ou29, 29 September 1662. L wer Half Blackheath, PRO/E/179/249/ 
66 0

Hearth Tax Returns, Lady Day I 3, 31/3, 25 March 1663. 



Lords Commissioners ofthe Treasur do and tl 
required to give order for the speedy p; ;e~a~e hereby prayed and hundred Eighty Four Pounds to the sa·d ymen o t e same sum of One without account in full satisfaction 1 Jeremy B_Iackman or his assigns damages by him sustained as aforesaid~~9 reparat1011 of the losses and 
Three years elapsed before Jeremy Blackman . d h 
so much for the 'speed a , . receive t e money; 
. . h d YP yment · Patience must perforce have been a virtuemt ose ays.On22 Decembe 1 6 th 
to Sir Thomas Chich I M r 7° ere was a Treasurywarrant 
e ey, aster of the Ordnance to £ 1 8 t 
Jeremy Blackman infullsatisfacti . ' pay 4 ° 
b h · · h · II d onfor his losses anddamage sustained YAlitmh m h1sdwa s, ove-hou~e, meadows, warren etc. at Woolwich.30 oug ocumentary evide • 1 k. . 
able that the erection of th b nee is_ ac mg, It seems highly prob­
e attery m the War th d f. 
or perhaps even encro h • ren on e e ge o , retreat had so marred ~c m? upon, _Mr Blackman's pleasant country residence. In which s qmeft sereruty that it ceased to be a desirable 
case, o course he w Id fi l .
with his son, Captain Blackman '. ou , a ter consu tat1on to some more salubrious s ot th' deci~~ to ~ell th e tate and move twentieth century land-o~n~r ~s a~ti~ipatI~g the actions ofcertain this assumption be t s m similar circumstances. Whether 
rue or not Tower Pl h d d . h
possession of Mr Wilr p . h' ace a passe into t e Tower Place as a iam nc ard by the beginning of r 670. hands before it 'was fi p~~perty ~herefore, descended through many Prichard in 6 andna y acqmred by the Crown from Sir William 1 71 ' as near as can be t . d h .
of its owners (the hou . . ascer ·ame , t e succession 
se was m existe . 8 1 f
its erection is unknow ) b nee m 153 t 10ugh the year o 
n can e tabulated as follows : Henry Floos Thomas Bulkeley ?-1480 Thomas Woode r480-? Alice Smythe ?-? Thomas Smythe ?-? Sir Martin Bowes ?-1538 Sir Edward Boughton 1538-1541 Edward Dymoke 154l -1544 Thomas Stanley 1544-1548 John Robynson 1548-1557 Sir Martin Bowes 1557-1560 John Pears, fishmon . 1560-1566 Sir William B gser ~nd Alice his wife l 566-? . . . arnes, eruor 
S1r William Barnes J . ?-16I g
. , uruor -;>
6 6
erem1ah Blackman 1 19-1 50.
J 
Sir William Prichard 1650 ?-1669 
11 Council Register Oct 66 I 669-l67I 80 C,alcndar of Tr~ury 'p~ 7 -Aug. 1668, PRO/PC/2/6o

P· 3G7). pcrs, vol. III, 1669-1672, p. 706 (Warrants Early XVIII, 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
Negotiations for the sale of Tower Place to the Crown d 

w d · 66 were un er 
ay urmg r g. Jonas Moore, Surveyor General of the o d 

wa ·d £ r • . r nance 
s pa1 5 .1or proceeding to Woolw1ch for thirteen days fi ' 
17 

to 29 January I 669 in order to take a grand survey of the ~om and stores there before their delivery into the charge of Pa~~ {-a~ce storekeeper. He received 10s. a day for the first four days : /' a day for the remainder of his stay. He was also granted £:n 21s. December 1669 for going to view the house and ground to b on chased from Mr V\Tilliam Prichard in order to assess the conde.tl;>ur­
ili r . 1mm 
ere .1or construct.mg a wharf.31 He made many journeys to T Place with similar objects in view. On 31 October 1670 he rece~wedr 
r • . h . F , 1ve 
1 .1or a v1s1t e paid on 28 ebruary I 670 to discuss the detail f

£ 0 
settl~ment regarding the forthcoming purchase. Similar sums wse received for subsequent visits on 14 March 1670, 4 April 167~e 15 !uly r 670 and 30 July 1670, connected with the same business' While there, he went into questions concerning the saltpetre stor~ and storehouses in general.32 Captain Valentine Pyne, Master Gunner of England,33 was also interested in the same matter. On 20 November r670, the latter went to Woolwich with Mr Jonas Moore and Mr Bennett to inspect the 'great house', view the wharf and yard> and determine the most convenient site on which to build a powder house. He received 13s. 4d. for his pains.34 Earlier, on 
14 M arch 1669 he had accompanied the Surveyor-General of the Ordnanc to Woolwich to give directions for altering some rooms in the 'great house there to lay saltpetre in'. On 20 April 1670, Captain Pyne again isited Tower Place35 'to mark our ports in the wall of the shot-yard and to stake out a place to prove ordnance'. 
Proof of ordnance had of course been taking place in the Warren for some considerable time prior to the Crown obtaining possession of Tower Place, and many guns from founders were proved there in the period immediately preceding the purchase preliminaries. Captain Pyne, for instance, attended a proof there on 24, 25 and 27 ~ugust 1670, and Jonas Moore was present at a proofof Mr Brown's iron guns at Woolwich on 2 November 1670.36 
At a Council meeting held at the Court ofWhitehall on 4 February 

167°, it is recorded that: 
His Majesty being well satisfied of the want o~ room for his stores of war at Woolwich and Deptford and a proposal bemg made that the great mansion or Manor House called the Tower Place in Woolwich with all the buildings thereunto belonging, together with the sugar-houses, warehouses, 
31 0 
rdnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/1 I. 

32 
Ordn~nce Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/12, P· 104:·. , 

· 83 Appointed 14 December 166:; vice James Wemyss. Original \\!arrants and Orders in Cou ·1 
84 nc1, PRO/WO/55/426, no..J 87. 
: , grdnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/12, P· 135· 
11 rdnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/11.

88 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/11 · 
185 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
tenements, stables smiths' f; a-cl
being betwixt the River of Ti°roes an othe~ storeh?uses situate and courts, gardens and wharv 1ames and the said ~~ns10n house, with all Warren and old orchards :~ti~~fre~nto ?pertammg together with the tenements thereon standing with:~ fve-ouse and tile-houses and two marsh betwixt the River of' Th e ong sea wall and reed ground and 
. ames and the old h d c: ·d d
extendmg from the end of th t bl ore ar a1oresa1 an most easterly fort built by ceo~a~;foresa~d unto the fart~est end of the ditches and fens to the same belono-in of Pn_n~e Rupert with the moats, being the lands and tenements of J~co1:t~mmg 3_I acres or thereabouts, particular thereof made by J M Wilham Prichard according to a nance, (this day read at thonBas <lore, Surveyor of his Maj esty's Ord­
. . e oar ) may b • c:
bmldmg a storehouse for po d ' e a convenient place .1or
th st 
for the proof ofguns: All whi:h~it~ ? er ~res _of war, and for room pleased in Council to orde d . ~JeSty taking mto consideration was Honourable the Lords Co r, .a1: it is hereby ordered, that the Right
rnnuss10ners of th T
hereby authorised to give di· t.· e reasury do, and they are 
rec 10n to the c · •
Master of his Majesty's Ord omm1ss1oners for the office of the said mansion house and lanadnce.to treat and agree for the purchase of 
,n s with the
of the old storehouses and wh appurtenances and for exchange
arves at W 1 · h · 
upon report of the said Co . . 00 wic m part satisfaction. And orders to his Majesty's Att mnus5;ners of the Ordnance that they give directions for dr~wing the ~rnd-fi eneral to view the evidence and give Harbord, his Majesty's Surv ee s Gor sale thereof As also to Sir Charles old storehouse and wharf • eyo~-eneral, to make a particular of the said
1
said Lords Commissioners :f~~ e~to such exchange. And lastly that the ofsuch sums as shall be agreed e reasury d_o take care for the payment on for the said purchase.3i A few days later, Sir Geor e . 
chequer, wrote on F b g Downmg, Bart., a teller of the Ex­15 e ruary 167O s·
attend the Commissioners of to 1r Charles H arbord to
O rd
purchase of several ho . nance who were to treat for the 
. uses mclud· T
Woolw1ch for building t 'h mg ower Place and lands at 
0 
to make out a particul:r :; ouses for the Ordnance ; a nd ~kewise gunwharf, which was t b a~ old_ storehouse and wharf, i.e. the faction of the said la d O e gr:en m exchange towards the satis­above.as n s accordmg to the Order in Council quoted 
On 5 January r671 there 
Harbord for a partic~lar of:as a Treasury warrant to Sir Charles 
wharves at Woolwich b . ome old storehouses tenements and . h e1ongmg t0 h" M . '. t
m c arge before an a d. is aJesty, or 1f they were no 
. u Itor he h 
same, m order that ' was to make out a constat of t e Prichard, in part of a t?1°/nt_ thereof might be made to Williarn 
. sa 1s1act10n £ d • t
mans10n house at Wo . h or, an m exchange of, a grea
1
and lands (mentionedo ~Ic h (Tower Place), and several tenements 11 Council R . m t e Order of the King in Council of 4 a, CaJ eg1ster, October I 66 . II endar ofTreasury Books vof 111pnl 1671, PRO/PC/2/62. 
' p. 222• ' · 'part 2, 1669-1672, p. 528. Out letters (General) 
186 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
February 1670, for causing a survey thereof to be made) which to be by h · d h K. . were 
. . 1m conveye to t e ing according to the contract made with him by the Officers of the Ordnance.ao Things moved slowly, but they moved. On 16 March ·
157 Treasury warrant ~o Sir Heneage Finch, his Majesty's Attor~~ ~ Gene~al, ordered him to prepare a grant to pass the Great Seal ~f premises as follows : 
To William Prichard, merchant tailor of Eltham Kent h.
l\lI . , ' ' viz, is 
aJest~ s old storehouse and wharf called the gunwharf situate Woolw1ch, Kent, containing in length on the north part ne~t the R. at 
Th b r h h .d 1ver
ames a out 2 65 1eet, on t e sout s1 e next Woolwich Street ab t 330 feet, on the east side next a certain lane there leading to a place cal~~d Toddy Tree Watergate about 316 feet, and on the west side next anoth lane there leading to a certain place called Bell Watergate about 2 10 feeet together with the dwelling house, stable and other outhouses, and a ne~ storehouse thereupon built one storey high, ":alued altogether at £so per a1:num, and also two small tenements sta1:dmg on the south side of the said ground next the street called Woolw1ch Street, now or late in the tenure of J ohn Creecher, butcher, and William Seawell, blacksmith valued at £ 4 per annum, together with all ways, waters, watercourses etc.4~ 
Prefixed to this warrant was the following: Constat and ratal of the premises by the Surveyor-General. The premis s are valued at £180 and are to be granted under the Great Seal to Prichard in part satisfaction for the sum of £2,957, to be paid to him by his Majesty for the purchase of a great mansion or manor house called the 'Tower Place' in Woolwich with all the buildings and outhouses there­to belonbaina toaether with sugar houses, warehouses, tenements, stables 
D' 0 ' 
smiths' forge and other storehouses and outhouses, together also with the Warren, old orchard, dovehouse, tyle-houses and n-vo messuages or tene­ments, thereupon, with the long sea wall and bank, reed ground and marsh within the parish of Woolwich an? Plu_mstead; and a piece of ground containing about one acre in Woolwich with a water house thereon erected, and all springs, pipes of lead, water courses and other profits 
thereto belonging. 
This attached statement was dated 22 February 1671. 
By April 1671 the grant was made to Sir William Prichard ~nd the deal completed in regard to Tower Place. All that was requ~ed was the official patent and the payment. The patent followed m a few weeks, but five years were to elapse before Sir William saw the 
colour of his money. A grant unto William Prichard and his heirs of his l\!Iajesty's old store­house and wharfcalled the gunwharfat Woolwich in the County of Kent 
x~iv~rdar of Treasury Books, vol. Ill, part 2, 1669-1672, P· 757• Warrants Early 
4o ' p. 444· 8 \ ,· E l
XX Calendar of Treasury Books, vol. III, part 2, 1669-1672, p. oo. arrants ar y 
XVIII, pp. 22-23. 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
together with the dwelling house, stables and other outhouses there and a new storehouse thereupon built. And also tvvo small tenements with the appurtenances there, in satisfaction of £2,957 to be paid unto him by his Majesty for the purchase of a mansion or manor house with the appurtenances called the Tower Place and divers lands and tenements in the parishes of Woohvich and Plumstead in the said county with such other clauses of non obslantes as are usual in grants of like nature.41 
At the risk of redundancy the grant to Sir William Prichard is quoted: 
Graunt lo S' William Prichard of the old storehouse and wharfe at Woolwich 
17 Jvlay 167142 
Charles the Second by the Grace of God Kino-of Eno·land Scotland, 
' b b ' 
Ffrance and Ireland, Defender of the Faith etc. to All to whom these presents shall come Greeting. Knowe yee that We as well in part of satisfaction of and for the sum ofTwo Thousand ine Hundred and Fifty Seaven Pounds to be paid by Us unto William Prichard of Eltham in the County of Kent, Merchant Taylor, for the Purchase of a ansion or Mannor House with its appurtenances called the TO\,ver Place in Wool­wich in the said County of Kent together with divers Lands and Tene­ments and heridiments within the Parish of Woolwich and Plumstead in the same County. As also for divers other good counsel and consideration 

whereunto especially moving of Our especial Grace certain knowledge and me~e motion, have given and granted, and by these presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors doe give and graunt unto the said William Prichard, his heirs and assigns all that Our old storehouse and Wharfe called the Gunwharfe situate and being in Woolwich aforesaid in the said County of Kent conteyning in length on the North part to the River of Thames about Two hundred and sixtie five feet on the South side next Woolwich S~reete about Three hundred and Thi;ty ffeet, on the East side next a certam Lane there leading to a certain Place called Toddy Tree Watergate about Three hundred and sixteene feete and on the West side next another Lane there leading to a certain Place' called Bell Watergate about Two hundred and tenn feete, together with all that Dwelling house, stables _and other Outhouses and a new storehouse there upon built one story ~igh and also Two small Tenements standing on the South side of the said _Ground next the Streete called Woolwich Streete aforesaid now, or late, ~n the tenure ofJohn Creecher, Butcher, and William Seawell, Blacksmi_th, Together with all ways and water and water-courses possessed 
comm~dity a~d appurtenances to the said promiser or any part thereof belongmg or m any way appurteyning. And the etc. etc.... where~f We have. · · · Our Letters Patent Witness Ourself at Westminster this sea~enteenth day of May in the Three and Twentyeth yeare of Our 
Reign. 
By writt ofPrivy Seale. 
Pigott. 
'1 C.S.P. Charles II 1671 p 211 (D I . )
u Warrants (King's'and 'th. ' W oc9uets, vo. 25, no. 44, April 1671 .0 er 5 oolw1ch), PRO/WO/ss/393, p. 20. 
188 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

As has been said, Sir William Prichard had to wait five years before the conveyance was made and his purchase money handed over, but as he obtained about £800 in interest he was probably satisfied with the deal on the whole. Being a man of considerable fortune he could afford the inevitable delay. 
The following extracts from the Calendar of Treasury Books, Volume V, 1676-1679 foreshadow the end of the transaction. 
Page I I. 3 February I676. The Office of ?rdnance ~o have £4,294 in part of the £14,ooo remaining of their extraor_dmary_; the one moiety thereof in September next and the remainder m March following, to be charged upon_ the.~earth ~one~ Farmers and to be applied to the payment of Sir William Prichard s account for the 
· h 43

gunwharf and houses at Woo1wic • Page I75. 25 March I676. Warrant from Treasurer Danby to Sir Thomas Chichely to direct George Wharton, Payma~te_r of th: Ord­nance, to deliver tallies for £5,363. 5s. 3d. to Srr Willia?1 Pn~hard for houses and lands at Woolwich to be converted to hIS M~Jesty's service in the Office of Ordnance as by a contract made with the said Prichard: said tallies to be taken by Wharton from the £4,2~4 in tallies directed by the warrant of 16 February 1676 to be paid to him from the Ordnance.44 . 
Warrant from Treasurer Danby to Sir
P age 222. 25 M ay I 676• • M Wh
M t of the Ordnance, to direct r. arton

Thomas eh1c. h e 1 y, as er . f £ to deliv · to Sir William Prichard tallies t~ the amount O 3,778. at Woolw1ch to be converted to 
r gs. r d. fior houses and 1ands . 
h . M · , · · the Office of Ordnance, VIZ. purchase
Is a_Je ty s service In D . e to be "d 

money interest and rent to last Lady ay_. sam pai
' • k fc the said Wharton on the 

out of the £4 294 tallies struc or f 6 F b Hearth money 'as by Treasurer Danby's warrant o r e ruary 
1676 45 • 
· • h t tortuous proceedings appears
The last episode In these somew a 

in the Ordnance Treasurer's Le_d~ers.4ps . h d the sum of £3 778 Ji l 6 6 p . d t Sir Wilham nc ar ' .
O

2 I U0J I 7 · ai 6 6 £ the purchase ofdivers rgs. Id. for debenture dated_ r4June 1 ~i;rto his Majesty and for houses and lands at Woolw1ch sold by £ the same to 25 March 
0 

the interest of the said mo~ey an~ re~t b \he Principal Officers of 
I ?7647 as appears by a certificate s1gnde yh Lord High Treasurer h M · , o d d presente tot e
Is aJesty s r nance an d' to a signification from of England for which he is allowed acc~h~n: ley Knight Master­the Right Honourable Sir Thoma~ ;c e Ju~e 1676, 'grounded 
General of his Majesty's Ordnance ate 1 2 
43 Treasury Minute Book V, P· 105· 6644 Warrants not relating to money VI, P· 2 • 
45 Money Book (General), PP· 353, 354/WO/ 8/I5
46 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO,•• 4yed ;0 the Crown. 
47 The date on which the property was conve 
189 





BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
upon the said Lord High Treasurer's warrant dated 25 May 1676, as by the said debenture and acquittance thereon appears the said sum of £3,778. 19s. 1d. 
Having given in some detail the various actions which culminated in the conveyance of Tower Place to the Office of Ordnance, a description of the premises may now be attempted. By the aid of an old plan it has been possible to reconstruct in some measure the appearance ofthe mansion in Bowes's time, and an artist's impression, based on such a reconstruction appears in this volume. Architec­turally Tudor, Tower Place was not one of the stately homes of England, but it was a well-built fair sized country house standing amid its orchards and meadows on the south bank of the Thames, and afforded attractive views to its inmates. The front of the house with its three large bays faced east, and a door in the central bay, giving access to the garden, allowed egress to the lawns and flowers. The main entrance was through the gate-house at the back, i.e. on the western side butting on to Rolt's Lane.4B On its south-eastern corner was a large hexagonal Tudor tower, five floo s in height, while on the north-eastern corner was a smaller turret containing closets. For hearth-tax purposes it was assessed at fifteen hearths and 
was the largest house in the parish of Woolwich. The domain was liberaIIy provided with outhouses, barns, tile-houses, sugar houses, _a dove-house, a forge and stables which were the necessary accompani­ments of a country house in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These enabled the residents to make their nails hino-es and other iro~-work and to carry out their woodwork a~d ge~eral repairs, wh~e the women preserved their food, spun their thread, and wove the1r cloth. The ample acreage made the household self-supporting in the way of fruit, vegetables herbs milk fish meat and corn, rendering 'shopping' in the modern se~se or'the ~ ord unnecessary· The only purchases would be such commodities as could not be made 
or produced at home. The boundaries of Tower Place are given as follows: 
The sugar house and the great mansion house butting on the lane called Rolt's Lane. The orchard butting on the weSt to several tenements of Mr John Kirby in the hand5
Butting 0~ Samuel Bartram, John Bentley and others, and Mr
to 
nd
Richard Cleere in the hands of William Sherwood a
the 0thers, and certain tenements lately Widow Ellery's in the
West hands ofAndrew Bandley, Thomas Hayward and othe~s, and part of the Warren butting on certain tenements in the hands ofJohn Ellery and others. 
" Afterwards called Wi La T . Warren 
amn ne. his must not be confused with the present 

Lanc. 
190 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
The wharf in the hands of John Cloathier and John North Colegate and the long walk to the easternmost fort butting
{ 
the river Thames. 
The islands butting on Doghouse Marshes in the hands of Anne Hatton, the warren part of it on the two acres in
East 
the hands ofJohn Cloathier and the green lane adjoining
{ the field called the ten acres in the hands ofJohn Hankin. 
South { The Warren butting on the common road leading to Plumstead.49 
At this point it is considered desirable to expose two ~allacies which have persisted down to the present day. Both are dev01d of truth and as so-called 'facts' are better forgotten. To do so means a certain anticipation in our story. In the eighteenth c~ntury there was a hexagonal tower alongside Tower Place af~e~ It had been reco~­structed and converted into the Royal Mihtary Academy. This structure known as the Turret, was quite detached from the adjacent building 'and was sometimes referred to as Prince Rupert'~ Tower; i;t fact T ower Place itself is still known by the name of Prince Rupert s Palace. A wooden model of this .tower, presen~ed by C: G. La:1d­mann,so was long preserved in the Roya~ 1!nI!ed ServI~e Institu­tion,51 though it has now vanished, and It 1nd1c~ted qmte clearly that it possessed five floors with staircases runmng from ~oor to floo • It l 1 b n assumed that this structure was bmlt as a 
1. 1as a ways ee h b d 
separate Tower, when, nobody knew, and for w at purpos_e, no o y 
could say. Vincent in his Records of Woolwich perpet1;1ates thIS assump­
t. U r 1 h s rather prone to making statements ex
10n. n1ortunate y e wa . h d I 
t z d · h f to fortify the assert10ns e ma e. n
ea ,ze ra wit out any proo 
Volume I on page 299 he states: 
• es it would appear that Tower Place was 
• .. from these circumstanc . ·cl b t uite detached a originally a family mansion, havmg cl?se ~s1 1:' t uassfgn the motive' of high substantial hexaO'onal 0 column. It is di cu O d" t hi d 11· 
• 1 fi ·n s an appen ix o s we mg
the builder in providing this O ty ?1 dar a r. its ornamental aspect 
PI p "bl . h been raise mere1y ior ' 
ace. oss1 y it may ave . . h ve been intended for a 
r. h . b · cl from 1t · or 1t may a 
or ior t e view to e game ' Th • however a real present­
. "fi b hot tower ere is, ' 
sc1ent1 c o se~vatory, or a s. · cl admirable model at the United ment ofthe edifice to be seen ma large and "t rpose at leisure etc .... I Service Institution, by which we may stu y !r.s p~ that the tower was one 
th· k h fi "bl ition I can ouer is
m t e most eas1 e suppos cl t ious parts of the Thames of those look-out posts which were plante a ;arnwich and the City of for the protection of the royal palace at ree 
London. 
· h i680-1682, PRO/W0/49/182.
49 Special Book of Estimates, Woolwic 't·fication at the R.M.A. 1777-1815. 
so Isaac Landmann was Professo~ of_Foili~ Royal United Service Institution. 
61 No trace of this model now exists 10 
191 
14 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

And as a foot-note he adds: 
For instance, it is stated in the chronicles of the City that in 1380 John Phclippot, late Mayor of London, undertook, at his own cost, to build a tower on the banks of the Thames 'sixty king's feet in height' to protect the shipping and the city from hostile attacks and alarm, and the city undertook the building of a second tower. 
The footnote is perfectly correct and the chronicle referred to is : 
Proposal to build a Tower on eitlzer side of tlze Thames for tlze protection of the shipping, John Plzelippot paying tlze expenses ofone of them. (4 Richard II, A.D. r 380, Letter Book H, fol. cxxv (Latin)) It is not worth quoting, but the document makes it plain that the second tower, to be subscribed for by a levy of 6d. in the pound on rental, was to be built opposite the one promised by John Phelippot, so that a chain to safeguard shipping could be stretched across the river. The site of the tower on the London side was to be within the hamlet of Redeelyve-now Ratcliffe-in the parish of Stepney. It is quite obvious that only the two towers were contemplated and neither was to be within eight miles of Woolwich. As the entry is run through 
with a pen, as though cancelled, Riley considers that the scheme was probably never carried out.52 The proofs that the Turret or Tower was part of the original Tower Place mansion are: 
(a) 
Its portrayal in Paul Sandby's sketch is that of a Tudor tower similar to those at the tilt-yard at Greenwich. 

(b) 
The tO\-ver is clearly indicated in the plan of Tower Place drawn by Sir Bernard de Gomme in 1682. It there forms part of the structure of the house. 

(
c) The ground plan ofthe house in 1717, before its conversion, brought to a common scale with that of the plan of the building, after its recon­struction, in Barkers Map of 1749 and superimposed on it, shows the tower (which had been left standing) of the original house to be on the identical site of the later 18th century turret. 

(d) 
There is no mention of a tower among the appurtenances of Tower Place in any description of the property. 

(e) 
An Ordnance Bill Book under date 31 March 1742, states that Joseph Pratt lVas paid £1,085. 1s. 7fd. for certain items of work. One of these was 'Cutting down a buttress and new facing the turret where the brickwork of the old building bonded with it.'53 


Legend No. I dissolved in mist. 
The second, that Prince Rupert lived in Tower Place which there­fore became known as Prince Rupert's Palace is easily dismissed. The title Prince Rupert's Palace never occurs in any official Ordnance 
Journal, nor is there any record that Prince Rupert ever went into 
aa Mlmllrials of London and London Life, H. T. Riley, 1868, p. 444. 11 Ordnance Bill Book, ries II, PRO/W0/51/148, p. 231. 
192 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

Tower Place. He certainly never resided there. After his retirement 
from public affairs in I 673, he lived at Spring Gardens and Windsor 
Castle. No doubt this story was invented and gained circulation 
because the Prince was responsible for building the batteries at 
Woolwich in 1667 on a site adjacent to Jeremiah Blackman's prop­
erty. It is extremely doubtful whether he would ever even have set 
foot in the precincts. 
Sir William Prichard, from whom Tower Place was purchased, 

was a man of many parts. He was born about 1632, the son and heir 
of Francis Prichard of Horsley Down, Surrey, by his wife, the 
daughter ofEdward Egleston. Francis Prichard was born in or about 
1607 and was lineally descended from Ruthergh ap Richard, who 
was seised of lands called Hendre in Co. Caernarvon. The said 
Francis and his wife were buried in St Olave's, Southwark, and had 
issue, besides William, one son Richard, a lieutenant at sea, who 
was killed in an engagement with the Dutch at the age of eighteen, 
and three daughters, Mary, Hannah and Marth~. 
William Prichard besides being a merchant tailor of Eltham, was a large contractor t~ the Board of Ordnance, supply~g them with many commodities, such as tiles, bricks, fodder, matenals generally, cordage and tarred rope. He was knighted on 28 October 1672. He became a sheriff in the same year and was Lord Mayor of London 1683-i 684. He was also M.P. for the said ?ity in 1702. I~ r673, he purchased the Minories for £4,300 from Sir Thomas Ch1chely. J:Ie was President of St Bartholomew's Hospital,. Colonel of the vyrute Regiment of Trained Bands and Vice-President of the Ar~lery Company. He was elected President of the Honourable Artillery Company on October r 681. In r683, he purchased the manor and
4 L. I', d Co Bucks and became the patron of that

esta te of Great 1n1or , • , . living. He founded and endowed a hospital and school-ho_use at Great Linford. In 1579, he gave a piece of ~round to Woo~wich for th f h H h d a residence at Highgate, Co. Middlesex.
e use o t e poor. e a He was a member of the Merchant Taylor's Company. f F . · · · · d S h 2nd daughter o ranc1s
Sir William Prichard marne ara , 
6

Cooke of Kingsthorpe. He was baptised on I I February WI_311~ at 
K. . f h· arriage was one son-1 iam
ingsthorpe. The only issue o t is m . d b · d t -who died on r6 March 1685 aged sixteen an was une a 
Great Linford on 24 March following. d h l\,f · Sir William died at his house in Heydon Yar ' t e d inor~es, -0~ Sunday 18 February I 705 in his seventy-fou:th ydeaCrhan ,hvas hune d Great Linfor urc ' w ere a 
on I March 1705 in a vault un er . ·n dated 29 December rnonument is erected to his memory. His wi 'ther bequests he left 
0

1702 was proved on 17 April 17°5· Among . . h. -~ Sh an a~nuity of£1 200 and his house in the ~1noneGs to lSLl~; e.d 
d. , d buried at reat 1uor on 
ied there on 23 April 17 I 8 an was 
193 



6 May 1718. By her will dated 20 April 1707, she left numerous charitable bequests. 54 
The acquisition of Tower Place initiated a spate of activity in the affairs of the Ordnance at Woolwich. Not only had much con­structional work to be undertaken, but guns and stores had to be moved to their new depot from the old gunwharf. Paul Linby was a tower ofstrength in all these operations. He was what would now, in familiar terms, be described as a 'good old scout', and his work and energy must have been invaluable in this new venture. 
On gJune 1671, he was paid £124. 12s. gd. in full satisfaction of a debenture dated r r March 1670 for three jobs of prime import­ance.55 
(a) 
For filling the forefront of the new wharf at Tower Place, which was 265 feet long, 14 feet deep, 80 feet wide and 28 feet broad with marsh clay, 7:oat at t~e bottom and 5 foot at the top, ramming do~n the same and fillmg up with earth, and covering the top with a foot of gravel and sand. 

(b) 
Building a gun platform I 15 feet long. 

(c) 
Erecting two butts. One, 113 feet long, g feet deep and 16 feet broad; and the other, 124 feet long, 8 feet deep and 7 feet broad. 


. Bet~een r February and 2 r March 1670, Paul Linby was engaged m pullmg up the pavement at Tower Place in fitting and clearing the storehouses to receive saltpetre, and on'constructional work at t~e new wharf. On r8 July 1670, he received £ 27. 12s. 4t d. for disbursements to 15 labour~rs in connection with these operations. On? July 1670, an entry 1n the Bill Book states that Paul Linby received £ 17. 1rs. gd. for disbursements by him to workmen en­gaged_on the new wh_arf, on digging the foundation ofthe great crane, 0~ fittmg up a saw-pit on the new gunwharf and digging a new saw­p~t t?erein. These ':orkmen or labourers a'ssisted the carpenters in ~ggi~g ~e foundatmns to lay the mud silts for the wharf, in helping to pitt timber and other services ordered by Mr Safrey and Mr 
Rogers from 2I March I 67o to 24 M fill . ,
F h' k ay o owmg . 
or t is wor the men were paid as shewn: 
Richard Wahan-21 M h 6 /6 d
arc I 70 to 25 May 1670-55 days at 1 P· · 
Thomas Dasett-21 M h 6 £4. 2s. 6dd. 
arc l 70-21 May 1670-51 days at 1/6 P· · 
J h G £3. 16s. 6d. 
o n ronor-21 March 1670-21 May 1670-51 days at r/6 p.d. 16s. 6d.
£3
Roger Preston-21 M h 6 · d
arc r 70-18 May 1670-48 days at r /6 P· · £3. 12s. od. 
" Details of the life death fi al d . · in

Miscellanea Gtrllalogica ;, Heraldic UINr an_ will of Sir William Prichard are given H Ordnance Treasurer's Ledg~~' ;R0/~()1~j/;,PP· 351-352, 1874. 
194 
THE BEGINNI GS OF TOWER PLACE 
For digging the foundation for the great crane, the following were paid as shewn: 
Richard Vayne-4½ days at 1 /6 p.d. -6s. gd. Henry Hawke-4½ days at I /6 p.d. -6s. gd. Henry Costing-5 days at I /6 p.d. -7s. 6d. John Dickinson-4½ days at I /6 p.d. -6s. gd. Paid to Richard Vayne for digging one double saw-pit and one single 
one in the gunwharf 3 days at 1 /6 4-f. 6d. Paid to Henry Costing for filling up the saw-pits in the gunwharf-2 days at I /6 3s. od. Total: £17. 11s. gd. 7 July 167056 
Although Paul Linby had been called 'storekeeper' the title was honorary and in no sense official. He could with more justice have been described as the Quarter-master of the Establishment, a term which would have expressed his functions more accurately. The first a1:1-thentic storekeeper at Tower Place, the one who began the line of'Arsenal' storekeeping officials which conti~ues down to the present day, was Captain Francis Cheeseman, app01nted 1 February 1670, under a warrant issued by Sir Thomas Chicheley, Master of the Ordnance. He was paid quarterly at the rate of £100 p.a. and was allowed an additional £20 a year for a personal clerk.57 Within a few years the storekeeper's salary was reduced to £30 p.a.58 and later 
stabilised at £40 p.a.59 • • With the exception of firework making and saltpetre refini~g, references to which will appear later, there was as _yet no production at Woolwich • in fact Tower Place could not be said to have become
' ' . . . 
a factory till the turn of the century. There ~as, 1t IS true, a certain amount of carriage repair, but as gun carnages at the end of ~e seventeenth century were still simple woo~en structures, the mam­tenance of which merely required the services of a carpenter, such work could not legitimately be described as manufac_ture. Actually more than a hundred years were to elapse bef~re a Carnage Department was set up. The main operations during the_ infancy of T?wer Place were connected with the building, convers10n and repair of store­houses, wharves and cranes, the erection of butts for _the proof ~nd 
· f d and shot and the construction of various 
expenment o or nance , • 
h. h peri·ence showed to be desirab1e. After the 
appurtenances w 1c ex f 
sale of the Artillery Garden a good deal of proo _converged on · h d pri·or to the sale guns were being proved on
WooIw1c , an even ' d .r. 11 f h 
· "d ble numbers The recor s are 1u o sue
the Warren m cons1 era · . .
·1 b b 1 t them would besides being ted10us, serve no
deta1 s u t to ta u a e , 
12
56 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 / , PP· g3, 64· 
67 Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/W0/51/ 13, P· 1 • 
58 Ordnance Quarter Book, PRO/W0/54/33, 1~i~· 
69 
Ordnance Quarter Book, PRO/WO/54/44, 1 • 195 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
useful purpose. In October 1670, Paul Linby repaired the butts at Proof Place, Woolwich, for which he was paid £2. 1,µ. od. on 22 June 1671.60 John Colegate, blacksmith, was continuously em­ployed at Tower Place between 1 September and 31 December 1670. There was iron work for the Warren gates, iron work for the shot­yard and repairs to the 'great house' as well as to the storehouses. As usual there was a time lag in his payment. Not till 13 September 1671, was his account for £26. 14-J'. 1½d. settled.61 Woolwich by this time was obviously becoming a place of importance in the scheme of national defence for in 1672 an estimate of £125. 13s. od. was submitted for the erection ofa storehouse for fireworks in the Warren. The building was to be 70 feet long and 20 feet wide with doors and 
lock complete.62 In the same year another estimate was made for the carriage of guns, mountings, shot etc. from the old yard to the office of His Majesty's Ordnance at Tower Place. Details were as follows: 
Loading and drawing shot from the old yard to the new: Per load rs. 4d. Drawing guns from the} Guns {3ocwt. and upwards 4S· od. old yard to the Warren 3ocwt. and under 2s. 6d. 
This referred to the prices which were to be paid in moving ord­nance and shot from the gunwharf after its alienation to Sir William Prichard to their new home on the Warren. Paul Linby with his team of horses was the man who carried out this removal and he received pay at the above quoted rates. 

On 17July 1672, Jonas Moore proceeded to Woolwich to settle about the houses for fireworks and later paid another visit with Sir Bernar~ de Gomm~ to set out the ground for a 'powder place'. He '":as paid £2 for his trouble on each occasion.63 On 18 July 1672, Sir Ber;11ard de Gomme was given a similar sum for journeying ~o Woolw1ch to stake o_ut ,the new fortifications there. 64 John Brewer did a good deal of glaziers work in and around Tower Place between 17 Aug~~t 1671 and 25 March 1672, in addition to which he made many vmts to Woolwich to deliver saltpetre between October I 67 1 and Ma~ 1672. The connection between mending windows and transportm~ sal~petre is not apparent and why John Brewer should have acted m this double capacity is a mystery. Trades in those days were not s~ clear!~ defined as they are today, and men were often fou~d turrung th~rr h~nds to jobs normally beyond the range of tbeir craft. Paul Lmby 1s a classic example. He acted as storekeeper, 
10 Ordnance Bill Book S · I 
1

11 Ordnance Bil~Book: s:;;: 1l' ::g~gf5 J13, P· 2~· 11 Ordnance &timates, PROJW0/4g/182 5l 13, P· 5 · 11 Ordnance Bill Book S · II p • 
"Ordnance Bill Book' Ser~es 11' PRROfW0/51/14, p. 125. 
' cries , O/WO/51/14, p. 123. 
196 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

craneman, hoy-master, scavel man, carter, teemster and general factotum when the services of a useful man were in demand. John Colegate was again busy at Woolwich during the autumn of 1671 and the spring of 1672. He was there producing saws, making iron­work for the furnaces and the refining house, and repairing ships' carriages.65 For these services he did not receive his payment of £127. 7s. od. till 7 January 1673 and this sum inclu_ded his wages for the last six months of 1671.66 One wonders how artisans managed to live in such circumstances. In many ways Tower Place at this period must have been rather like a pioneer community in the New World. Everything had to be improvised till it could be rep~aced by something more suited to the ~eeds of the moment, and patience 
must have been a virtue greatly in d~mand. . On 2s July 1673, Captain Francis Cheeseman was pai_d -f,272. gs. 4d. for sums disbursed y.o se~eral,labo~rers to crane ships c_ar­riages and other stores for his MaJesty s servic~ o_n board,for mountu~g guns of the Line and at Gallions, fo!' assis~1ng the firemaster m preparing and making materials and mgredients for fireworks, for breaking up old fireworks, and for chimney money taxes upon the official d elling houses and other services between 4 February 1671 and '26 July 16 _67 Between 1o June 1671 and 13 No~ember 1671,
73 
.c. t r carried out work at the Refimng House at
H enry Sa1rey, carpen e , d M 
.c h" h he was paid £15. 10s. o . on g arch
T ower Pl ace, 1or w 1c d b 
68 A .r.. .c. h ti·ng ordnance was erecte etween 24 July
6
1 73. iUrnace 1or ea b il b Ed 
672 at Tower Place. It was u t y ward
1672 and 12 August 1 d · h h 
· b J h c 1 ate the smith was concerne wit t e
Sherw1n, ut o n o eg , ' J..d .c. h. h f h 
· k H b · d yment of £8. os. 7 2 • 1or 1s s are o t e
iron wor . e o ta1ne pa 
work on 17 J anuary 1673,69 f 1 fini There was evidently a considerable an1;ount60 sa 6tp8et_re ~e ng 
k. W . h during the period 1 70-1 o, a 1ew ex­
ta 1ng pace1 at oo1wic k h" 1 o 26 J 
tracts from the records will suffice to ma e t dis £c e~. ~ une 
0 1
1674 William Buckler was paid £ 275· os. • or ~ ~a f' car~ and ~ttendance in double refining several great kquant1tles ol rodug 1 • h d 1 oking after the wor men ernp oye on sa tpetre at Woolw1c an ° b and 24 June 1674. His
571 
the operation between 30 Septem die: I to a signification from the 
rat f £ 00 a year accor ng
O 1
e pay was S t mber 1673. Four days later 
Master of the Ordnance dated 30 fe£p6e 4 11s iod for refining at 
· dd" · al sum o 7 ·· · ·
h e was paid the a ition W · h' 245 tons 6 cwt. 18 lb. of
1
'h. M . ' fi . house at oo w1c
1s aJesty s re ning . . . t 206 tons 9 cwt. 2 qrs. 7 lb. 
d d hvenng into sore 
rough sa1tpetre an e hen refined of the amount of roughof pure saltpetre, the product w 66 . II PRO/WO/51 /14, p. 16. Ordnance Bill Book, Series ' PRO/WO/48/12.
66 
Ordnance Treasurer's L~dg1f'PRO/\VO/51/15, p. l 80. 
67 Ordnance Bill Book, Series 'PRO/W_O/48/12. 
88 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PR0/\\'O/48/12.
811 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, 197 





BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
saltpetre stated above. The signification of Sir Thomas Chicheley dated 30 September 1673 was based on articles of agreement dated 14 September 1671 between William Buckler and the Principal Officers of the Ordnance.70 At this time, the Minories was the principal depot for saltpetre in the country and George Wharton was the storekeeper for saltpetre both there and at Woolwich, being appointed on r April 1670.71 His clerk was Edward Hubbald. Edward Hubbald used to pay frequent visits to Woolwich in this connection, especially between 1672-1673 to weigh out rough saltpetre. His pay 
for this service was IOs. per diem. John Brewer made similar journeys for the same purpose. On 28 July 1676, Edward Hubbald was paid £266. I Is. gd. for wharfage charges and labourers in receiving and transporting to Woolwich 13,315 bags of saltpetre weighing 700 tons net, purchased from the East India Company between 14 February 1675 an~ 23 March 1675.72 Saltpetre, being such a rare and costly commodity, was accorded more deference than almost any other raw material. Hence its special storekeeper. George Wharton continued to be that storekeeper at the Minories and Woolwich till 30 Septem­
ber 1681, when Woolwich was allowed a storekeeper ofits own. This was Edw~rd Hubbald who was appointed storekeeper for saltpetre at Woolwich on I October 1681 and continued there till 31 December 1694 when the local appointment was abolished. 73 After that date the _Tow~r beca~e the only repository and Edward Hubbald, trans­~ernng his energies to that fortress, remained in charge of saltpetre till 31 December 1699: Incidentally, during his tenure as saltpetre 
storekeeper at ~oolwich he officiated as storekeeper there from 1 October 1683 till 3 r March 1686, during the temporary transfer of Thomas Peach to Tilbury between those dates. 
On 28 May r674, the following labourers were appointed by the B~ard to Woolwich:John Chard,John Packman,John Day, Richard Hill, John Wattson and John Jenkins.74 The total establishment at Tower P~ace was therefore, the storekeeper, his clerk, Paul Linby 
and the six labourers. Between the years r670 and r675 the amount of maintenance normal to a? establishment of this ~ize was carried out, and the 
0rdn

ance Bill Books teem with details illustrative of the repairs effected to the fabric of the 'great house' and to other buildings in Towe_r Place. A tabulation of such items would be tedious. Storms wereJUSt as responsible for damage to storehouses in the seventeenth c;;~uh_as they are in the twentieth, in fact probably more, since the 0 -as ioned sheds were not so robustly constructed as their modern 
70 Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/W 71 Ordnance Quarter Book PRO/WO/ /0/51/16, pp. 4, 5. 72 Ordnance Treasurer' ~d 54 28. 
,. Warrants MG O sd B ger, PRO/WO/48/15. 
· · · an oard PRO/WO/ /
"Ordnance Journal Book PRO'/WO/ / 55 470.
' 47 19B. 
198 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
counterparts. Wood was less resistant to the effects of weather than brick, and timber girders, subject to rot and attack by insect pests, lacked the lasting qualities of steel. 
The butts, too, gave constant trouble. Baulks of fir, reinforced by rammed earth and turf soon tended to crumble under the repeated impact of solid shot fired at close range, particularly when the rain had already loosened and partially washed away the supporting sand and gravel. When guns were laid for proof on the Warren on 23 February 1675, Captain Valentine Pyne had to proceed there in order to issue instructions for the repair of the butt. For this service he received 13s. 4d. on 12 December 1675.75 This visit resulted in a Board's order dated 21 September 1675 to reconstruct the proof-butts and on 31 March 1676, Paul Linby was paid £75. 14.s. 4d. for the works as follows :76 
For making 3 butts of earth containing I I 3 floors at £39. I IS. od.
7s. per floor 15. OS. od.
For facing them with turf 
For making and levelling the platform where the 
5· OS. od.
guns lie for proof 
For 485 loads of gravel for the Proof Place at Bd. a 16. 3s. 4d.
load Total: £75. 14>. 4d. 
The Board's order77 of 2 1 September 1675 was '~hat the _old butt at W oolwich for the proof of ordnance be forthwith repaired and increased in size in order to prove a greater number of ordn~nce according to the directions given by the Surveyor of Ordnance .. 
howing signs of wear under the strong action
The wharf, too, was S . p · h d · d 
of the tides. On June 1676, Sir Wilham nc ar rece1v_e
I 
r. d't'oni'ng the wharf and bank near the slUice
£ 97. 3s. 4d. 1or recon 1 1 . 
·on had taken place, according to a t T ower Place, where erosl 78 
the measurements certified by John Hill. 
For double landtying and shoreing the wharf45 feet 
IOS. od. long, ro feet high at 30s. per foot fi h' h
6 
os. od.
For foot wharfing the bank, 5° feet long eet ig 
at 10s. per foot . · fter For 14 floors ofearthwork caSt out and m agam a 
4. 13s. 4d. the wharf was framed at 6s. 8d. per foot 
Total: £97. 3s. 4d. 
. f saltpetre firework making was the
Apart from the refin1ng O ' d r. di l 
. . . W . h Set pieces were ma e 1or sp ay,
pnnc1pal industry at oo1w1c • 
75 . II PROfWO/51/18, P· 128. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Ser~es • PRO/WO/s1/r8, p. 184. 
76 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, B 
:7 OrdnanceJournal Book,_PR0/1f/}J..,t6/~l/r8, p. 208. John Hill was a Cl rk of 
6 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, t • => 
the Office of Ordnance. 
199 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
particularly for the King's birthday, as well as types for warlike purposes. In fact, Sir Martin Beckman, who had become Firemaster on 4June 1661,i9 was by warrant80 dated 11 August 1688 appointed 'Comptroller of ffireworks as well for Warr as Tryumph'. His place as Firemaster had been taken earlier on 19 October 1670 by Captain Ernest Henry de Reus, when the former was promoted Engineer to the Office of Ordnance.81 On 24 May 1673, Ernest Henry de Reus was paid £2 for the labour and materials in fitting up two water petards for Prince Rupert on 29 March 1673, and 40s. for 4 days travelling expenses in connection with the work in question. In addition to this he was also paid £35. 6s. 8d. in making a firework for his Majesty's birthday. This must evidently have been an enor­mous undertaking as he was employed on its manufacture from 18 February 1671 until 2 June 1671 at a wage of 6s. 8d. a day.82 A 
few years afterwards, the six Woolwich labourers who formed the 
' 
permanent staff, spent some five weeks, for which they received pay­ment as under on 16 August 1667, in repairing and fitting fireworks. 
John Clare83 -39 days at r/-p.d.-£1. rgs. od. Richard Hill -39 days at 1/-p.d.-£1. rgs. od. John Watson -37 days at r /-p.d.-£1. r7s. od. Jolm Packman -37 days at r/-p.d.-£r. 17s. od. Jo~~ Day -39 days at r /-p.d.-£r. 19s. od. W1l11am Sherman81 -20 days at 1/-p.d.-£r. os. od. 
This was presumably in addition to their normal wage of £26 per annum. In additi?n to this they, together with Paul Linby, received '2 /-per day a~d rught for their extraordinary services in attending and ,~atc?mg for 4 days and nights to fire the ordnance on the Line 
(i.e. m the Warren) and on the bank at Gallions when the Prince of Orange passed down the Thames on his return home. This made a total of £ 13. 7s. od.95 In the following year John Slade who although. graded as a 1abourer must have been an ' experienced ' work­man smce he received 3s. 4d. a day ·d £ 4d on
o t b , was pa1 ro. 3s. .
22 O 6
c er_r 78 for going to Woolwich to assist in making fireworks, some of ~~1ch were for the fireships under construction.86 Mr Wilham Sheepy had I M
now rep aced Mr Henry Safrey as asterCarpenter to the Board d h • 1 · h
b , an e was busily engaged at Woo w1c etween 25 March 1678 and 30 June 1678 in repairing ships' 1, Warrants M.G.O. and Board PRO/G 

ao Warrants and Orders in C ' . & D/37, no. 13. d 27 August 1688 PR011,VQ/~ / ouncil, PR0/W0/55/335 and M.G.0.'s warrant date 11 0 d Q' , • .:>5 472, p. 73. 
az r nance uarter Book, PRO/WO 28 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO~~,$bi·81 6 u 81 Pe~h_aps the same man as John Chard 4 I • 
" ~!i:~tn&:tadSer~plalcled John jenkins. ,. 0 dn . ' ries 'PRO/W0/51/20 6 
r ance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/ / ' p. I •
51 21, p. 18. 
200 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

carriages. On 28 April 1680 he was paid £197. 11s. 1 rd. for this work.87 
By now the butts were again requiring attention. Paul Linby had a contract, dated 20 March 1680, for shifting the two butts of earth at his Majesty's ProofPlace at Woolwich and for 'new-making' them 14 feet broad at the bottom, 6 feet broad at the top, 8 feet high and 320 feet long. This also entailed making 187 floors for both and repairing the main butt which time and the elements had succeeded in making defective. He was paid £30 for this work which he received on 30 September 168o,ss a lag of six months, which, considering the 
times, was remarkably quick paymen~. . . Early in the following year, a special experiment with a fire-shot was carried out by Captain Leake, ~aster Gun1:er of England,_ in the presence of Charles II. This was evidently considered an occas~on of great importance which required a good deal of preparation including some adaptation to the but~s._ On 18 November 1680, an estimate for these butts prepared by Wilham Sheepey, 1:1aster carpen­ter, which amounted to £go. 2 s. 6d.,89 was sent to Sir Bernard de Gomme for him to report 'the reasonableness thereof' to the Board 
by 'next Office day'.90 Being considered reasonable, a contract da~ed 8 February 1681 was placed with Sir William ~arren fo: makm~ two b tt d 1 · latform of oak at Woolw1ch for this expen­
u s an aymg a p . w·ir w 

ment.91 The day before this contract was signed, Sir 1 mm . arren 
had intimated that '56 faddoms92 of good fadam wood fo: filling up 
· d aring at Woolwich' would

between the butts now making an prep d be sufficient for the purpose, and that the price ag:ee on, namely h·11· .c. d ·table Sir William putting the wood on
12 s 1 1ngs a 1a om, was su1 , . 93 board his lighters at his wharf at his own charge. d ull 94 The entries in the Bill Books regarding this work rea as O ows: . . W n was paid £33. 12s. od. for the 
2 I February r68r Sir W1l1iam arre b d t w 1 fadoms of wood fo; the filling up between the butts t~ e ~~ ~a. tyo~ ­wich for a fire-shot experiment there to be presente dtod is aJes din 
ary 1681 groun e upon an or er 

pursuance of a warrant dated I 8 Febru ' d Bo d d t d
fi • M · t 's Ordnance an ar a e 
rom the Commissioners of his aJes JFebruary 1531 according to a 1 7 February 1681, and a contract of F dom •wood-2 foot long· certificate of Mr Cricke95 and Mr Roope~-. ; [adorns at 12s. per fadom'. such fadom 6 foot in height and 6 foot broa ' 5 
:; Ordnance T!easurer's L~dger, PRR00//'08/1 4~//~~: p. 35.
5
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, P 89 Ordnance Estimates, PRO/W0/49/182• f. 7
1
90 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/io, · · 
91 Ordnance Estimates, PRO/W0/49/182• ure or quantity in this case 72 cubic 

92 Faddom, fadam, fadome, Jadom, meant a meas feet; also it meant afathom. / 0 f 1,,3
93 Ordnance Journal Book, PR0/\\0/47 bi ;/2-p. III. 
9 

~ Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO~~ J m~e Assistant Surveyor of Ordnanc 115 Mr Cricke was Clerk to Sir Bcmar c O ' and his Majesty's Chief Engineer. 
201 





BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
15 March 1681. Sir William Warren for building 2 butts and making a platform at Woolwich for making an experiment before his Majesty by Captain Richard Leake, Master Gunner of England according to a con­tract dated 8 February 1681 and a warrant of the same date to Captain 

Leake.  
For two butts  OS.  od.  
For 7 squares 45 foot of platform at £4.  IOs.  od.  
per square  IOS.  o£d.  
For repairing the old platform with planks, a nd  
workmanship  £1. OS.  
For roping and carriages for the experiment  
Total: £66.  4£d.9s  

It will thus be seen that the whole project cost £99. 15s. 4¾d. against an estimated charge of £go. 2s. 6d. 
Captain Richard Leake was a person of note in Woolwich. Born at Harwich in 1629, he took service under Parliament in the Civil War and held a commission in the 'rebel' fleet under the command of the Earl of Warwick. Detesting it, however, he deserted and volunteered for the king's service. He then retired to Holland where, entering the Dutch Artillery, he improved himself in the arts of ~~nnery and engineering. Afterwards he returned to England and 
JOmed the merchant service. On the Restoration he quitted this employment and was made a gunner of a man-of-war. H e was then promoted to be_master gunner of the Princess, a Fourth R ate ship of 660 tons mountmg 50 guns and built by Daniel Furzer in r 660. For good work in this vessel_ he was ~ranted £ 30 on 8 June 1667 by the Duke of York, Lord High Admiral, he, having, by warrant dated 13 ~ay, 1667 of the Commissioners for executing the offices of his ~aJ:sty s Ordnance, been appointed one of his Majesty's gunners wit~m the 1:'0 wer _of Lond~n in consideration of his good and faithful 
service to his Majesty durmg the war with the French Danes and Dutch. He remained in the Princess till 3 May 166g ;hen he was ~ransferred as gunner to the Royal Prince, a First Rate ship. He served m the engage~ent ~gainst the Dutch Admiral, Van Tromp, in 1673. The Royal Prince hemg crippled in action Leake had a warrant to be gunner ~fthe Neptune, a Second Rate ship at Chatham, and about 1675 w~ _given command of a yacht, i.e. a hoy of improved pattern, 

a fast sailmg vessel of fore and aft rig. Finally by patent dated 21 May 1677, Captain Richard Leake was granted for life the office of Ma~ter , Gunner of England and appointed Storekeeper of his Ma.1esty s ordnance and stores of war at Woolwich. 
Lea_ke was a ma~ ofsound technical knowledge and spent his tirne carrymg out expenments to improve the efficiency of the somewhat 
" Ordnance Bill Book, Series II PRO/WO/ /
' 51 23, p. 112. 
202 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
simple armaments of his time. After moving to Woolwich he spent the remainder of his life living in Tower Place which had been adapted to meet his requirements. There he performed his duties with zeal and ability though the keeping of the stores remained in the hands of the official storekeeper• He took his share in the local government of the town, attending the meetings of the Vestry and signing the books. He died at Woolwich on 22 July 1696, his wife Elizabeth pre-deceasing him on I September 1695 at the age of sixty-four. A monumental inscription w~s erected !o their memory in St Mary's Church, Woolwich. After his death, his son, who after­wards became Admiral Sir John Leake, was offered his father's old 
post but the offer was declined. . . 
Before the great trial scheduled to be earned 0 1:t ~n the presence ofthe sovereign had taken place, a smaller though smular experiment was undertaken. On 18 August i 68o, Mr Sheepey was ordered to 
proceed to Woolwich at once and 'erect a bu~t of elm timber according to the directions of the French firewo_rker so that the latter could make a fire-shot trial. Mr Sheepey was mstructed to use such elm as was already in store at Woolwich 9~nd to J?rovide such additional timber as might prove necessary. Forty-six pounds of o d 11 ed for this experiment and was ordered out of his
P w er was a ow d 9s Majesty's storehouse in the Office of Or nan~e. Buildings by now were beginning to deteriorate and ne:~ atten­ti·o o J 1 68o an estimate was prepared for reparrmg the 
n. n 19 u y I ' 0 d 99 Th. £ 11 sheds at Woolwich amounting to £5°:dI?~ "6 h ~~was :V o7e~ by an order from the Board which sa1 t a~ y s e at oo w 
e p r h nd ye shedds for carnages there be forthwth 
along y roo1e-ouse a d · h · di 1 
· d d h persons be contracte wit 1mme ate y to
R epa1re , an t at some d h h 
· h d · h h provided they do not excee t e c arge
go 1n an wit t e same_ . 
, 100 
of the survey as the same is estimated · local 'tradesmen' at Tower Place. When 
There were of course no d d
• · d the normal proce ure was to sen 
any technical service was require S · 1 1 ·vili·
d h T ofLondon ometimes oca c1 an 
own an artificer from t e ower · · 1 · b For instance on craftsmen were contracted for some specia JOk · t W 1 '· h I 6 N b 68 M Thomas Peach the store eeper a oo wic ' 
?vem er I o, r . . ' whether there was a wheel-was instructed to make enquines as ~o h h t barrows before the Wright in Woolwich who could repair t ~s ~ 101 
authorities ordered a man to attend from on on.d thefts of H M 
Crime, too, existed in seventeenth cent~ry a; November 1680. property took place. On the same dlayb, i.e. 1who embezzled th; Mr Peach was ordered 'to carry the a ourer 
:' OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0//47//9, ~ ~~-9 September 168o. 
8 
Ordnancejournal Book, PRO/WO 47 9, · ' 
: 9 Ordnance Estimates, PRO/WO/49/182• October 1680.
1 ; Ordnancejournal Book, PRO/WO/47/9,? 10 and PRO/WO/,,H/10, f. 16. 
10 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/9, · 4 
203 





BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
iron-work at Woolwich before some Justice of the Peace, so that he may examine him and order him such punishment as he shall deem lawful' .101 
The wharfs were again giving trouble and an estimate for £37. 6s. od. was put forward on 24 January 1680 for repair.102 
There was considerable proof at Woolwich during the year I 681. On 1I March 1680, a new 'camp shott' 160 foot long was to be made on the Warren for proving ordnance. This together with the repair of the old one and the making up of the proof-butts was to cost 
6d.103
£103. 2s. On 26 April 1681, it was ordered that all guns at Tower Hill and on the Tower wharf which were fit to be reproved were to be sent down to Woolwich for reproo£ It was also ordered that 'the Surveyor and Assistant Surveyor of his Maj esty's Ordnance take care to see the same guns marked out, and the Clerk of the Deliveries to draw a proportion for the same and see the same immediately and send to Woolwich as aforesaid, and that a gyn, ropes, etc. be issued for this service' .104 On 5 July 1681, it was ordered that 'several brass mortar pieces now lying at Temple Mills 
lately cast out of his Majesty's metal by the agents ofJohn Browne, his Majesty's late gunfounder, be forthwith removed to Woolwich in order to be proved at the first conveniency and that Captain Richard Leake, Master Gunner ofEngland, take care to see that this is effected accordingly'.105 On r2 July r68r, it was ordered that the 'old iron ordnance of his Majesty, hereinafter mentioned, lying upon Tower Hill and Tower Wharf be forthwith removed and sent to Woolwich to be thoroughly reproved for his Maj esty's Surveyor at 
the same rates as former guns sent thither, and that the Clerk of the Cheque put the labour and costs upon the same accordingly, viz: 

24 pdrs  - r r  Culverins  - g  
12 pdrs  - 6  Demi-culverins - 25  
8 pdrs  - I r  6 pdrs  _  37  
3 pdrs  - 6  Minions  - 3 r ,106  

Th: great proof, a matter ofsupreme importance, was then carried out with due so!emnity. The proofmasters, who were quartered at the Tower, received £40 p.a. and normally were two in number. So august were these gentlemen that in one instance the senior was referre_d ~o as 'The Proofm:ster General ofEngland'. On ro Oc~ober 
1681 
, i~ is recorded that a proportion of the old ordnance laid at Woolwich and ordered for proof by order ofthe Board 21 September 1681 (and by order of4th inst.) be proved Friday next 2 rst inst. a nd 
::: Ordnance Est!mates, PRO/WO/491182_ Ordnance Estimates, PRO/WO/491182_1°' Ordnance Journal Book PRO/WO/ / f. 
JOI OrdnanceJournal Book' PRO/W0/47/IO, . 47. 

1N 0rdnan ] urnaJ Boo ' 4 7 II, f. 14. 
cc O k, PRO/WO/47/10, f. 65 and PRO/WO/47/11, f. 16· 
204 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

a proportion of powder and shot necessary for the same shall be drawn and issued accordingly for the said proof. 'And that the officers, clerks and labourers hereafter mentioned shall go down to the proof accordingly. 
OFFICERS 
Surveyor, Clerk of Ordnance, Storekeeper, Clerk of Deliveries and Proofmaster. 
CLERKS 
James Rothwell, John Allen, John Hooper and Matthew Blyton. 
LABOURERS 
H enry Lincolne, James Fitzgerald, William ~onner, J ohn Beezley Lecran Jennings, George Kidd,
' h W d ,101

John Everitt and Hump rey oo , A slight difference from present day procedure. Autres temps, autres moeurs. . 
b. 1 d voi'd of danger Guns occasionally burst

P roof was no t en re y e · fi f and the resultant damage had to be repa~re~. _Cases o ten _occur o injury to buildings and compensation to 1nd1v1duals. For 1~tance, 
o F b 68 M Thomas Peach was ordered to mstruct ~ I 7P el-ruary r 3,. ~ 1 bourer's house at Woolwich at a cost
Jo n ac (man to repair t e a d b b ki not exceeding £3 which had been 'lately damage Y guns rea ng 
108 

up at last proof'. Journal Books throw light
Two further extracts from the Ordnance . h" . d on the n ormal domestic scene at Tower Place durmg t 15 peno · . k forthwith down to Woolwich
1 1

r6 April 168r. That John Hil, c er ' god ft under which the salt-and assess the damage done to the roof an ra 1~9r5 nd make an estimate petre lies next to the Bedd and Coyne-Hou~e, th aith to the Board and 
f o th h h f d turn the same .1or w ' 
r e c arge t ereo an re . . hand to do what is necessary to put some workmen immediately m 
forthwith. take care to send some person That the Surveyor and AsSt. Surveyorf 11 the breechings, tackles and forthwith to Woolwich to take a survely O ad t render an account to the 
• d d viceab e an ° 

ropes which are ren ere unser f; . k and evading; also at the Board of what shall only be found fit rlf~he blocks and tackle hooks same time an account shall be take~ 0fi a to the Board with all con­
which are serviceable and report their gures venient speed.110 p eh storekeeper at Woolwich, r9 April 168r. To send a le_tter to ;;1:,h~:h ;re appointed by John Hill to let these carpenters and bncklaye ' h use which is fallen down on 
t . . h f of the store o
o work on repa1rmg t e roo 4
~:: Ordnance Journal Book, PR0/W./Wg/1 ~~:;: }: fi:
O4
Ordnance Journal Book, PR 109 Bed and Quoin House. Of J f 135.
110 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W 47 9• · 205 




e a·t:>e ::-e :.o· ··e: ·o ta:.:e a cia.:_: · acco ·nt o: ·· e:r vo::-.: 2.!J ·o ee L a:: · · · -· · ·. -· :. -cco ·o ~ e Boarc' , ? __ 1 
,....

it =s car..e o·•• ro e:::-· a :-: to ::-a:i.s:::r:.:.~ --'--~ .::. ~ . ~ . of . e ·imber ·:1~y :~; : ·. :.e s:o::-e: o-r-e: to decide . o v muc is eq · eci for .e -0 ::-i{ : c:.e carpe:1:e::-s and co ta ·e account t" ereo a d to see at no de a: be ma ·e i:i. fi.-.=, . .ing · .e ·or · \-it' a poss·b e speed .lll 
T e sa e of e O d Ar · ery Garden had a direct and immediate repercussion on Tower Place. The sale o~ ~he Minories; too, had a some\ ·hat slighter effect. One of the cond1t:Ions before the Treasury \vould consent to dispose of the Artillery Garden, was that other convenient quarters had to be found for the .i\1aster Gunner of Eno-land· also the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance lost certain 
0 ' 

perquisites by such a sale. In addition, he lost his official residence in the ~fineries when that property passed into the hands of Sir \·\'illiam Prichard. The 'great house' at Tower Place was the obvious 
answer. 
It was comparatively speaking a large building and in itself ill­adapted for storage accommodation. Being a dwelling house it was only suitable as a residence. The Board decided therefore that its empty rooms should be utilized by converting it into three maison­ettes or flats, one for the Master Gunner of England, one for the storekeeper and a pied-a-terre for the Lieutenant-General should occasion demand his presence at Woolwich for the night. T o this end 
the Principal Officers of the Ordnance proceeded to W oolwich to investigate and report, in pursuance of an order issued by the Master­General on 21 February 1682. Their report dated 2 March 1682 ran 
as follows: 
In pursuance ofa_n order ofthe Honble Col. Legg, Master ofhis Majesty's Ordnance, of 21st mst. for the Principal Officers of the Ordnance to go down to Woolwich to see the house and consider of a conversion for the ~aster Gunner and to report the same to the Master of the Ordnance, 
VIZ: 
That a dividing of the Great House at Woolwich belonging to the Officers of the Ordnance for the present till it should be removed. 
As a seque!, Sir Bernard de Gomme went to Woolwich on 1 7 

Ma~ch 1682 , 111 order to prepare the necessary estimate for the con­version. He was pai'd £1 th r. II · . 2 H.15 
. e io owing day for his trouble.11 

estJ.mate followed the d t ·1 · h · · h 
P . . e ai s m t eir entirety recommended by t e 
nnc1pal Officers of the Q dn . . .
The • . r ance as the result of their v1s1t. t es~mate, which amounted to £12 I. r 6s. 5d. is much too long tio quo;~n extenso, but the following summary gives'a fair representa­
113 

p;:posoed aletproJ>?sals. It was accompanied by a plan shewing the eranons The dr · · • · · I ded
here. · awmg 1s rough but a fair copy 1s 1nc u 
lUOrcfnan 
: Ordnan:iin&!~i!~?/~V0/47/9, f. 136. Ordnance Estima~, PRO/WO/~~fg?/51/25, p. 19. 
206 

Fi:-:'c-c Ce!' :;; c.,d --Pc.-,·r:t:
Grear Gate.~ 
Ccprc·:-L ec<~ 

Th e Greer Din,:-c; Roe.., (Officers of rheOrdnarce) 
GROUND FLOOR 
SECOND FLOOR 
Li H ie Lc rq • Mottod Room Room 
for Captain LoQke roG"' f« servo.nt,!}_ 

3Closets above the 3 .. story of ( LOd
GARRETS 9'"'1 
Tower A for the Store-keeper 

of Tower Place
I
FIG, 2. Two pans 
15 

THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER p LACE 

MI? M_arch ~682. A? estimate made by Sir Bernard cl . 
d" ~Je~ty s Chief Engineer and Assistant Surveyor f he Gomme, His 1V1ding the Great House at Woolwich in two fj Co t_ e Ordnance for Gunner of England and the storekeeper with or apltain 1:-eake, Master 
to th · d h ' severa repairs tO b d 
e sai ouse for I 2 gunners according to an Order of th B de one 
arch 1682. e oar dated

2 M The estimate was as follows: 
( 1 ) Fitting up part of the smith's house for 12 gunners £g. 18s. 11d. 
(2) Bricklayers' work to be done in dividing the 11.ouse, called the Tower Place, Woolwich, for the accommO dat10n of Captain Leake, Master Gunner
f E · 0 (, ngland and Mr. Peach, the storekeeper £22. 13s. od. 
3) Carpenters' work for the same £5. 19s. 6d. 
(4) 
A stable for Captain Leake's horses £8. 5s. od. 

(5) 
Materials and other charges £75. OS. od. 


Apartments for the Storekeeper 
(a) B elow Stairs 
The Kitchen 
A Pariour The wash-house, pantry and a little room next the wash-house. The brewhouse to be common for the two families. The great gate or door at the coming in of the house shall be 
common, and each to have a key of the door and gate. The cellars. 
(b) Above Stairs 
A room marked B in the plan.A closet in the tower marked A, and these closets in the said tower upon the third story and rooms in the tower. The large matted room marked C in the plan. T he little room marked D in the plan. The back-stairs which go down to the brew-house. The gallery from Captain Leake's room, marked E on the plan 
to the end of the matted room. 
Captain Leake' s Apartment 
(a) Below Stairs A kitchen to be made out of the great hall. The great gate and door at the coming in of the house, to be 
common to the two families. A parlour next the kitchen. 
The Great Dining Room to be kept for the Officers ofthe Ordnanc~; and in their absence Captain Leake shall have the use of the said 
dining-room and closet. 
A room next the petre-house to be fitted up for a cellar, pantry 
and other accommodation. The brew-house shall be common to the two families. 
(b) Above Stairs 
A large room marked E on the plan. 

207 

BIRTH A D CHILDHOOD 
A room called the Mayors' Room. The 3 garret rooms over the kitchen the hall and mayors'
for servants. ' room 
For the Lieutenant of the Ordnance A little room for his servants marked G h 
1
A great bed-chamber with a'closet. on t e P an. 
For the I 2 gunners 
Three rooms in the smiths' house E 
1
· ac 1 room to contain 4 gunners. The warrant granting Sir Christo h . 
the Ordnance the use ofT p P_ er Musgrave, Lieutenant of ' ower lace is dat d M h 68 h
days prior to the date of s· B e 14 arc r 2, t ree the 'old deed' partially q ir edrnbard de_ Gomme's estimate. This is 
uote y Ma F . D . h'
'HistoryoftlzeROJ'alArtillery , V ~or •ranc1s uncan in 1s
8 
Duncan as the authority b;£9 k ?1u~e I, page r6 and cited, giving The warrantl14 reads ;s foll~:s~ lil his 'Hundred ofBtacklzeat!z I886'. 
Sir Christopher Musgrave to have th h Ground e ouse of Woolwich in lieu ofthe Old Artillery 
Charles R Whereas we have thought fi co~only called ye Old Artil~!/0 cause sal~ to be made of ye ground Parish of St. Buttolph Bis! Y Garden s1tuat near ye Spitle in ye 
b I · b ' 10psgate toOo-eth th 
e ongmg y means ofwch s I er w the several houses thereto
M t a e our Trust d W 
~grave, K, ye present Lt Ge II Yan ell-beloved sr Christopher ant1ent perquisite granted t h. n of our Ordnance is deprived of a n houses and buildings and ~ im by Patent ofye custody of ye sd ground, 
t ' Y profit thereb · · . • ·
? compensate ye loss and d t . t Y ansmg, and We bemg willing

1ke t . b e nm wch S .
1 
0 sustain y reason of e d ' our ayd V of our Ordnance 1s 

build· th Y s sale and I·
mgs ereto appertain· a ienacon of our ground and ye 
0

these_presents declare our ~TII anur Will and Pleasure is, and W e do by 
mansion or mannor house at W ld fleasure to be, yt ye custody of our name of ye T oo we 1 co I e
Olver Place wth e ' mmon y called or known by Y together w~h ye ware houses, T[n set~eral buildings thereto belonging, outhouses situate and being bet . em ' Stables, smiths' forge and other 
House wth 11 C WIXt ye R. f T .
' a ourts Yard G iver o hames and ye sd mans10n ;arre~ and Old Or~hard, ~~th a:dens and Wharfs, together w th the enem thereon standing, one in 1 !)ovehouse, Tyle houses and two ~Jatt~n kately dwelt, and ye oth Y midle ofye sd Warren wherein Anne 
o 0• n llery, Carpenter wth eeLr near ye south gate lately in ye Tenure betwixt ye R' ' Y ong S W
d't h iver ofThames and e ea all, Reed Ground and marsh
0

I c es, walls and fences to ye y Id Orchard aforesayd wth ye moates, acres or thereab same belon · . . ' .
Samu 1 B outs together wth ging, contammg m ye whole 3 I Elleryea dartr:m, Wtn Sheerewood sJev~al Tencmts late in ye tenure of out of : ot ers, wth one small ~ o n Bentley, Tho Haywood, John iece ; orthwest corner of ye piece of about a rood of ground taken 
0

P ground conteining ab ground called Doghouse Marsh and a 
114 Warran out on th ' 
ta (Kings and others w . e acre W a water house thereupon
1
' oo w1ch), PRO/W0/55/396, p. 40. 208 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
erected situate upon ye East_side of the Lane calle? Collick Lane Ieadin 
from Woo}wch to S:iooters Hill, :ogether wth all springs, pipes of Lead an~ 
water-courses leadmg from ye said Waterhouse to ye mansion-house afore­
sayd; be assigned unto ye sd sr Christopher Musgrave ye present V of 
01:r. Ordnance for the time being in lieu and compensation of ye Pe­q uisi~e taken from him by ye sale ofye Old Artillery Garden as aforesayd. Provided always, and our Will and Pleasure is, yt Our great guns shali be p~oved in ye sd ground as heretofore hath be~n accustomed, and yt sufficient room be left for ye ornamental and serviceable ranging of our guns, and for placeing in convenient houses, saltpetre and such other Our Stores, as either now are, or hereinafter shall be, layd up there, and yt ye Cranes and Wharfs be employed in our Service as often as there shall be occasion thereof, and our further pleasure is, ~t a convenient dwelling, such as shall be approved of by you, be allowed m our sd mansion house for our Masr Gunr of England and likewise yt a convenient Lodging be fitted up in ye houses adjoyning for ten of our ffeed gunrs, and such of ye L abou~s belonging to y6 Office of Our Ordnance as shall be employed there for our Service, and yt ye Masr Gunr of England have liberty of exercising ye gunrs in ye ground wher~ ye rreat gun~ are proved, in such manner as was heretofore practised m y Old Artillery Garden, lately alienated by us as aforesayd, and We do further authorize and require You to cause these our commands to be duely observed and executed, and for so doino-this shall be yr sufficient Warrt Given at Our Court at Newmarket ye ;4th day of March 1681/2 in ye 3lh year of Our Reign 
By his Majl5 Comand Conway. 
To O ur Rt Trusty and 

W ell-beloved CounceW 
George Legge Esq. Masr 
Gen11 of Our Ordnance, 

and to ye Masr of Our 
Ordnance, or Comrs for 
executing ye place of 
Masr of Our Ordnance for 
e •

Y time being. On th 1 f the Minories, the Lieutenant-General received a 
e sa e o . d h. 

house allowance of£goo paid quarterly in or er to comp~nsate 1m for the loss of his official residence. The hou~e at Woolw1~h was, of cours · · t as a permanent dwellmg for the L1eutenant­
e, mappropna e . 

Gen 1 d h. £ ·1y as i·t was mainly used for other purposes. It
era an 1s am1 , . . was merely a flatlet in case a night's sojourn m the Warren became 
necess Th fi t ·ssue ofthis allowance was made to George Legge 
ary. e rs 1 . 110 ~ in I 677 under the following authority: ·n consideration that ye Mansion House \\'th yt
l
T o George Legg Esq. . 

app t • h L' ttle Mynoritts heretofore appropriate to the plac 
1
ur enances m t e • h h · h · ) · 

of the Lieut Gen! of the Ordnance (of wh1c e 1s t e next reversion 111, d B k PRO/W0/54/35, 1677, September quarter. 
0 r nancc Quarter oo , 209 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
alienated from ye said place w111out any benefitt or satisffaction made him ffor wch w 111 other services mentioned in his Malies warrt under his Roy" Privy Signett and Sign Mannuall Dated 15th January 1677 w th ye Rt Honblo Mr Gen11 of y0 Ordnance his signification thereupon hiss allowance after Y° rate of £300 and y0 sum of £75. 
The particular warrant authorizing the payment to Sir Christopher Musgrave was dated 27 February i682.m 
Sir Christopher Musgrave allowed £300 p.a. in lieu ofa mansion house 
Charles R Where~s b[ Our Letters Patent Dated at Westminster ye 2 8th day of January my three and thirtieth year of Our Reigne, Wee have for us, our he1res and suc;esso~s as!iigned, ordained and constituted our trusty and well-beloved S Christopher Musgrave, Knt, our Lieutenant Gen11 of all and all manner of Ordnance Mun· d h -k vi'sions 
. icon an ot er war11c pro
h
of us, our eirs and successors wthin K" d f E d d Town 
00 1
ofBerwick to be by himself O h · ffio~ mg ~ ng an . an . d 
. r is su cient Deput1e or Deputies exercise
d 1
urmg our p easure. And whe b d f 
e • h th reas Y reason of a late a-rant by us ma e o Y _ma~sion ouse w the appurtenances thereto belono-in(T in y0 Litle 
0
Mmones heretofore appropriated t e L. t G 11 ° d the 
same is alienated from e sd Orh ieut en of our Or. nan~e 
h. w th fc b . y place w out any benefitt or sat1sfact10n to
1m. ee ere ore emg willi . 
b t l"k · ng not onely to gratify him in his Just con­
cerns u 1 ewise to recompe h. . 
nse is good endeavours past in our Serviced t 
an o encourage him to do e l"k b 
to declare our Will and PI Y i e for ye future have thought fitt here Y · d . easure to be and Wee do by these Presents
authonze an reqwre you t e sd sr Chr15" toph M Y you cause an allowance to be pd unto Y 
er usgrave of e b
received by him or his . Y yearly summe of £ 300, he same to e payable upon ye Quart::1~:~out 0; the Treary of our Offi~e of Ordnance ye first payment t s ofY sd Office by equal port10ns quarterly, Nativity of Our ; cdomence and be accompted from the feast of Y0 
0 r now last p t d · our
Pleasure, and for so <loin th" as, an so to continue duni:ig . Officers of Our o d g is shall be as well to you as to y0 Principal 
r nance and A d · h s
whome it may concern fi 11 u 1t~rs of our Imprest, and all ot er at Whitehall ye 27th d' a ~Fand sufficient warrant. Given at Our Court ay o ebr 1681/2 in ye 34th Year of Our Reign. 
To Our Right trusty By his Majtics Comand 
and well-beloved George Conway Legge Esq Mar Genll of Our Ordnance and t 
e 1· t ' o

Y 1eut Genll of Our Ordnance, and to ye rest ofye Principal Officers ;rOur_Ordnance, now and or ye tune being, and to all 
and every of them. Memorand ye Mar ofye 0
1 rd 
" Warrants (K• nance significacon dated 6 March I 68 1 / 2 • 
mgs and others W 1 . ' oo w1ch), PRO/W0/55/396, p. 8. 
210 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
Later on, when the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance gave up 
his rather tenuous hold on Tower Place, i.e. when his pied-a-terre there 
disappeared after the house had been reconstructed for other pur­
poses, he was allowed £2 per quarter rent allowance in lieu by order 
of the Board of Ordnance dated 16 December 1718.117 
Repairs and new buildings are now the main items which conclude the story of Tower Place in the seventeenth century. The establish­ment, though small, was growing and its expansion entailed addition­al storage accommodation. Wind and weather also took their toll, and as the outhouses originally taken over with Tower Place were ancient structures, they required more than the normal amount of maintenance owing to their age. 
On 2o June 1682, a new estimate totalling £110. 8s. od. was forwarded to the Board for making a frame for an earthen butt at Tower Place but no record exists to confirm that the work was ever carried outJ1s Thomas Moore, who had now replaced William Sheepey as master carpenter, received a warrant, dated 8 June 1 682, to repair the saltpetre house. Although the estimate was £8. 1I s. od.,119 the actual cost of the work w~s only £6: 1s. 4d. Another warrant, dated 21 June 1682, was also 1ss~ed to him to do certain work at Proof Place for the purpose of p~ovmg five mortars. This consisted of making good defects and laymg a p~atform for which both oak and fir were supplied. The whole operatic~ ~ook 15 
I 7s 6d for labour and I o shillings for 
d ays and the costs were £ I · · · 'd £ the platform. For this second job Thomas Moore was pai 4· 
6s 3d 120 l · h 
· · . revious chapters, the tides at Woo wic As has been stressed ~n P nk of the Thames and damaged made constant inroads into the ba sh. ·on was a permanent the wharfs which lined the banks.dT is eros~hey decided to divest source of trouble to the Board of Or nanTce, so Place was concerned. 
h 'bT far as ower
t emselves of the responsi i ity so h t draw up a deed for Sir 
0
T~ this end they instructed _Mr G~a a~ King of the covenant of William Prichard wholly dischar¥ng t ~l ce Woolwich, in repair keeping the wharf or bank at the ?;er ti : ~f which Sir William 
O 
any longer for the future. In consi e;a 121 O
Prichard was to receive the full sum £!.{5~er Place The estimate 

Later on in the year a shed fell down at O ss od 122· and this was for repair dated 16 October 168~8:attres~lt, the storekeeper at sent to the Board on 21 October 1 ·d d to set carpenters and 
Woolwich was on the same day or ere 
117 Ordnance Bill Book, Series I, PR0/~~/5o/S.
118 
110 Ordnance Estimates, PRO/Wg//49//~82i2 June 1682. 
Ordnance Estimates, PRO/W 49 '79 
x20 Ord B'II B k PRO/W0/51/25, P· f. 7 October 1682. 
1., nance 1 oo , /W0/47/12 . 9, 
.x Ordnance Journal Book, PRO ' 
1a2
122 Ordnance Estimates, PRO/W0/49/ · 
2 I I 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD . THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 



bricklayers to effect the necessar .
the estimate which had be y repairs at a cost not exceeding The carriage shed 1 denb accepted by the Board.123 
ia Y now fall d
expression 'fallen down' ofwh' 1 th en own. Presumably the
fc ' ic 1 e a th . .
ond, meant that the buildin had fi u ~nties were so inordinately beyond repair. On 14 Nov g b allen mto such a state as to be Officers of ye Board do em er 1682, it was ordered that ,ye 
artificers at ye reasonablestcontra~t with all convenient speed wth 
f rates 1or his M •ties S . 
o a new shedd 18 fot broad d aJ erv1ce for building ofs~p carriages in ye place w~~rel~O fot Ion'? at Woolwch for lodging to Y survey thereof this day dd y cold one IS fallen down, according 13 Nov. 1682'.124 Thomas M toy Board by sr Ber de Gome dated dated ro February 168 .125 oore got the warrant and the contract 

3  
For materials and build'  
zoo foot long, 18 broad fco ilnco-d ~ shed at Woolwich } . h 1 r o gmg h. ' m t .e p ace where the old shed . s ipps' Carriages cordmg to contract dated F is fallen down ac­ro ebruar 168  £102.  10s.  od.  
For overwork done b Y 3·¾ a ove the3. squares of pantiliner for tl . contract, viz. for}square yard c le rnofat 20 shillina-F I . ,,s per  £  3. ros.  od.  
or_ ay~ng 5 squares of tilin Majesty s att 5s. per square g,  the tiles being his}  £  r.  5s.  od.  

Total: £ -d 
omas Moore wa . ro /· 5s. o .
Th 
which da h s paid for this wWoolwichyfc e, also_ received £18 l ork on 28 August 1683, on 
or nealmg' h d · 4f. od for b ·1d· h d
22 and M an -grenad · UI mg a s e at 2
Sir Bernatd dart 1683 and a bill al' acc_ording to a warrant dated 
B ' e omme.125 particulars annexed signed by } now the Warren w 
country. In this re . as becoming the . 

up to this date h spect It was replacin hmam gun repository in !he 12 December 16/d. been the main or/n: e Tower of London which and Io,ooo demi-:• it was ordered 'that th nee depot m England. On bins upon To ~nnon round shot b t ke number of I,ooo cannon down to Woo7e; h harf, on each sidee / hen out of the unserviceable 
O

brought from ;ic ! and that the uns _t e Traitor's Gate, and sent 
timber of the ~rwdbick be sent thithe er~ihceable iron ordnance latelysa1 ins b b r wit the 'd h Id 
sa~e time Mr Pe e rought into h" s_a, s ot, and the o smith or other ackh was asked to a 1~ Ma_Jesty's stores'. At the carriages at Wwfr.man for breaki scertam the cost of a carpenter, 
reply to the Booodwich and taking ng up eighty-nine unserviceable 
ar as s out the i .
: OrdnanceJoumai 00n as possible.'" ran-work, and send hts g~dnanccJournaJ ::t• PRO/W0/ On 31 March 1683, these 
111 471 

i• aro:;:cc Bill Book Sc'· PRO/WO/ /2, f. 19. 
ccJournaJ 13oo{1p II, PRofJ,01 f. 41• ' ROfW0/47/12,s;,t~l'. p. i55. 
212 
eighty-nine carriages were ordered to be broken up 121 s1·nce th 
were to b t d • · ese guns
some e s o~e m the open, exposed to the four winds of heaven awa reservatlve w~s obviously desirable to prevent their being eate~ Boa;d Y rus~. Captam Leake was t~erefore asked12s to forward to the ofshi ~n estimate for the extra tarrmg and lacquering of these pieces Dart!s ordnance removed from Tower wharf, to be laid before Lord 
Th out~, the Master-General, on the next office day. 
e estimated stores required were: tar 4 barrels tar brushes 8 blacklead 4 lb. linseed oil 30 gallons ostrie faggots 100 4 inch nails 1oo 
Th·Is estimate was agreed to on 23 February 1683 and the stores were ord red to be issued.129 The next requirement was a brick kiln. On 8 March 1683, it was ~rran ged that Mr Downs and Robert Fitch, master bricklayer, should "r,ve an immediate warrant to construct a small brick kiln about 3h eet square in the shot-yard at Woolwich 'for the trial of grenade 
130 
s ells and great ordnance as Captain Leake shall direct'. On the 2~th of the same month, Mr Peach was asked about the stores for a s ed to house the kiln.131The Board, however, after due deliberation, came to the conclusion that it would be cheaper and more convenient to construct the kiln and shed against a brick wall in the Warren 
132
rather than to erect it in the shot yard.T Accommodation was evidently beginning to become a problem at 0 ~er Place. On 1 g April 1683, Mr Peach was instructed to remove the iron-work from the little house at the upper Warren gate as it wa~ to be converted into a gunners' lodging for 8 gunners at an estimated cost of £18. 15s. 8d.133 The carpenter carrying out the
134 alterations was ordered to supply his own materials. The next building earmarked for conversion was the refining house. On 12 May 1683 it is recorded that 'the refining house at Woolwich is to be fitted up as a lodging and for keeping saltpetre in. Workmen to be contracted for according to Sir Bernard de Gomme's estimate of oth inst. amounting to £82. 5s. 6d.,135 and not to be exceeded. The
1 storekeeper was instructed to remove the carriages and timber lying 
127 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/i3, f. 64. 
128 Ordnance Journal Book PROJ'NO/47/13, f. 32, 17 February 1683. 129 Ordnance Journal Book: PROfW0/47/i3, f. 35· 130 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO'!W_0/47/i3, f. 45· 
131 Ordnance Journal Book PRO/WO/47/13, f. 53, 20 March 1683. 132 Ordnance Journal Book' PRO/WO/47/13, f. 59, 24 March 1683. 133 Ordnance Estimates PRO/WO/49/182, 31 March 1683. 134 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/i3, f. 79• 135 Ordnance Estimates, PRO/WO/49/182, 10 May 1683. 
213 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
withif 0 ~ Mooday next,to some other convenient place.136 In the actua es_timthate the word hooping' is used instead of 'keeping' which appears m e1ournal Book a d T ,
fore the saltpetre afit fi n reasurer s Ledger. Possibly, there­
' er re nement was a k d . b I
As soon as the new 'shed for . P ~ e mto arre s. of the one which had c. d lodgmg ships' carriages in the place
ia11en own' w d
another carriage storeho as commence , a contract for a more expensive buildi use;;s p~aced on 15 May 1683. This was meticulous details regar~!s· h~ Bill Book concerned gives the most be of oak. It was to haveifg t is s~ed. The posts and joists were to shed by a passage 20 fceet ~dntern lights and to be joined to the old 
wi e on on 'd d . 
on the other. Its total cost e si e an to the refirung house to the value of £23. s. w~s =f,: 63· 13s. II d. including overwork
17
work and was paid on MII · h r Thomas Moore carried out the
10 
arc 1684 137 It shouId be stated at th· . · 
exist in Ordnance record is pomt _that some confusion appears to 
. A s concernm th . ' 
carnages. t least the entr· . g ese storehouses for ships
' 1es m th · 
clear. The system relatin t e Vanous MSS. are by no means 
g o work a d · 
When work ofany desc • . n its payment was as follows: 
. nption wa 
prepared. This appears in th E . s contemplated, an estimate was to proceed is found in th J e Stimate Book. Ifapproved the order 
e ournal B 00k A ' 
and a contract placed U . • warrant was then issued 
· pon corn 1 · 
Debenture Book was m d P etion, a debenture given in the 
. ' a e out fi h ' 
done, of which a cornplet or t e sum payable and the work · h Bill e account · 
m t e Book. Payme t Is set forth in a bill incorporated' L d n was event ll . h
Treasurer s e ger Th ua Y made and recorded 1n t e 
. . ere are thus th .
tureBooks,Bill Books and T ree senes of volumes i.e. Deben­
. reasurer' L d ' 
aspects of a Job, each fr . s e gers devoted to the financial ' h' th h om a d1ffe .
cas oug not in 'dates' rent angle. These should agree 1n In the case under review th I 

that Thomas Moore was .~ re evant Treasurer's Ledger1as records 1684, on a debenture date~~8 lhe sum of£417. 5s. od. on r4 May a shed at the Tower Place, W ugu~t 1683? for making and building foot broad for lodging shi s' ool:"'1ch, bemg loo foot long and r8 shed had fallen down ace~ d_carnages in the place where the old 1682-Also on the same dat ~ mg to a contract dated r o February gat~dd2~ August I 683, for ;epea ~~s paid £68. 5s. 6d., on a debenture or. 0 gmg and keeping salt inng and fitting up the refining house estlmate dated 10 May 168 petre at T PI • an
Th 1a9 ower ace according to 
3
ere are obvious d' .
0 M IScrepan . . 

n 24. ay 1683, Thomas c1es in the two accounts. at Woolwich with the king's Mo~re was ordered to repair the butt 1• Ord material h · . d
n1 OrdnanccJournaI Book PROfW s, avmg agam become deface nancc Bill B k ' 0/ /
IH Ordnance T oo , Series II PROfW
47 13, f. 92. 
. rcasurer' L ' 0/ /

u, Sir Bernard de Go s ,cdg~r, PROfW0/51 28, p. 97. 
rnme s estrrnate S 48/22. 
. ee note 135. 
214 

THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
under its periodic ~attering.140 In the autumn of 1684 the Kin attended another tnal, staged by Captain Leake at Tower Plac g These were always occasions for further butt building. On 17 M:; 
16,84, Thomas Moore was paid the sum of £4. 12s. 8¼d. for making a new proof place' at Woolwich for proving mortars. This took one man fourteen days to complete at a cost of£1. 15s. od. The sum paid to Thomas Moore also included the cost of repairing the exercising butt which took one man five days to do at 2s. 6d. p.d. The total labour costs were therefore £2. 7s. 6d. and the rest of the money was spent on m aterials. The warrants for the two operations were dated 28 and 29 April 1684 respectively, and the work was certified by Captain 
Leake on 10 May 1684.141 On 23 September 1684, three mortars, the invention of Captain Leake, were despatched to Woolwich in connection with the trial b:fore his Majesty which was to take place when he returned from Tilbury,142 and two days later certain grenade shells were also sent down to the Warren for the same demonstration.143 To prepare for the great day, a new butt had to be built according to Captain Leake's directions.144 This cost £42. r 1s. od., the work being performed as usual by Thomas Moore, the master carpenter. His warrants for the work, certified by Captain Leake were dated I 5 October ·and 4 November 1684; one being for the new butt and rep~ir of the plat­
145
form, and the other for a new proof place for provmg mortars. Obviously, the slings i.e. gun-drugs and carts at Woolwich had been allowed to become unserviceable, as workmen were ordered to go
146
there at once to carry out repairs. No record of this experiment before Charles II seems to have 
survived. Apparently military engines were not quite outmoded, tho~gh 
their heyday had long since passed. This is evidenced by the followmg 
entry in a Bill Book: r6 December 68 . Thomas Moore paid £4. 10s. od. ~or elm t~ber 6 foot long 1foot4 broad 31. foot deep and 1 foot in diameter with a 
, 2 ' 2 • • db
transom, and fitting the same in the place, bemg an ex:igine propose y Mr Thomas Glover for throwing stones, now lodged m the store house 
147 
at Woolwich. Warrant dated 20 October 1684. 
The next item of interest at Tower Place seems to have been a royal visit when James II was entertained. As the Journal Books, 
102 
140 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/1 3, f. · 1 
141 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 / 28, P· 4°· 
142 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/14, f. 27· 
143 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/ 14, f. 3°· 18 
144 Ordnancejournal Book, PRO/WO/47/14, f. 4o, 4 October 6 4· 
140 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/29, p. 106, 6 December 1684. 
146 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/14, f. 66, 13 November 1684.
11 
147 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/29, P· 9· 
215 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
THE BEGINNI N GS OF TOWER PLACE 
between the years 1685-1695 are missing, no description ofthis event 

John Packman by warrant dated I January 1694 appointed sole survives, nor is the object of this festive occasion known; but quite 
Carriage Master at Woolwich after the recent decease of Paul Linby his a number ofguests must have been the recipients ofhospitality. This co-carriage master.151 is c!ear fro1:1 the payment made to Thomas Moore on 26 April 1687 
In 1688 it was ordered that 'all guns, carriages and stores now which, certified by Thomas Peach, is stated to have been in 'connec­
at Deptford, be removed to Woolwich, and from henceforth new tion with the entertaining of his Majesty at Woolwich'. Moore was 
ordnance and carriages be laid there'. Woolwich was fast becomingpaid £5. os. 4d. for: 
a rival to the Tower as the premier Ordnance depot of England. It 3 tables 8 feet long od. was possibly on this account that the mind of authority turned I large oval table tow ards the defence ofthe place in view ofthe international situation,
I2S. od. 

I table g feet long p articularly as the original fortifications raised under the orders of
gs. od. 

I table r 4 feet long Prince Rupert had been sadly neglected.
r4s. od. 

87 foot of quarter 3 x 4 The following letter from Lord Dartmouth, Master General ofthe
r4s. 6d. 

25 foot of? Ordnance, dated 1 g April 1688, was sent to Sir Henry Tichborn,
r3s. 6d. 

25 foot of? Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance:
8s. 4d. 
2 days work 5s. od. These are to pray and require you immediately on y° receipt hereof to 


f h. M ties O d ce · 
Total: £ d order yt Sir Henry Shere, Master Surveyor o is a r n repair t~
5. OS. 4 . 

Woolwch and survey ye long Battery, Guns and Platforms there and yIt would seem from this that tables at that date cost one shilling ye M ar Gunnr of England, Storekeeper upon ye p~ace and t such other a foot.148 
persons as he shall think usefull to him do attend bun and y hee report During the passage of !hese years Paul Linby had been carting to me at ye Board on Tuesday next ye Condicin o~ ye sd Batt~~y, Guns stores to and from Woolw1ch by li"ghte d 1 H ed and Platforms with yr respective defects and w he Judges requ1S1te to be 
. . r an 1orse teams. e mov 

the 1mped1menta from the gunwharf t T Pl · 6 671 done to put ym in a serviceable posture ~ th as little charge _as ~ay be 
o ower ace m I 70-1 · 

He 1oaded and unloaded guns on to d f h' b He bringing a calculation thereof to ye Board m order to performmg y same 
· d b tt hi h an out o s 1ps y crane. .c. h' M ties rv1· ce 152
a tt ye cheapest rate 1or is a se · 
rtaire duhs, s orses were employed in conveying guns to proofbace, an e often acted as master scavel man. As these duties The sequel to this letter is given in the three following extracts e~ame mo~e ~nerou_s John Packman, the labourer became first his from the Treasurer's ledgers: assisdt~nt anh t en his partner. During the latter ~nd of his life he 
J\r b 688 Thomas Casse153 paid £440. 6s. 2¼d. on debenture

li I 5 1vovem er I • ~ •
ve ma ouse on the Wa d · h'

th h d rren an smce Packman succeeded 1m rr t 1688 for carpenter's work performed by him at the new
0 dat d Ae 3 uous 1 . h. . 11· d
B e ~~e 7as ;ubtless the one called 'Mr Packman's house' in Battery of 12 guns on Gallions side below Woo wic m se~nng up pa isa es a ~:gy:i asdptan ot dr701. Paul Linby died in r693 and was therefore k. d houses in setting up posts and laymg planks for the
and ma mg 2 guar , . . f · 1 · 
n rus e servant of th B d fc h' . guns. Also at the Long Battery on _Woolw1ch side _o 4-4 guns m aymg
Aft h · b e oar or t 1rty-s1x years. 
· osts for the rmg-bolts according to the contract of

pIan Ics and settmg up p , s ore eeper' and 'd k , h h t a 
'cran:g\ ~::!5 'eten kcalled in turn 'agent', 'wharfinger', 'labourer', 

5 M ay 1688 154 •
course of twent fi eputy store eeper t roug ou 
2 Jul r.68 . Paul Linby and John Packma~, labo~ers, paid £6.
'Ca · M y-ve years, he was at last by warrant appointed 6 5 Gd ~ 9 t of ballast delivered at Galhons pomt for the newmage aster at Woolwich'. 
6 

r s. . hor 3Wons nt dated 9 June 1688. Debenture dated 7 August
battery t ere. arra Woolwich to carry . ate 15 June 1682 to be Carriage Master at 
Paul Lin by by warrant d d 

I 688 155 • h . d £
·D b 68 Thomas Peach, storekeeper at Woolw1c , pa1 20shall from time to ~~ag;s; 0rdna?ce and provisions ofwar there wh!ch 
I 3 ecem er I 9· . . ) · · th nd 

r k (I· e pains and diligence m mountmg e guns aperformed these duf £ ent thither or sent away thence, he having 1or 111s • wor 11s car , h 1 1 dOwing to the gre i;s. or several years previously.149 
attendino-the works of the new battery upon !he T amfesb a~e y ~a e 
1 
O d f h' small sallary and the increase o usmess smceJohn Packman are _a• ~crease of stores at Tower Place, Paul Linby and there and regar o 1s

1 
1 ' o d the Board, PR0/W0/55/484.

stores by warrant d;; ~t Y ]appointed to take charge of the carriage of ~Il 
~~ Warrants from M.G. ·and Board, PRO(W0/55/474, p. 14.

for some years past.~ 25 uly 1689, both having carried out these duties 
1 ~~ Warrants from M.G.O..)anh d replaced Thomas Moore as Master Carpenter after 

1a 3 Thomas Gasse (or Cass a :: Ordnance Bill Book, Series II PROfW 
the latter's death. , d PR0/WO/48/27. 
ue Warrants from M.G.O. and the 0/51/34, p. 4,8. 
is,i Ordnance Treasurer,s Ledger, PRO/WO/48/28. 

i~u Ordnance Treasurers Le ger,
Warrants from M.G.O. and the tardd, PRO/W0/55/470, p. 65. 
ar ' PRO/W0/55/476, p. 58. 
217 
216 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
his undertaking that employment for all which he is allowed according to a report made by the Principal Officers of his Majesty's Ordnance and an Order of the Rt. Honble George, Lord Dartmouth, Master-General of his Majesty's Ordnance dated 25 February 1688.156 
A pathetic entry occurs in Volume II of the Registers of Births and Deaths, Woolwich. It states simply 'On 4 August r688 were buried two gunners in the Warren'. The Proceedings of t!ze Woolwich and District Antiquarian Society, commenting, adds: 'Early representa­tives of the long line of disastrous events to be expected in the following of the many dangerous occupations pursued in the Royal Arsenal.'157 Unfortunately, the loss of the Ordnance Journal Book for the year in question precludes the historian from any further details, but there can be little doubt that these deaths were caused by some tragedy at the proof-butts. The explosion appears to have been more than ordinarily severe in its effects as it was followed by a widespread shattering of glass. In the seventeenth century factors 

of safety were still an unknown quantity and no proper precautions were taken to safeguard the proofdetachments. A burst gun in those days was regarded as an Act of God and not as a piece of careless ignorance on the part of man. 
The cutting of the Broad Arrow on ordnance had become a standard practice by r690. John Packman was the man responsible for this operation and many payments to him on account of this service are recorded. On r 2 December r 690, he was paid £ r 7. r rs. ud. on a debent~re dated 31 December 1689, for engraving the 
~ro_ad Arrow and weight on several guns at Woolwich,1ss and for s1m1lar work between 20 October and 31 December 1690 he received the sum of£6. 19s. 9d.159 On 17April 1691, John Packman was paid £48. ros. 5d., not only for inscribing the Royal mark on various cannon, but also for drilling and securing their vents. The debenture for this was dated 30 June 1689.160 On a later debenture dated 30 September 1689, he was paid £9. 5s. 8d. for a similar job between 20 August and September 1689.161 Guns delivered from contractors were evidently weighed on receipt. After proof their weights and the 
Broad Arrow were incised upon them. ' 
This disposes of the popularly held belief that the Broad Arrow was placed on government stores to minimize theft at the instigation of Lor_d Romney, Master-General of the Ordnance, who suggested that his own crest would be a suitable distinguishing mark. Unfor­tunately for the adherents of this story, the Earl of Romney did not 
161 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/4B/ 8
167 Volume II. 2 • 168 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger PRO/WO/4B/ m Ordnance Bill Book Series n' PRO/WO/ / 9· ::: Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger; PROJWo/~i:2: P· 1 r4. Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/!a/2i. 
218 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

become ivfaster-General till r 693, and his crest was a pheon, an arrow-head with an engrailed inner edge and not a Broad Arrow. Quite apart from this, however, there is documentary evidence that this particular symbol was used to denote Crown property as early as the reign ofRichard II, while as a Royal Mark its ancestry is long and distinguished. 
On Saturday next before the Feast of Our Lord's Nativity in the 10th year of Richard II, Thomas Stokes was brought before the Mayor and Aldermen, and questioned for that he had pretended _to be an officer and a taker ofale for the household ofour said Lord the Kmg; and under such colour at divers times within the preceding eight days, had gone to the houses' of several brewers namely John at Cok on the Hop, adjoining the Brethern of the Holy Cr~ss near to the Tower of London, William Roke at Grascherche, John atte Blakeloft in the Vintry, in London, and divers other houses in the same city, and there marked several barrels full of ale with a mark, called arewehede, saying that those barrels were for the household of our Lord the King; whereas in truth he was not then any officer belonging to the same our Lord the King; and thus falsely a?d d eceitfully he received divers sums of money from the brewers aforesaid; 
etc. etc.162 
In order to show that continuous construction and repair work took place at Woolwich during the following few years, selected en tries from the Ordnance books are given below: 
(a) 
22 September 1687. Thomas Moore, carpenter, paid £124· 4-S· 5d. for carpenters' work in making a coal-shed wit~in t~e laborato:ycrat Greenwich in Captain Leake's lodging at Woolwich, m cons_tructmo a platform a~d battery at Blackheath for his Majesty's royal view of ~he fireworks. Warrants dated 26 August, 20 September and 27 Novem er I 686. D ebenture dated 20 December I 686.163 • 

(b) 
1 October 1687. Thomas Moore paid £17. 4-S· 4d. for work m connection with a firework experiment at Blackheath:16~ • • 


(c) 1 October 1687. Thomas Moorepaid£64foq~rovidu~ganddehvermgd · W 1 · h · dem1-culverm 20 saker an

certain ships' carnacres to oo w1c , viz. 20 , 
o . f ely 163

20 mynion at 24S., 21s. and 19s. a piece respec 1v • . 
(d) 8 November 1687. Thomas Moore, master carpenter paid £?9h rs 7d on a debenture dated 29 June 1687 for making a new butt ~~t 
· · k h r: t d repa1nncr 
ked with 4-inch oaken plan on t e iron , an o 

oak posts an d p1an fi · · the platform
the old butt with oaken plank and brac:s. Also or repa1rmg 686. also at Woolwich pursuant to a warrant to him dated 30 November 1 , ~ · · h · ' carriages 163 
or repamng s ips · "d £ 6d on a debenture
(e) 5 December r687. Thomas Moore pai 137. is. . . dated June i687, for work done by him at Tower Place, Woolw1ch, 
O 
in re Jrin two store-houses under the charge of the Maste~ G~ner of Engl~nd, daptain Leake; at Captain Leake's stable; at ~r Lmby s house 102 Riley's Memorials of London and London Life 1868, p. 489 (10 Richard II, A.D. 1386, 
Letter Book H, folio ccix). / 6
102 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48 2 • 
219 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
in the Warren; and for labourers. Also for repairs on the Fireworkers' sheds. According to several warrants dated 18 December 1686 and 26 April 1687.163 
(f) 
16 February 1688. Thomas Moore paid £36. os. 3d. for taking up the old platform and laying 800 feet of new for the wharf at Woolwich on the instructions of Captain Richard Leake.164 

(g) 
31 Jvfarclz 1688. Hester Moore, on behalf of Thomas M oore, paid for repairing the crane at Woolwich. Warrant dated 6 September 1687.165 

(h) 
28 April 1688. Hester Moore, on behalf of Thomas M oore, paid £60. 13s. 4d. for making a new butt at Tower Place for m aking ex­periments in great ordnance and enlarging and fitting up the old one. Debenture dated 30 June 1687.166 

(i) 
30 June 1688. Paul Linby and John Packman paid £30 for earth­,vorks at Woolwich on an imprest dated 28 June 1688.167 

(j) 
30 September 1688. John Johnson paid £37. 2s. rod. for glaziers' work at Mr Peach's house at Woolwich, the windows being broken by the late unhappy accident.168 Warrant dated 4 August 1688.169 

(k) 
30 September 1688. Thomas Cass, Master Carpenter paid £88. 14S, 3d. for work at Woolwich for Captain Leake.170 

(1) 
30 June 1690. John Hayward, carpenter, paid £41. 12s. 2d. on a debenture dated 30 September 1689 for work done on the. 1faster Gunner's 


171
house at Tower Place; also for building a shed there for fire vorkers. 

(m) 
16 January 1691. Robert Fitch paid £2. ros. od. for new setting a bottle and a copper and for repairing the old furnace at Woolwich.172 


(n) 
10 December 1691. Thomas Peach paid £Bo for work in connection with the Rupert and Gallions batteries and the Line at Woolw ich. Debenture dated 30 November 1690.173 

(o) 
19 December 1691. Robert Fitch, master bricklayer, paid £r r3. 13s. 6d. on a debenture dated 30 March 1690 for repairing the tiling on several salt-petre houses, storehouses and dwelling houses in W oolwich; the damage being occasioned by the great storm. Warrant da ted r6 


January 1689.174 
(p) 
30 June 1693. R~bert Fitch paid £74. 5s. sd. for work done at the powder house and refinmg houses at Woolwich. Warrants dated g January 1693 and 22 June 1693.11s 

(q) 
12 June 1694. Henr~ Hayward,i76 master carpenter, paid £1,058. 6s. 7d. for work done by him at Woolwich as follows: 


184 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II PRO/WO/sr/35 p ,6g185 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II: PRO/WO/sr/36: p: 38_ · JU Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/26. 
::: Or?nance. Treasurer's 1:,<;dger, PRO/W0/48/2 6. . . This was m all probability the accident in which the tvv'o gunners lost their lives 
(see note 157). 111 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II PRO/WO/r:r/37 p170 Ordnance Bill Book, Series n' PRO/WO/1/ ' · ~ 1 · 171 Ordnance ~reasurer's Ledger: PRO/WO/ladJ: p. o. 1721 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II PRO/WO/s1/43
111 0 d T ' L ' ' p. i2.
m r nance reasurer,s edger, PRO/W0/48/30. Orclna/nc/e Treasurer 5 Ledger, PRO/W0/48/30. Ordnance Bill Book, Series JI,PRO/W0 51 39, p. 91. 175 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II PRO/WO/si/46
171 H H d I ' ' p. I 53. 
enry aywar rep aced Thomas Cass as master carpenter. 
220 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE . 
(i) 
At the storekeeper's house. Warrant dated 24 November 1692. 

(ii) 
At a shed in the Carriage Yard. Warrant dated 27 June 1693. 


(iii) At the Lantern Shed. Warrant dated 24January 1693. 

(iv) 
Enclosing the Carriage Yard. Warrant dated 10 March 1694. 


(v) 
At the wharf. Contracts dated 18 February and I I September 1693.177 

(r) 
18 July 1694. Robert Fitch, master bricklayer, paid £6. 12s. 4d. on a debenture dated 7 December I 693 fer bricklayers' work and materials in repairing the 'Barne' where the fireworkers work between 17 July and 2 D ecember 1693, the work being certified by John Hooper, storekeeper, and J ames English, fireworke,.178 

(s) 
30 November 1695. Henry Hayward, master carpenter, paid £41. I 5s. 6d. for work done at Woolwich between I April and 30 November I 695 at Captain Leake's appartment, at John Packman's house and on the lower crane.179 

(t) 
30 December 1695. John Johnson, glazier: paid £29. 18s. 1d. for p u tting in new glass at Woolwich. Certified by William Meade,180 


Proving guns at Woolwich during these early years must have been a dangerous occupation, the death of two gunners ':s a result ?f some accident in 1688 having already been recorded. Not only did gu1:s b reak to pieces, but their projectiles were apt to take an _erratic course in flight, and either miss the butt altogether or stnke ~he p arapet and richochet over into the space beyond. Such a happenmg took place in 1695. This is learned from the Journal Books and Treasurer's Ledaers. On 21 December 1695 a bill was allowed and p assed to John Wilton, secretary to Sir William Prichard for damage 
to a house in the parish of Plumstead by shots from the proof-butts a t W oolwich,181 and on the same day a bill and debe:1tur~ ~as allowed and passed to John Waller for £40 payable to Sir V\ ilha~ Prich ard for damage done to the house and barn etc. of the sa~d 'John Wilton tenant to Sir William Prichard at the Half-h~use in 
' r. ii at W oolwich' 182 
the parish of Plumstead by shots 1rom proo s . . · Apparently only half the amount was eventually paid, for in _a ' J 6g6 we read that 'Sir
Treasurer's Ledger, under date 27 anuary 1 , . . W·11· p · h d 'd £2o on behalfofJohn Wilton, his tenant,
1 iam nc ar was pa1 h' h
15
on a debenture dated 21 December I 695, for damage to ouse, barn and wall at the Halfway House in the parish of Plums_tead, and ploughing up the ground and killing a cow in calf belongmg to the said John Wilton, occasioned by shot and shell fired from the Warren 
183
at several proofs'. 
111 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/'i\'0/5i/49, P6~ B'll Book Series II 178 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/v\ 0/48/33. r nancc 1 ' 
PRO/W0/51/48, p. ro6. 
170 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/51, P· 89. 180 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/51, P· 102• 
181 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/17. 
182 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/18. 
18 3 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/34. 
221
16 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
The authorities were still not quite happy over the Warren defence despite the work which had already been done to the fortifications there. On 24 February 1696, Mr Silvester was ordered to proceed immediately to Woolwich and join Captain Leake in mounting proper guns on the Line there; it was also ordered that a 'proporcon be drawn for sending down to the Warren at once, such ca rriages, and transoms out of store as would be necessary for the purpose'. Captain Leake was informed of the action taken and Mr J a mes 
Felton, the storekeeper, was asked to render all the assista nce he could and to supply the necessary labour.184 
Although fireworks had been broken down and remade in the Fireworkers' barn during the first twenty-five years of T ower Place, as a government establishment, the year 1696 marked an important milestone in changing the character of the place from a depot to a munition factory. Manufacture, as opposed to mere storage, may be 
said to have commenced in 1696. This transformation was br ought about by the erection of the Laboratory, afterwards known as the Royal Laboratory, an event which took place shortly after the re­moval ofthe Tilt-yard Barn from Greenwich to Woolwich, the la tter 
having already been described in Chapter 3. 

William Boulter, Assistant to the Surveyor of the Board of Ord­nance, was intimately concerned with the change over from Green­wich to Woolwich, the building of the new magazine at Greenwich and the construction of the new laboratory at Woolwich. In this connection he received the following payments: 
17 October 1695. £1 for going to Greenwich to view the o-round for building a magazine for powder.185 ° 21 November 1695. £1 for going to Greenwich to measure the ground for the powder house.1B5 22 November 1695. £1 for going to Woolwich to direct the levelling of the ground for the Laboratory.186 6 January 1696. £1 for going to Greenwich to direct the taking down of the timber shelves at the Laboratory which are to be carried to Wool­
wich.185 20 January 1696. £1 for going to Greenwich to direct the taking down of the building of the laboratory there to be sent to Wool­
wich.185 
24 January 1696. £1 for going to Woolwich to direct the fitting up of the Laboratory there.Iss 
29 January 1696. £1 for going to Greenwich to direct the towing down ofthe great timber at the Laboratory to the place where the new Labora­tory is to be built.185 
27 March 1 696. £r for going to Greenwich to set out the foundations of the new powder house.Iss 
JU Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/i8111 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/si/52, p. 41 . 
222 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

The estimate for the Laboratory at Woolwich was attached to the letter dated g October 1694 addressed to the Lords of the Treasury by the Principal Officers of the Ordnance186 and read as follows: 
A_n estimate for building a Labouratory in the Warren att Tower Place, Woolwich, vzz : £. s. d. 
120 rodd Brickwork at £5. 15s. 690 0 0 243 Sqre. Tyling at 26s. p. square 315 18 0 Digging the foundations 56 0 0 Plaistering 37 0 0 Glazeing 25 0 0 
10 16 0
2 7 Paire Window Shutters 22 2 Sqre Roofing with Plates and 0

Beams 45s. per Square 499 lO 0 0
2 0 Doores and Doorecases 35 10 16 0
I 08 Window Lights 2s. each 622 Foot Moulding at the Eaves at 12d. 31 2 0 I 02 Sqre Floareing and Boarding at £3 per Square 306 0 0 
15 0 0
I Paire of Outward Gates and Posts 
0 0
2 Paire of Staires 5 For Particions, Lyning the Walls, 125 0 0
l

Presses for laying up stores For I Powder house Lin'd and Shelv'd 
I 15 0 0 within to keep a store of Powder 
200 0 0
Oversiers and Contingent charges £2,477 2 0 434 IO 0
For Building a storekeeper's house 
50 0 0
Laying the Water into y6 Laboratory £2,961 12 0 
O ffice of Ordnance 6 Oct. 1694 
87
(Signed) John Charlton, Tho. Littleton, Wm. Boulter1 . . . h O d E timate Books under
This estimate also occurs m t e r nance s 
date 6 October 1694.188 • William Boulter who figures so prominently in these tdransactio~s, was appointed 'A~sistant to the Surveyor of Our .0 : nahn~e vice d' Th W rrant appomtmg im was
Thomas Townsend decease . e a b given at 'Our Court at Whitehall on the eighteenth day ofNovem er 
1
· h fi f O · , 1s9 For getting into trouble he was ater
in t e rst year o ur reign . b fi ther warrant dismissed from office as Assistant to the Surveyor Y a ur 
dated 3 July 1702.190 1 · t d 
. Ri h d Leake who must have been great y interes e
C
aptam c ar ' h w n and have 
over the proposal to build a Laboratory on t e arre 
186 See Chapter 3, p. 106. p 329 (Treasury Papers Vol. XXIX 
1 8 7 Calendar of Treasury Papers 1557-1696 , · No. 57). WO/ / 
18B Ordnance Es~im,ate Book, PRO/ 1 .4g)1 , ~RO/WO/s5/4o1, f. 69. 
189 Warrants (Kmg s and others, Woo wic 190 Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/W0/55/342• 
223 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
looked forward to its completion, died on 1 February 1696, before he reached the promised land. He was succeeded as Master Gunner ofEngland by Colonel George Brown on 30 October 1696, who took over his official residence in Tower Place. His patent gives a list of his predecessors, viz. Anthony Fenruther, Stephen Bull, William Bull, William Hamond, John Reynolds, J ames Wemyss, Captain Valentine Pyne and Captain Richard Leake. It is dated 30 October 
in the 8th year of Our reign.191 
During the years 1695-1696, building was rapidly carried on and the new Laboratory was completed within the second year. On a warrant dated 3 December 1695, William Edge, master scavel-man, was paid £130. 19s. od. for digging and carrying gravel for raising and levelling the ground at the new Laboratory at Woolwich, i.e. 291 floors at 9s. a floor.192 On a warrant and contract dated 15 November 1694, Robert Fitch, master bricklayer, was paid £2,422. 3s. 2d. for bricklayers' work in connection with the building or the new Laboratory, a figure which included £965. 14.s. 6,l-d. paid him for bricklayers' work in connection with the new powder house at Greenwich.193 In addition, Henry Hayward, master carpenter, re­ceived the large sum of £1,122. 3s. 5d. under a contract dated 15 Novemb~r 1694 ?n a debenture dated 30 March 1696 for his sh are 

ofthe ~,~rk m erectmg the new Laboratory; for building the mealing and dnvmg houses; and for work in connection with the house where the closets of Colonel Brown and Captain English were the iron house, the three kitchens, the wood house, the coal hous~ and the wat~h-tower; all p~rt ofthe new Laboratory buildings.194 He did not receive payment till 6 May 1699, nearly four years late.195 Henry Hayward was also paid on a contract and warrant dated 2o June 1695 the sum of£139· ros. 11d. for building a palisade 2 7 rods 1 5 feet long _round t~e barn in the new Laboratory at £ 5 per rod. Other work which_ he did at Woolwich and for which he was paid on the 
same day, viz. 3° March 1696, was on the ProofHouse at Woolwich; on the mortar stand at Woolwich (warrant dated 23 February 1695); on the wharf (warrant dated g November 16g5) and at the Labora­to~ where he put up 325 yards of wainscot costing £ 46. os. I od. H1s_payment for_these extra services was £317. gs. 5¼d.rno Later on agam he was paid the sum of £280. gs. od. for work at the clock­house at the new Laboratory at Woolwich and for wharfing near the new powder house at Greenwich. The w~rrant for the Greenwich 
1t1 u• (K"
narrants mg's and othe W I . m Ordnance Bill Book Series7i p~oO/Wi/PR/O/W0/55/402. m Ordnance Bill Book' Series n' PRO/W0/51/52, p. go. 
Ordnance Treasure;'s Led ' PR 51 53, P· 42• m Ordnance Bill Book ScriesgH, PRg~~g//48/36, 26 July 1697. ;: Ordnance T_reasure;'s Ledger: PRO/Wo/M52, P· 104· Ordnance B1U Book, Series II PRO/WO/4 /37.
' 51 52, p. 95. 
224 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

assignment was dated 18 June 1696 and he received payment on 31 March 1697.197 
When the Laboratory, or Royal Laboratory to give it the name it acquired in after years, commenced production, Sir Martin Beckman, the Comptroller of Fireworks, obtained a new warrant of appointment dated 4 February 1697 as 'Comptroller of Fireworks as Well for Warr as Tryumph and of all Firemasters, Fireworkers, 
198 To

Bombadiers and Petardiers employed in the Laboratories'. assist him, Captain John Baxter was appointed 'Storekeeper of the Laboratory' on 1 April 1698 on a M.G.O.'s warrant dated 10 April 1698.199 On the technical side the Comptroller had as his deputy the Chief Firemaster. A certain number of fueworkers completed the establishment. 
There is little more of interest to relate during the remainder of the seventeenth century. A certain amount of repair and adaptation ofbuildings took place as was only to be expected, especially as many of the structures suffered from the ravages of time. Weather and accidents at proof accounted for most of the damage, though age contributed its quota in many cases. 
The two men chiefly concerned in these building operations were Robert Fitch, master bricklayer, and Henry Hayward, master car­penter, and between them they received considerable sums of money for their 'care, diligence and extraordinary pains' between 1696 and I 700. The following extracts, not necessarily in chronological order, outline some of the operations they undertook. 
Robert Fitch 
15 December r698. Paid £30. 1os. 5d. on a debenture dated 31 December 1697 for repairing sheds in the Old Carriage Yard. Warrant dated 25 September 1695.200 
31 January 1699. Paid £7. 19s. 2d. on a debenture dated 31 December 
1697 for repairs carried out at Colonel Brown's house. Warrant dated 
10 November 1696.201 
23 May 1699. Paid £31. 8s. 9d. on a debenture dated 30 June 16~8 
for bricklayers' work at Tower Place. Warrant dat~d 12 No~ember 1697. -02 
30 December 1697. Paid £13. 7s. 5d. for br~cklayers work at ~he 
Laboratory during 1697, i.e. repairing and m~~ng new stores, making 
kilns for burning wood for charcoal; and repa1rmg the barn where the 
fireworkers are lodged.203 
26 July 1697. Paid £7. 12s. 5d. on a debenture dated 2 S~ptember 1696 
for bricklayers' work in repairing John Pack.man's house 1n the Warren 
197 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series. II, PRO/WO/51 /54, P· 46. 198 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/36. 199 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/57, P· 85. 200 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/37. 201 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/37. 202 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO W0/48/37. 263 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/55, P· 104-. 
225 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 
damaged by the breaking up of guns at proof; also for mending the clockhouse, stables and privy of Colonel Brown in the Laboratory.204 
r5 Decem~er 1698. ,Paid £_13· 7s.. 1_d. on a debenture dated 30 December l 697 for bricklayers work m repa1rmg stoves and kilns to make charcoal in the Woolwich Barn, and in renovating John Packman's house· the damage having been caused by the bursting of guns at proof.205 ' 

30 June r698..Paid £31. 8s. gd. for his share of the work in building the new house m the Warren for Thomas Pritton labourer and for repairs at the clockhouse in the Laboratory, storeho~ses etc. 20~ Thomas P:itton was a labourer in ordinary at Woolwich and was appointed vice Richard Church, deceased, at a salary of £26 p.a. on a warrant dated ro February 1691.207 
ro Ju~ze r699. Paid £13. ,µ. 2d. on a debenture dated 31 March 1699, for repairs at the Labo:atory between I January and 31 March 1599.20s 24 February r700. Paid £16. .,µ. od. for repairing the saltpetre house and Colonel Brown's residence.209 3 May 17oo. Paid £7. os. 4d. for repairing the Firework Barn and Kettle House. 210 
24February 17°~-~aid £140. 7s. 4id. on a debenture dated 30 Septem­ber 1699, f~r repairs m the shot-yard, saltpetre house and old wall before the garden m the Warren. Warrants dated 17 March 16 23 A ril 16 
and 15 June 1699.211 99, P 99 
3 1 December 17°0 -Paid £7o. Bs. 6d. for repairing the storehouses and other work. Warrants dated 22 August and 19 November 1700_212 
Henry Hayward 
30 December 1697. Paid £85. 1gs BJ..d fc k d
p · , h . · 2 • or war one (a) at Thomas ttLtonbs ouse m the Laboratory (b) at the sheds in the kitchen court in t e a oratory. He was also paid £ 58 11 d r
of cubical oak timb fc h N · .'2s. • ior delivering 684-} feet 
ers or t e ew Carnage yard 21a 

3(1)n.;~mbelr 1698[. Paid £153. gs. o½d. for the f~llowing work: a e c osets o the Comptrolle d C .
tory (£s , '2s. d.) ran aptam Baxter at the Labora­
2 
5 

(b) Making gates for the Laborator (£ 6 .1
1 

(c) Repairsatthewharf(£85. ros.\d)~~-s. 72d.) 
23 Ml!" 1699. Paid £41 15s 6d . 
1695 for repairing the flo~rs i~ h · on a debenture ~ated 30 November Packman; also repairin the wh t e houses of Captam Leake and John 
nd

1 April and 3o Novemb~r _:1a crane. Work took place between 
1695 

zo, Ord T
nance reasurer's Ledg PRO/W
20 

' Ordnance Treasurer's Ledg:;, PRO/W0/48/36. ::; i}toiceJill Book, Series II', PRO/w8?~f137•
5 57 8

ioa . . s arrants, PRO/WO/5 / 'p. 9 . Ordnance Treasurer's Led 5 4 79, P• 49• 
P~[?WO/51/57, p. 28. ger, PRO/WO/48/37. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, 
Ledger r;RnOan/Wce Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/ I/
11 Ord 0_/48/38, Debenture dated D 5 57, p. 129. Ordnance Treasurer's w 0 nance Bill Book, Series II PRO/WI ecember 1699. 
Ill 8:::ri~r·s~fger: PROJWgflM!~: p. 40.
=~
g;:nce B!ll Book: Seri: iJ: :fgf~g11s 1/61, p. 76. IU o~ce Bill Book, Series II PRO/W0/51/55, p. 160. cc Treasurer's Ledger: PRO/WO/~fi~: p. 98. 
226 
28 May r699. Paid £89. 19s. 8d. on a debenture dated 30 December 1697 for carpenters' work at Tower Place.216 
J lVIay 1700. Paid £117. 6s. od. for repairing the wharf and the bridge gomg to the New Carriage Yard; also for work at the saltpetre house. The work was carried out between 16 June 1698 and 3 May 1 700. The warrant was dated 14 May 1698.217 
3 r December 1700. Paid £84. 6s. 3d. for certain specified iterns of work at Woolwich. Warrants dated ro November 1696, 14 May 1698, 20 April 1699 and 30 June 1699.218 
The last carpenters' work in the seventeenth century was carried out by William Ogborne who had replaced Henry Hayward as master carpenter during 1700. On 17 July 1701 he was paid £10. 19s. 3d. for 85 days work between g September and 31 December 1700 in repairing storehouses and a dwelling house at Woolwich. The deben ture on which payment was made was dated 31 December 1700 ,2m the warrants were dated 22 August and 7 December 1700. 
It will be noticed from the above quoted extracts that the unfor­tunate Packman had his house damaged twice in fifteen months by the blowing up of guns at proof. This is hardly to be wondered at considering that his residence was close to the line of fire. From the position of his dwelling on the map of 1701, drawn by Albert Borgard, it appears that he lived, moved and had his _being un­comfortably close to a local 'Hell's Corner', where he daily ran the risk of b eing 'butcher'd to make a Roman holiday'• 
The only new construction during these latter years was the 'New Carriage Yard'. This yard with its sheds was built under a contract ~ated 13 August 1697 on a warrant dated 12 November 1697. It was sited within the old fortification originally planned a~d e~ecuted by Prince Rupert, being completely surrounded by its triangularly shaped ditch which was crossed by a bridge. The total cost of this project was in the neighbourhood of £1,100, for on_ 31 December 1697, _Henry Hayward was paid £315.. 6s. 8d. for his sha~~oof t?e work including the roofing, gates and gibbet for the crane, w~ile approximately a year later on 15 December 1_698 Robe:t Fit.eh received £ 4-5. 3d. for the bricklayers' wo~k 1n connectlon with
772. 
the same undertaking. Actually the latter sum mcluded a ~mall pay­ment for repairing Thomas Pritton's original house in Tower 
Place.221 During these first thirty years ofthe 'Arsenal's' history, the proving 
216 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PROfWO/48/37. 217 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/60, P· 58. 218 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO/51/61, P· 88. . . 
21s Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/40. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/61, p. 48. 2
220 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO fWO /5 I /55, P· 12 • 221 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/37. 
227 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
ofguns was almost a weekly occurrence. The ordnance was supplied mainly by Mr Western from his foundry at Windmill Hill near l\,foorfields, the founder responsible for making most of the brass guns and mortars required by the Crown. Proof, as has been in­timated, was not then a local affair carried out by officials on the spot, but was regarded as an occasion of importance attended with ceremony and pomp. Not only did the proofmaster from the Tower supervise the actual operation, but the Principal Officers and other servants of the Board, particularly the Surveyor-General and often the Chief Engineer, foregathered at the Warren in strength. Even the Lieutenant-General was present at important trials. For instance, between 11 April and 30June 1687, he attended the proof of a nine­
cylindered mortar-piece at the Woolwich butts.222 Blackheath, too, witnessed many experiments with mortars, carcases and fireworks, though actual gunproof never took place there. 
Summing up the impressions of Tower Place made by a study of the years 1670 to 1700, eight main features stand out. 

(i) 
T1:e:e was a complete lack ofdecentralization. Every transaction, however tnvial, had to be sanctioned by the Board in London. 

(ii) 
All issues and receipts of stores had likewise to be confirn1ed by the Board. 


(iii) There was no technical staff at the 'Arsenal'. All maintenance and 

repair, whether of munitions of buildino-s had to be carried out by artificers sent down from the Tower. b ' 
(iv) Except for a small nucleus of 'established' labourers local labour 

~~ras en?'aged for each_specific commitment. When the parti;ular need for its services was over, 1t was dismissed. 
(v) 
During the years r683-1685, there was a constant issue of guns, mortars, shot and shell to Woolwich, as the place tended more and more to be~ome the main munition depot of the country. 

(vi) 
Tower Place was an important centre for refining saltpetre. Between 1681 and r694 there was a special additional storekeeper for 


saltpetre.223 
(vii) During_ the earlier years of the period under review, most of the wor~-~t Wooh":'ich had to do with 'Sea' rather than with 'Land' Service. 
(vm) M~ny issues ofstores and special equipment were made to Captain Leake for his numerous experiments. 
It is fortunate that a survey of the Tower Place drawn in I 7°1 by Al?ert Borgard, still exists, since by its aid a vis~al picture of the establishment at the end ofthe seventeenth century can be glimpsed. ~h~ area was thirty-one acres. There were no boundary walls and 
t e ocal populace, ifthey so desired, could roam the ground at will. It was bounded on the north by the river Thames, on the weSt by 
::~:~H;bb:i:;r~rbLedbeger, PRO/W0/48/26. 
' cto r 1681-31 December 1694. 
228 
THE BEGINNINGS OF TOWER PLACE 

Rolt's (afterwards the Old Warren) Lane, on the south by the Wool­wich-Plumstead road and on the east by the marshes. The ground was well covered with elm trees. There were many gardens and orchards. 
The principal buildings and yards were: 

A. The Laboratory; a series of shops built round an open rectangular space, in the centre of which a fountain played. It had a clockhouse gate-way at its southern end. It was situated where the remains of the pre-1914-war Royal Laboratory still stand. 
B. The Old Carriage Yard on the site now occupied by the M.I.D. Offices built in the first world war. 
C. The New Carriage Yard facing the river and surrounded by a ditch on the space now covered by the main Ordnance Office, stores, wharf and sheds. 
D. Prince Rupert's Walk; the walk between Prince Rupert's battery and the Thames. Now covered by the Ordnance wharf. 
E. A powder house; close to the Old Carriage Yard. 

F. Three cranes along the Water-Front between the western tip of the ditch surrounding the New Carriage Yard and the western boundary of the property. 
H 
. Shot-yard attached to the Master Gunner's and Storekeeper's houses situated between the mansion house and the Thames. 

I. 
The Old Mansion house of Tower Place in which the Master Gunner of England and Storekeeper lived. It stands on the site of its successor. It is now used for stores, offices and the Officers' Mess of the Armament Inspection Department. 

K 
. The Greenwich Barn on the site of the Old Foundry, now used as an O.F. Garage. . 

L. 
Pritton's house, near the present Mam Gate. 

M. 
Bricklayers' storehouse, just west of the present !"1ain Gate. 

N. 
The Firework Barn, just east of the present Mam Gate. . . 


O. 
The Kettle House, on a site now occupied by the houses m Dial Square. . . 

P. 
Hawthorn Tree House, on a site now covered by the main machme shop of the Royal Carriage Department. 

Q. 
Gun for experiment. 

R. 
Mortar for experiment. . . 


S. 
John Packman's house, on a site now covered by the main machme shop of the Royal Carriage Department. 

T. 
Stand for guns. 

V. 
Stand for mortars. 

X. 
The Proof-Butts, on a spot occupied by the present Central Offices. 

Y. 
A smiths' shop, close to the water's edge, between the shot-yard and the river. 



Who were the staff that happy band of pilgrims, living and working in this sylvan'retreat? Their number was small and their pay, to our way of thinking, even smaller. 
229 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
They consisted of: 
The Storekeeper, James Felton, paid £40 p.a. He was the official 
head of the establishment. He arranged the work, was the 
Board's local agent, was the financial and accounting officer, 
and made all necessary payments out of Imprests received. 
The Storekeeper's Clerk, paid £20 p.a. 
The Carriage Master, John Packman, paid £26 p.a. 
6 labourers, each paid £26 p.a. 
The Master Gunner of England, Colonel George Brown, paid 
£190 p.a. 
20 gunners each paid is. p.d. 
The Comptroller of Fireworks, Sir Martin Beckman, paid £200 
p.a.224 
The ChiefFiremaster, Major John Henry Hopkey, paid £150 p.a. 
The Chief Firemaster's Mate, Captain John Baxt r, paid £80 p.a. 
The Storekeeper to the Laboratory, Captain John Baxter, paid 
£40 p.a. 
Captain English, the Fireworker, paid £40 p.a. 

A total of 34 souls, of which 32 were whole time appointments. 
There were no 'industrials' in the modern sense of the word, and 
very little trade distinction. Labour was 'fluid' and trade unionism 
unborn. The gunners under the Master Gunner of England manned 
the guns for proof and carried out artillery practice at the exercising 
butt. They did, in fact, all the elementary 'munition' work required, acting as fireworkers when occasion demanded. Life was indeed simple. 
2~4 This.was not a whole-time appointment. In addition, Sir Martin Beckman was sti11 Ch1efEngmeer to the Board ofOrdnance, for which post he received a salary of£300 p.a. 

.... 
0 
r-­
.... 
5 
1--o 1--o 
ro 
~ 
..g "§:
...... 
0 0 
~ 
---=-== 
Chapter 7 
The Warren 1701-1720 

The daw:1 of th~ eighteenth century had little effect upon the W ~r~en ·which contmued to preserve the even tenor of its ways. No striking cha~ges took place till some sixteen years later, but these, when the_Y d1~ occur, were of major importance. They stamped for ~ver the 1mprmt of the factory on the erstwhile storage depot, and ~ntroduced those mechanical devices which in due course developed into the machines of modern industry. Firework manufacture, proof 
of guns a:1d minor repairs made up the trivial round, the common task, durmg the opening years of the century, so that in the first d e~ade the slate of the recording angel or the books of the Ordnance scn~es, whichever metaphor be preferred, were singularly free from 
entries of any consequence.
Tower Place still preserved its air of ancient peace. Trees abounded e er!':"'here, and the gardens and orchards ofthe old mansion, though p art1t1oned to form the private grounds of the few residents, still flourished and continued to gladden the eye with their colour and1 their produce. The Warren itself, which according to John Harris was then known as Woolwich Green, stretched away to the Plumstead marshes and beyond where the tenant farmers tilled the soil, kept 
their cattle and cultivated their holdings. The road from Woolwich to Plumstead was a tree-bordered country thoroughfare. No brick walls shut it in or marred its vista of light and shadow. Scattered along it were a few farms, mostly belonging to the larger estates of the neighbourhood. It was a vision of the Kentish countryside at its best, a slice of rural England. The main entrance to the Warren butted on a green which in later years became known 
as Sappers' Green, from the engineers carrying out their exercises 
there.
Several changes of staff arose during the first few years. These are sometimes a little difficult to follow because the posts often appear to have been filled for some time before the warrants appointing the holders were issued, and appointees to positions of importance ob­tained subsequent warrants to the same posts on the accession of a new sovereign. Thus, although Lieutenant-Colonel John Henry Hopkey, Captain John Baxter and John Baxter were functioning 
respectively as Chief Firemaster, Mate to the Chief Firemaster and Storekeeper to the Laboratory at the end of the seventeenth century, 
1 History of Kent by John Harris, 1 71 g, p. 340. 231 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

they all had warrants of appointment dated 1 February 1703.2 At the beginning of 1702, Colonel George Brown, Master Gunner of England, died; he was the last ofthese officials to live in the Warren. His successor, appointed in April 1702, was Captain Thomas Silver, who by virtue ofhis appointment as Master Gunner ofWhitehall and St J ames's Park, already resided in the Gun House, Spring Gardens, 
the site of which is now covered by the Admiralty. Sir Martin Beckman ceased to be Comptroller ofFireworks on 1July1702,3 but was not apparently replaced till four years later when Lieutenant­Colonel J. H. Hopkey, the Chief Firemaster, was appointed in his stead with effect from 1 April 1706 on a salary of £200 p.a. His warrant of appointment was dated 1 May 1706.4 H e, in turn, was 
followed as Chief Firemaster, by Lieutenant-Colonel James Pendle­bury with a salary of£150 p.a.5 
A considerable number of guns had been steadily pouring into Woolwich from contractors during the closing years of the seven­teenth century, and the flow continued at the beginning of the eighteenth century in an ever increasing stream. For example, on 
4July 1678 the following pieces were received into store at Woolwich from Thomas Western: 
40 Demi-cannon g} feet 16 Culverins I 1 feet 8 Culverins g feet 2 12 pdrs. 1ol feet 
Iron ordnance 12 12 pdrs. 
g feet 2 Sakers 
8~-feet 8 Sakers 
7 feet 

The contract was dated 10 September 1 6 77, and the value was £3,440. 2S. l d. 
Again on 17July 1678, a quantity ofiron ordnance, to the value of £3,387. 13s. 6d., was received into store at Woolwich from the assigns of Mary, widow and administrix ofJohn Browne late his 
. ' C'. 'M
aJesty s guniounder, deceased.6 These were not isolated instances, bu~ were symptomatic of the large intake of guns which regularly arnved at the Warren. The main contractors supplying these sinews 
of war were Thomas Western, WiIIiam Benge Thomas Silvester, 
Mr Jam~s and Mr _Gott. In consequence, a lar~e amount of proof 
was earned out, which, besides testing the guns, wore out the butts. 
2 Lieut.-CoJoneJ J H H k d . w ts
PRO/WO/ I · · op ey an Caplam John Baxter, M.G.O.'s arranWarrants w~~/~!te~· /tiohn Baxter, M.~.O.'s Warrants, PRO/WO/55/488, P· 39· a Ordnance Quarter Boor1~1otw703, salaries to commence I January I 703. 
•MG O 's Warr ' 0/54/60. 
I M"c'o\ Warr::::, :ROfW0/55/488, p. 59. t
0

co!1'1111~n~e ~ Ap!il 17o6. RO/W0/55/488, p. 59. Warrant dated I May 1706, salary 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series r, PRO/WO/so/i3. 
232 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

This kept John Packman busy with his teams and his drugs. By the beginning of Queen Anne's reign, the Warren had become the largest gun repository in the country. All these lay in rows in the ~pen, exposed to the gaze o:f the curious. This, perhaps, occasioned httle harm as ordnance, being heavy, did not attract the petty pilferer, but it was otherwise with lighter and more portable stores. The temptation to acquire those must have been overwhelming. It seems astounding that the Warren was still unfenced. One would have thought that its enclosing would have been one of the first acts subsequent to its purchase by the Crown. Nowadays such property is said to be 'publicly owned', though the public is, nevertheless, excluded for a variety of reasons. Not so at the beginning of the eighteenth century; what the State owned, the local inhabitant made use of according to his fancy. No wonder government stores became 'lost, stolen or strayed'. This communal outlook with its distressing effects gradually convinced the official mind that privacy and security h ad their advantages, so it was decided to enclose the Warren. The contract for building the wall was dated 23 June I 702. Three men, W illiam Edge-master scavel-man, Robert Fitch-master brick­layer, and William Ogborne-master carpenter, who were mainly responsible for all building and repairs at Woolwich, participat~d in the work. William Edge cleared and prepared the foundations, grubbed up trees and levelled the ground between 17 July and 
26 September 1702. Although his debenture was dated 26 September I 702 , it was 4 May 1704 before he received his just reward of £32. 3s. 6d.7As soon as these preliminaries were completed, Robert Fitch, like Balbus, built a wall for which he was paid £499. 17s. I rd. on 28 March 1705, though his debenture was date? 30 Sept~m?er I 702. This sum, besides being the payment for his wall bu1ld1ng activity, included a sum for erecting a shed 'to perfor~ fireworks in'.8 William Ogborne then completed the undertaking. On 28 March 1 705, on a debenture dated 30 June I 703, he was paid 
£87. 9s. 9-}d. for: 
(a) 
Putting up stockades at the eastern end of Prince Rupert's Walk as a further measure of security. . 

(b) 
Erecting the o-ate and posts in the new wall gomg out of the Warren into the road, and ~he wooden gate near the bridge in the bottom that leads to Proof Place. Warrant dated 26 September I 702. . 

(
c) Putting a new roof on the_she~ lately belongi~g to ~,1r. Fitch, an? 


a new gate next to the street gomg mto Mr Felton s-the storekeepers house. Warrant dated 17 October I 702.9 
7 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/42 • 8 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/43. Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/51 /68, P· 87 · 11 Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger, PRO/WO/48/43. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51 /68, P· 99· 
233 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
Messrs Edge, Fitch and Ogborne between them, therefore, built the first wall ever to be erected round the Warren, which consisted of 94 rods, 133 feet of brickwork, the cost being £5 per rod. 
The storekeeper's house was the first building to receive attention at the turn of the century, and its repairs were quite extensive covering, as they did, the walls, roof and flooring. The warrant for the work was dated 19 November 1700, and payments were made on 19 July 1701, on a debenture dated 31 December 1700, to Robert Fitch and William Ogborne ofsums amounting to £70. Bs. 6d. and £13. os. 9-J-d. respectively, for carrying out these renovations in addition to some work on the Greenwich magazine. i0 T h e carriage sheds were next in the queue. Their repair was effected on a warrant dated 25January 1701, as on 5 October 1701 Robert Fitch was paid £6. 5s. 3d. on a d~benture dated 31 March 1701, for this service.11 
A catalogue ofmmor works services hardly makes thrilling reading, but as it cannot be woven into the pattern ofthe narrative, the items must be stated for purposes ofrecord. Sundries repairs were as follows: 
28 Januaiy. I702. Robert Fitch, on a debenture dated 30 September 1701, was paid £25. _7s. 6d. for repairing the smiths' shop, the refining house, the Old Carnage Yard sheds, John Hesket's dwelling and the 
labourers' house.12 I~ March I7°2-Robert Fitch, on a debenture dated 31 December I 70I, received the sum of£137. l4S. 3d. for 8 rods 28 feet ofbrickwork reduced 

in the wall between the Old Carriage Yard and the pontoon h~use '½ith other work at Woolwich. The warrant for this was dated 22 M ay 1701.13 ;2 Jwze I7°2-Robert Fitch, on a debenture dated 31 March I 702, was paid £ 15·,6s. 1od. for erec:ing a ~hed to house a copper for brewing for John. Hesket, ~_labourer m ordinary, at Woolwich; for opening up, cleanmg, :epamng and reclosing the drain belonging to his house, together with other necessary work. The warrants for these services were 
dated 16 October 1701, 17 January 1702 and March 1702_14
5

20 M_arch IJo4. William Edge, on a debenture dated 30 September I 7°3, was pa:d £io. 4J. od. for making up the breach at the end of Prince Rupert s Walk. He used 34 floors of earthwork.15 
3~ June 17°4• William Ogborne, on a debenture dated 30 June 17°2, received the sum of£16 d fc • Id rt
; 5s. 0 • or 325 yards of wainscot, part o pa new, at the storekeepers house, the warrant being dated 16 October 
16

1 
~~r. On the same day, on a debenture dated 30June 1702, he was paid Ordnance T_reasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/ Bf Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/WO/ ;40 .
11 
Ordnance 1:reasure;'s Ledger: PRO/Wo/a;6~, p. 76· Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/WO/ / · u Ordnance 1:reasure;'s Ledger: PRO/WO/a;6~, P· 54· Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/WO/ / · 
:: Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger: PRO/WO/a;6J: p. 3r. Ordnance 1:reasurer's Ledger, PROfW0/4B/\Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/W 4 4 · 
u Ordnance T;easure;'s Ledge~ PRO/W°d5r//64, P· 63. Ordnance Bill Book Series II 'PROfW ½48 42.
11 
Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledge~, PRo;w°oirJTI;. P· 7• 
234 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 
£ I 2. 7s. 6d. for repairing the pontoon chests, the proof-butt at Proof Place and John Packman's house at Woolwich, the warrants for these last three items being dated 29 December 1702, 8 February 1 703 and 1 6 March 1703 respectively. Also on the same day, on a debenture dated I 3 August I 702, he was paid £3 I. I 2s. 6d. for repairing the wharf at Woolwich.i7 
Woolwich suffered from severe weather during the winter of I 703 / 1 704 which caused a good deal of damage in the Warren. This is confirmed by the statement that, on a debenture dated 19 February 1 704, carpenters and bricklayers were paid £24. IS. 4d. for repairing the Laboratory and storehouse 'after the great storm'.is 
The three cranes in the Warren now began to give serious trouble. The truth was they were worn out. They were constructed of wood and, b esides being subjected to considerable overwork, were ad­versely affected by climatic conditions. ReJ?airs were_ or?ered, but the 'tinkering' they received proved a short-sighted policy m the long run, leadin o-merely to waste of money and labour. Eventually, two of them had to be completely overhauled and :he third one rebuilt. A warrant for repairing one ofthese cranes was issued on 23 Septem­ber 1 703, and the work was carried out between 1 o January an? 6 1V1ay 1...04 William Ogborne being paid £83. 3s. 8d. for this service or/ 5 M ay 1705, on a debenture dated 6 May 1704.19 Matters reached a head in The upper and lower cranes had to _be
1707. thoroughly reconditioned, and the middle one had to be reb:11lt. William Ogborne, as usual, carried out the work. He received £144. 1s. s-~-d. for repairing one between 12 May and 28 June 1707,20 and £24. 6s. 2 ¼d. for renovating _the other_betvveen I July and 2 Auo-ust 1707.21 A warrant to rebmld the middle crane was issued on ; 4 August 1707 as under that date the Journal Book states: A v. arrant issued to Mr Ogborne and other proper artificers for re­buildino-the middle crane at Woolwich Warren and to make new gates for the ;hot-yard there. Mr Howell to repaint the upper and lm,·er cranes which have been repaired.22 The Journal Book, under date 30 October l 707, also states: Warrant to Mr Ogborne to fix at such a proper place near the cranes at Woolwich a standing gibbet to weigh the ar~ifice_rs' ordnance before the d t k" the Surveyor-General's directions \\·here the same
y are prove , a mg must stand and how made.23 
i; Ordnance Treasurer's Ledgers, PRO/\t\T0/48/42• 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PR0/\\:0/51/67, P· Bo. 
18 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/\'\ 0/48/43. 
19 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/vV0/48/43. 
Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/51 /68, P· 1oo. 
20 Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger, PRO/W0/48/47, 2 4 May 17°9· 
Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/51/75, P· 41, 28 June 17o7. 
:n Ordnance Bill Book: Series II, PRO/\\ 0 /51 /75, P· 39, 2 Augu5l 17°7 · 
22 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/2 5, P· 58. 
23 
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO{\'\ 0/47/2 5, P· 163. 
235
17 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
'Mr Ogborne and other proper artificers' then proceeded to their allotted task. On 30 June 1708, William Ogborne submitted a bill for £345. 16s. o¼d, for (a) Building the middle crane; warrant dated 14 August 1707. (b) Erecting gates at the shotyard; warrant dated 30June 1708. (c) Constructing a standing gibbet for weighing gun­
founders' ordnance, and (d) Making a small wharf before Prince Rupert's Walk; warrant dated 11 June 1708.24 Out of this amount £43. 16s. 3d., on a debenture dated 20 June 1708, was on account of the new crane.25 
The wharves were another constant source of anxiety at the Warren. Subjected to the ebb and flow of the tides, and to the des­tructive agency ofsalt water, they called for periodic attention. On 8June 1705, the Surveyor-General ordered that 'a warrant be given to Mr Edge to lay well in clay from the moat at Woolwich the wh a rf by Prince Rupert's Walk between the earth bank and timber wharf­

ing, to be 3 feet in front and from the foundation 1 foot above high water-mark. Every floor to be very well rammed, and the rest of the earthwork for filling up and making good the embrasures to be done by the day unless it can be easily measured.'26 The work was put in hand at once, and on 30 June 1705, William Edge presented his account for £7. 4S· od.,27 William Ogborne claiming £87. 19s. gd. for his share in the undertaking28 which he carried out a year or two later. In 1712, further maintenance became essential and a nevv wharfhad to be built. The first warrant for this reconstruction, da ted 6 May 1712, was addressed to Wiliiam Edge and William Ogborne. 
Between them they made good the parapet and embrasures before Prince Rupert's battery, replaced the defective timber at the front ofthe wharf, and laid down under it a new chalk bed. ,t\Tilliam Edge received £rn3. 5s. od. for his share of the work 29 and W illiam 
' 

Ogborne £62. 12s. 2-½-d,30 The big reconstruction took place a few :nonths later on a contract dated 28 August 1712, the warrants being issued on I September and 30 November ofthat year. William Edge and George Shakespear, as scavel-men entered the lists first. They took up the foundations of the old wh;rf, prepared the way for the carpenters to lay th~ new, and supplied 305 loads of gravel and I I I tons of clay. For this they were paid £76. r6s. ad. on a debenture dated 31 December 1712.31 William Ogborne then came into action. Between 6 October and 6 November 1712, he dismantled the old 
:: Ordnance Bill Book,,Series II, PRO/WO/51 /Bo, p. 26. 21 OOrddnanceJTreasurleBr s Lkedger, PRO/WO/48/50, 21 August 171 r. r nance ?urna oo ,. PRO/WO/47/22, p. 18 .27 Ordnance B!Jl Book, Ser!es II, PRO/W0/51 17 1, 7p. 36.
18
:§E~E~:i;JJ E~!: i:~;:: n: ::grwgfg:fi?: ~:~~:ii~~: :~~i: 
11 0 d n ce l o ', cries II, PRO/WO/51/87, p. 39, 17 May 1712. r nance 1:reasurer s L~dger, PRO/WO/48/52, 23 July 1713. Ordnance B1U Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/88, p. 9, 31 December 1712. 
236 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 
wharfing, took it away and prepared the site. For this he received the sum of £13. I IS. 3d.32 He then rebuilt the wharf at a cost of £332. 15s. 3¾d,33 Even after all these exertions, trouble still persisted and further steps had to be taken 18 months later. On a warrant dated 4 May I 714, William Edge performed more scavelling work at Woolwich for which he was paid £51. 16s. od.; he also raised the ground on the wharf, cleaned and made good the sides of the moat and built up the level of the soil next the wharf before the batte~ of guns at Prince Rupert's Walk. For these latter tasks he received 
£7 I. IOs. ad. having used 143 floors of earth at Ios. per floor.34 
T he Journal Books shed little light on the Warren's activities during the first thirteen years of the century. Unfortunately all of them, except those covering the years I 705 to I 708, are missing. Later on, too, there are gaps, namely those for the years 1721 and 1723. This series of Books, with the exception of one volume (2 August -3 December 1781) abruptly ceases after 1727, and the 
J ournal Books, as such, disappear from the records of history. Their loss can only be deplored. In I 749, however, the Minutes of the Surve_)'or-General take up the tale, and this sequence runs on till I 792. These minutes contain a full record of the Board's daily proceedings and are a welcome addition to our sources of information. For the years they cover, they form a framework round which the Warren's story can be hung. These various lacunae make it extremely difficult to depict a complete pen-picture of the lost years since bills and debentures, though useful in themselves, are not an author's best m aterial. As the warp and woof of history they have their uses, but they lack the colourful threads of romance so necessary to a weaver of tales. 
Little of interest seems to have occurred in I 705. The firework storehouse needed repair, and Messrs Fitch and Ogborne received warrants for undertaking the necessary work.35 On 1I August, 1705 fireworkers and bombadiers were drafted into the Laboratory for fixing hand-grenado shells for twenty Coehorn mortars for Newfound­land,36 and five days later, Mr Waterman was ordered to provide 32,000 'fuzees' for grenado shells in the Laboratory, presumably in part satisfaction of the Newfoundland order.37 On 6 October 1705, a Mr Francis Lavey was paid £5 for making a plan of Woolwich.38 What would not one give for a copy ofthat map now! Incidentally, on 28 October 1718, the Board paid £20 to Lieutenant John Hargrave 
3 2 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/88, p. 36, 6 November 1712. 33 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/88, p. 39, 31 December 1712. 34 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51 /93, p. 64, 1 March 1714. 35 Ordnance journal Book, PRO/WO/47/22, p. 4, 29 March 1705. 36 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/22, p. 293. 37 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/22, p. 301, 16 August 1705. 38 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/22, p. 382. 
237 
BIRTH AND CH I LDHOOD 
for making a survey and sketch of Tower Place.39 This may conceivably be the existing plan of the Warren dated r 7 r 7 which is unsigned. The following labourers were sent to v\Toolwich between r March 
and 2 r April r706, to be employed in fixing fireworks :40 Edward Howe Stephen Baggott Robert White Thomas Saunders Andrew Cadmern Richard Davis Andrew Sherlock John Sheppard Christopher Taylor Edward Saward 

John Harding George Finman On r October r706, £r ro. os. gd. was paid to the labourers in the Warren for dealing with stores and £or acting as night watchmen between r July and 30 September r706, both dates inclusive.41 The Board wrote a letter on 7 November I 706 to Mr J ames Felton, the storekeeper, authorizing MrJones to set up a furnace in the saltpetre refining house, for the purpose of casting shot for her M ajesty's service.42 Shot seems to have been in urgent demand at this time as all unserviceable ordnance at Portsmouth '\ as ordered to be sent to the Warren for conversion into shot.,43 and to assist at proof six sacks ofcharcoal were despatched to ProofPlace.44 On 24 June I 707 warrants were issued to 'Mr Fitch for perfonn ing the bricklayers' work in repairing at Tower Place, at the labourers' house, at the barn where the fireworks lye, and at the house inhabited by John Packman according to an estimate laid before the Board by Mr Meades'.45 In due course Robert Fitch carried out the work and sent in a bill for £63. 13s. 7d. for repairing the pontoon house, fire­barn and the labourers' houses between 18 July and 27 October 1707.46 William Ogborne, too, was employed between r and 16 Sep­tember 1707 on the labourers' houses £or which he was paid £ 13 · 
5s. 1d.47 
Flammenwerfer or flame-throwers are usually considered to have been evolved in the first World War when, in 1915, the Germans used them in surprise attacks. In the second World War their use was 
greatly extended by all belligerents. The following extract from the Journal Books shows the fallacy of this: 
3 1 
January 1708. The experiments of the Orlebar and Powell engine for projecting liquid fire are to be made at Woolwich on Saturday next 
:: Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/31, p. 3 1 g. 41 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47123, p. 1 6 2, 26 February 1706. ,.. OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47124, p. 94. ; Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/24, p. 1 5 r. u 4 Ordnance journal Book, PRO/WO/47124, p. 1 6 1, 12 November 1706. Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/24, p. 3 16, 18 February 1707.
0 11 Ordnancej'?urnal Book, PRO/WO/47/24, p. 5 x3. 47 Ordnance B~Il Book, Ser~cs II, PRO/WO/5r/8s, p. 12, 27 October 1707. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/5i/8s, p. 7, 16 September 1707. 
238 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 
7th February. Mr Felton to let the projectors have any assistance in labour or materials they want. Mr Whitaker and Mr Baxter to issue the necessary items from their stores.48 
As Ecclesiastes so truly says: 'There is no new thing under the sun.' On 2 March 1708 £r. 2s. od. was paid to the fireworkers in the Laboratory as under :40 
s. d. John Baxter 2 days at 5s. IO 0 Thomas Heydon 2 days at 3s. 6 0 Thomas Howard 2 days at rs. 6d. 0
3 
Francis Howard 2 days at rs. 6d. 0
3 
Total: £1 2 0 
There seems to have been a minor strike in the Laboratory in I 708. On 5 March of that year, the Board wrote to Captain Thomas Silver Master Gunner of England, asking why four fireworkers on the es~ablishment James Fimsy, William Cahoon, Robert Leslie and 
J ohn Tongue ' their. work .50 H' answer
absented themselves from 1s u nfortunately is not recorded. The Laboratory was very busy at that time, Marlborough's wars making heavy _deman~s on the country's liniited armaments industry. It was working at high pressure as the storekeeper received an imprest of£80 ~n 13 ~arch I 708 to p~r t~e fireworkers and bombadiers who constituted its labour force. No 
orkers however were kept on the books a moment longer than w as nec~ssary. No\passengers' were carried and no senti~ent shown. On 30 M arch r 708 the Journal Book baldly states that all the men employed in driving' "fuzees" are to be discharged owing to lack of 
· d' s2
w ork, the operation being no longer require_ • . 
Three small jobs had been carried out pnor to t~e time we have just been considering. These were two by Robert Fitch and on_e _by William Ogborne. The former was paid £1 r r • 8s. 4d. for repairing dwelling houses, storehouses, the Warren watch, etc., ?etween : 1 July and 23 September 1703,s3 and £2. 2s. 2¼d. for minor repairs to houses and the Warren wall on a warrant dat,ed 2~ Septem?e~ 1703_54 William Ogborne renovated the barn for lodging fireshirss stores' at a cost of £8. 5s. 1d. on a warrant date? 10 June 17°4­
On 17 August 1709 William Ogborne was paid £266. I 7s. 541 d. on a debenture dated ~ 1 August r 707, for carpenters' w?rk executed by him in making a route from the Manor Way leading from the 
48 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/25, P· 299· 
49 
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/25, P· 3r· 60 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/25, P· 3 o. 51 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/25, P· 392 • 52 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/2 5, P· 4o7. 
63 6·
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/V\'0/4i/71. P· 38, !gJuly 17° 54 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 /7 1 , P· 3~, -1u Y 17°6· 65 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 /69, P· B.:>, 3° June 17o4. 
239 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

Woolwich Road to the marshes, for the purpose ofconveyingpowder to the magazine near Greenwich. His warrant was dated 6 March 1706.56 
Robert Fitch, the master bricklayer, died either in the autumn of 1710 or the spring of 1711, as, in the latter year, Henry Lidgbird took over his post. Lidgbird's warrant of appointment, however, was not issued till 3June 1712. It states that Henry Lidgbird, senior, and Henry Lidgbird, junior, are to be master bricklayers to the Office of Ordnance.57 Another appointment changed hands towards the end 
of 1710. Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Hara was made Chief Fire­master vice James Pendlebury, on a warrant dated 4January171 r, the change-over to be effective from 1 October 171o.5s T h ereupon the latter became Master Gunner of Great Britain. Incidentally, in the same year, Lieutenant-Colonel Jonas Watson became Master Gunner of Whitehall on the death of Captain Thomas Silver,59 but as the Master Gunners of England no longer had their official resi­
dence in the Wa~re~, they pass beyond the ambit of this vvork. 
The ~s_t repair JOb to be carried out by Henry Lidgbird was some re-tiling ofthe Laboratory roo£ The warrant for this was dated 23 August 1711, and he received £14. 1os. 2 t d. for his work.Go In 1712, the_ firework barn and the mealing hquse required attention. The repairs were effected by WiIIiam Ogborne and H enry Lidgbird 
on a warrant dated~ ?ctober 1712, pursuant to the Board 's order of 7 August 1712. Wilham Ogborne was 'd £ 8 d
pa1 12. 1 s. 11 ., on a debenture dated 30 December 1712 r.0 h' h f h k GI d 
. . . , 1.1 r 1s s are o t e wor anHenry L1dgb1rd received the sum of £62 l 7 8ad r b . k'l . g
h' h · 1 d d h · s. 4 • ior nc ay1n 
w ticd mNc u e bt at carried out at the labourers' house on a w arrant 
da e 4 ovem er 1712.62 The last payment to Joh p k .
n ac man as Carnage Master in the

Warren, was dated 3o Septe b H 
to Paul Linby d b m er 1712· e was a worthy successor 
, an etween them the d h · · fi 11

at Woolwich for ov fifi Y serve t eir country faith u Y e~ ty years. One is glad to be able to record that
John Packman received the . h 
· 'P fi promot10n e so richly deserved by
beconung roo master to Her M . ' 

strangers' on a warrant dat aJeStY s subjects and merchant : the Warren, he still contin e1 .31 January 1712,63 Although lost to The fire-barn seems t :e I~ the service of the Crown. carpenters' hands N ~ ave. een unlucky. It was always in the
0

William Ogborne ~e . J~bt its age contributed to its fragility. pa1re it again between lo and l 5 August l 7 l 3 
61 Ordnance Treasurer' L d 17 M.G.O's Warrants PR~/~6 PRO/WO/48/48. 11 M.G.O's Warrants' PRO/W0//55/499, f. 62. " M.G.O's Warrants' PRO/WO 55/488, p. 71. 
•0 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II ~j/_(}fivp. 25, Warrant dated 1 7 February 17 1 o. 11 g:ceI-u5urer's Ledger' PRO/wg/~,'85, p. I 14, 16 November 171 I. ,. O~ce ~ Book, Series n: PRO/WO/ 52, 23July 1713. 
•• ,ce Bdl Book, Series II PROfW 51/88, p. 36, 3 December 1712. 
M.G.O I Warrants, PROfW0/551499, f~i:/go, P• 78, 30 September 1713. 
24-0 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

for a sum of £5. 14S, od., paid on a debenture dated 15 August 1713.64 It then promptly collapsed, for we learn that 'William Ogborne was paid £11 for work done on _t~e barn which fell do':n at Woolwich'.65 Also on 23 July 1713, Wilham Ogborne was paid, on a debenture dated 8 December 1712, £13. 17s. od. for repairing the Laboratory in accordance with the Board's order of30 September 
I 7 l 2.66 Another small service carried out by William Ogborne between 20 July and 8 August 1713, was the repair of the roof and gutte:ing of the saltpetre house, and of that of the shed in the New Carnage Yard. He also set up three posts in the yard. The warrant for the work was dated 5 June 1713, the bill was presented on 8 !'--ugust 1713,67 and the payment of£9. 8s. 1~~-was made on 27 April I714, on a debenture dated 8 August I 7I 3· . . T he year 1714 is the first year in which an estabh:sh~ent for Woolwich is shown in the Establishment Books. It 1s given as 
follows :69 
The storekeeper The storekeeper's clerk The storekeeper of the Laboratory 2 labourers in ordinary at 7 extraordinary labourers at 
£40 p.a. 
£25 p.a. 
£40 p.a. £26 p.a. each 
£ 27. 10s. od. p.a. each 
In addition to this there was the militar~ s:aff which, e~cept for the absence of the Master Gunner, was s1rmlar to that in l 700. Actually the civil staff had not altered in establishme~t! except for 
or two additional extra-
d
the post of Laboratory storekeeper, an one dTh p ·u ordinary labourers, since I 683. William Sumpter anf h omas ih 0:1 became the labourers in ordinary at the end_ 0 t e y~a£r· eir warrant was dated 24 December 1714 and their salary O 2 6 p.a. 
was to commence on 1 January I 7I 5· William Sumpter ~a; api pointed vice Thomas Quelch, deceased.70 On 9 AugustH1712, oCoh~ef 
L. C 1 1 Alexander ara as 1eAlbert Borgard replaced 1eut.-o one 
p·
iremaster.71 f th round in front of
1 1 O
After William Edge had raised the eve e g ) h 
· h mer of 1714 (see note 34 , t e
Prince Rupert's battery 1n t e sum 
, L d PRO/WO/48/52 27 April 1714.
64 Ordnance Treasurers ~ ger, WO/ /8 ' p 100 15 August 1713. 
Ordnance B~ll Book, Ser_ies 11,PPRROO/'w0/ 5/ (' p.· 33, 31 December 171 3. Contract 
66 Ordnance Bill Book, Series 11, 5 19 ' 
dated 7 August 1713. JWO/ 8/ 2 
66 Ordnance T;easurer's L~dge1~, ;~g/WO/!i/~8: P· 36, 8 November 1712. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series • 6 
67 Ordnance Bill Book, Series 11, PRO/W0/51189, P· 10 • 
88 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/52· 
69 Ordnance Establishment Book, PRO/W0/54/igg. 
70 M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/Wth0/55/5o~, P0~~fFiremaster dated 24 December 1714. 
71 Colonel Borgard had a fur er warran as ' M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/WO/55/502, P· 55· 
241 
. 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD THE WARREN 1701-1720 
guns and carriages in that part of the emplacement became re­dundant. They, therefore, had to be removed. 72 On 25 October 1714, Mr Felton, the storekeeper, wrote to the Board asking for instructions regarding the same. The Board replied on 10 December 1 7 14 to the effect that he was to certify the number of days worked and the amount ofmaterials used in breaking up the carriages removed from the battery,73 that the resulting iron-work was to be put into store, and that he was to render particulars as to weight, etc. 74 William Mesmer, one of the three ordinary labourers in the military (as opposed to the civil branch) was injured while dismantling these old gun-carriages. He was, thereupon, attended by the surgeon who, in the Board's opinion, submitted a fantastic bill. On 8 March 17 15, the Board wrote to Mr Felton and queried the charge of £10 'demanded by the surgeon in curing Mr Mesmer'. They considered 

it very excessive and asked the storekeeper 'to ascertain the worth of it', saying that they were prepared to pay a reasonable sum.75 Eventually, on 25 March 1715, they settled the account by giving £5 to the surgeon and 30s. to the apothecary.7G 
On IO December 1714, a warrant was issued to the glazier to proceed to Woolwich for the purpose ofmending the windows in the storekeeper's house, the labourers' house and the cordaire house. A strict account was to be kept of the time worked and the materials expended.77 
By 1714, the Laboratory required repairs, and John Baxter, store­ke~p~r to the Laboratory, rendered a report on the condition of the bmlclings and recommended the course of action to b adopted. These proposals were accepted by the Board on 17 December 171478 and referred to the Surveyor-General,79 John Baxter also proposed that the fixe~ shel! lying in the Laboratory should be drawn. In order to obtam ~n !~dependent opinion, the Board ordered Colonel Borgard, the Ch1efF1remaster, to proceed to Woolwich on 18 Decem­ber _and report his views to the Board.so The outcome of the dis­cuss10ns between Colonel Borgard and Captain Baxter is not recorded; so presumably they agreed on the desirability of 'drawing the shell: T~e. Su:veyor-General evidently pursued a policy of masterly mactivity m :egard to the Laboratory, because on 6 May 1 715, John Baxter again complained to the Board and stressed that 
72 Ordnance Journal Book PRO/WO/ 
?
73 Ordnance Journal B k' PRO/W 47/27, p. 67, 2 October 1711. 7t Ordnancejournal B~~k' PRO/Wg/47/20A, f. 5. 6 Ordnance Journal Book: PRO/W0~4712J• p. ~?0· 
1

·• Ordnancejournal Book PRO/WO 47 2 'p. ::>· 
77 Ordnance Journal Book' PRO/W0/47/28, p. B3. 
78 OrdnanceJournal Book' PRO/W0//47/27, P• 100· 
71 Ordnance Journal Book' PRO 47127, p. I IO. 
•0 OrdnanceJournal B k' PRO//W0/47/20A, f. 10, 17 December 1714. 
Ordnance Journal ~k' PROfWW0/47/20A, f. 10, 18 December 1714. ' O/47/27, p. 110, 17 December 1714. 
242 
the necessary repairs must be carried out. Stung to action, they sent down Colonels Borgard and Hopkey-the Chief Firemaster and Comptroller of Fireworks-to view the buildings,81 with the result that on 17 May 1715, Mr Meades was instructed to prepare the necessary estimate.82 The repairs were duly carried out on 1 July 1715 by Messrs Lidgbird and Ogborne. William Ogborne was paid £52. 19s. 5d. for the carpenters' work involved, a sum which in­cluded payments for repairing the 'Greenwich Barn' and for work carried out at the conduit house in Collick Lane which supplied the Laboratory with water.83 Henry Lidgbird re-tiled the Laboratory roof where necessary between 2 August and 29 November 1715; he also, between those dates, made drains for the New Carriage Yard. The warrants for the Laboratory and the New Carriage Yard were d ated 1 July and 12 July 1715 respectively. His bill amounted to £ 60. 6s. 8d.84 On 23 August 1715, Mr Windmill was ordered to go down to Woolwich to mend the Laboratory clock,85 and his warrant for the same was dated 26 August 1715.86 On 18 October I 715, a plumber was sent down from London to repair the lead work in the L aboratory,87 and some days later a warrant was issued to Mr John Burgess, master plumber, to line the Laboratory fountain with lead, keeping the old lead as his perquisite, a plumber's practice which 
still obtains.as William Edge was instructed on 12 July 1715, to make a walk 25 feet broad sloping from the sheds of the New Carriage Yard into a ditch which was to be dug around the yard. He also was ordered to dig and prepare the ground for d~ains which Mr Li~gbird had a warrant to make in the ditch on each side ofthe yard, 18 inches wide and 2 feet deep (see footnote No. 84). Hen~y Lidgbird was als,? instructed to build a chimney in the dovecote 1n order to adapt 1t for use as a watch-house.89 George Shakespear assisted William Edge in this undertaking and they received the sum of £68. os. 1o¼d. as their due reward.90 They received another warrant dated I July 1715 to clear the foundations where the old building, known as the smiths' shop, had stood by the wharf, and those_ in the old foundr~. The work was carried out almost a year later, 1.e. between I Apnl and 30 June r 7 r 6. Their bill amounted to £ 50. I 2s. ?d.91 • 
Very soon after the establishment of the Royal Artillery. 1n I 7I 6, a set ofinstructions were sent to the storekeepers at all garrisons and 
81 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/4.7/28, P· n8. 82 Ordnance Journal Book PRO/WO/47/28, P· 129· 8 3 Ordnance Bill Book, Sc;ies II, PRO/WO/51/95, P· 23, IO ~ecember 17 15· 8'1 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/\VO/51/95, P· 42, 29 T\ovcmbcr 1715· 
85 
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/28, P· 239· 
86 
OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/VlO/47/28, P· 24.6. 87 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/28, P· 297. 88 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/28, P· 309, 27 October 171 5· 
89 
Ordnance Journal Book,_PRO/WO/47/28, P· 189. 90 Ordnance Bill Book, Scnes II, PRO/WO/5 I /96, P· I 'l. , 3I March I 7.1 6. 91 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROf'-\ 0 / 5 I /96, P· 96, 30 June 1716. 
2 43 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

magazines.92 While the document is undated, it was probably issued in 1716. 
Instructions to t!ze Storekeepers at tlze Several Garrisons and Magazines 
Having made Instructions and regulations for the Companies of Gunners which are at present to be employed in the Service of his Majesty's Artillery at the Several Garrisons and Magazines, and there being not yet Vacancies enough to defray the Charge of these two Companies but by saving the Expense of hiring Extraordinary 
Labourers, the respective Storekeepers are to observe the following Directions: 
Not to hire for the future on any account whatever any Soldiers or others if the number of Gunners and Matrosses are sufficient to do the same Extraordinary Work for which both Gunners and Matrosses shall rec_eive Sixpence ~ day as likewise the Sergeant, Corporal or Bombad1er employed with them to be paid out of Contingencies. 
When any Vacancy happens of an Extraordinary Labourer con­stantly employ'd it shall not be filled up. 
Part of the Gunz:iers and Matrosses shall give daily Attendance at the Storehouses with the Labourers Ordinary and Ex raordinary which_ are in consta?t pay ai:i,d, if they work, shall be paid sixpence per D1em and the like for Night Watching, and if the Service shall 
require more than a quarter part they are likewise to attend and be paid sixpence for t!1eir Extraordinary Work out of the Contingencies. 
The Commanding Officer shall every Monday Morning give to the Storekeeper a Return or Abstract ofthe Men and the Storekeeper shall advance him subsistence for the same on Account according to the an_nexed Regulation, and every Kalendar Month the said Officer 
shall sign ~hree Muster Rolls, two ofwhich shall be sent to the Board and the third for the Storekeeper with a Pay List for the said Month's subsistence received. T?e Account ofSubsistence thus received shall be kept apart and rerrutted to the Board. T~e ~ate of any Man's Death, Discharge or Entry shall be specified ~n the Muster Rolls and no Vacancy to be filled up but by approbation of the Board. To take to their Assistance and Advise with the Commanding Offic~r for putting the Stores, Artillery etc. in good order for the Credit and Benefit of h · M · , S · h t
Is a_Jesty s ervice and to represent w a may be ~ecessary t~ accomplish the same. 
f Tfiessaid Officer Is also to attend with the Storekeeper at the taking 
o a k urveys and Remains, and jointly to sign the same with the
Store eeper. 
" Ordnance Establishment Book PRO/WO/ /
' 54 199. 
244 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 
In order to procure a true State of all the Ordnance both for Sea or Land Service, all the Men that can be spared from time to time shall be employed in taking an exact Account of the same specifying Natures, Lengths and Weights, whether over or under proportion, and whether serviceable or unserviceable as Honey-comb'd vented, Broken or Taperbored to which purpose they must be carefully examined with Searcher, Rammer and Caliper in which service the Master Gunner of each place is to attend under directions of the said officer with such ofhis Gunners as are capable and can be spar'd and to be allowed Sixpence a Day as the other Gunners mend. 
A Centinel or Watchman to be kept at the Gate in the Day as well as the Night, particularly at Portsmouth and Chatham to prevent strangers coming in or anything being taken away by them. You are upon the Departure of this Detachment to advance to the Com­m anding Officer if he desires it as much money as shall be requisite to subsist the Effectives during their March to the next Garrison they ar to go to. 
A REGULATION OF SUBSISTENCE FOR THE 
DETACHMENT OF THE MARCHING COMPANY 
OF GUNNERS APPOINTED FOR THIS PLACE 
Employs Total Pay Subsistence 
s. d. s. d. 
2 0 I 6
Sergeant Corporal and Bombardier I 8 I 3 I I 0
Gunner 4 Matross I 0 9 

I n 1716 occurred the explosion at Moorfields. It was an event which had a profound effect upon the future. o~ _th~ Warren ~y directing its energies towards manufacture and 1rutiat1ng that train of causes which led ultimately to the Royal Arsenal of to-day. The original foundry for casting brass ordnance_ belonging to th~ Crown was at Windmill Hill in Upper Moorfields 1n the present City Ro~d near Finsbury Square,93 and in 1684, Mr Western, who was m charge, was responsible for making all bra~s guns and mortars re­quired for his Majesty's Service. Cannon, 1n those days, were cast from new metal and from old pieces considered to be of no further fighting value. For example, a warrant dated 24 May I 690, addresset to Sir Henry Goodrick, Lieutenant~General of the Ordnance, directed that a quantity of broken iron ordnance an~ shot then lying at Woolwich, and several grenado shel!s at Greenwich I:abora­tory, should be recast into ordnance. This work was earned out 
11a The site of this factory was afterwards occupied by the famous 'Tabernacl • of Messrs Whitfield and Wesley. 114 H.O. Military Entry Book 3, p. 18, car. II. (See page 106) 
245 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

under contract since Government casting was then confined to bronze guns. The factory at Moorfields was taken over by Mr Mathew Bagley95 in r704., who, by warrant dated r 8 April r 706, was appointed founder to the Office ofOrdnance.96 Mr Bagley continued to supply the Crown with artillery weapons till his tragic death in I 7 r 6. After the Peace of Utrecht in 1713, the guns captured from the French by the Duke of Marlborough were displayed outside the Moorfields foundry on Windmill Hill. In 1716, it was decided to utilize this­valuable metal by recasting it into suitable natures of English ord­nance, and on ro May of that year a distinguished gathering as­sembled to witness the operation, a normal procedure in those days when the art ofcasting was still somewhat of a curiosity. On the day in question the spectators included Colonel Armstrong, Surveyor­General of the Ordnance, Mr George Harrison, afterwards Super­intendent ofHis Majesty's Foundries97 and Colonel Albert Borgard, Chief Firemaster ofEngland. At a given signal pouring commenced but the moulds unfortunately were still damp. The effects were disastrous. The moisture and consequent generation ofsteam, caused the metal to fly with terrible consequences. Seventeen persons, in­cluding Mr Bagley, his son, and Mr Hall, a clerk of the O rdnance, were kiIIed, and a number of others amono-whom were Colonel 
' b 

Borgard and Mr Harrison, were injured and burnt. The Mercurius Politicus of 18 May reports the incident as follows: 
Several gentlemen were invited to see the Metal run which being a very gre~t and curious Piece of Art, a great many Persons' of Quality came to see 1t, and some General Officers ofthe Army among the rest; but whether it was some unusual hindrance in the Work or their ] etter Fate that occasioned _the !Vfetal to be longer preparing than usual we lmov\ not, but be that as 1t will, the Gentlemen waiting till past Ten a Clock went all 
or most of them away. About 11 at night the Metal being ready, was let go· · · the burning Metal no sooner sunk down to the Bottom ofthe Mould, but wi~h a Noi~e an_d Force equal to that of gunpowder, it came pouring up agam, blowmg like the Mouth of a Vulcano or a little Vesuvius. There was in the place about 20 Men, as well as Wo~kmen as Spectators, I 7 of whom were so burnt that nothing more horrible can be thought of, neither 
M•~TheB hj been a tendency to confuse Mr Mathew Bagley the founder, with Major 0 a ew ay ey, the p~oofmaster. Colonel A. H. Mockridge i~ his paper The Proving of (dianb and Propellants m the R. A. Joumal Vol. LXXVII, no. I' p. 84, suggests that t:1:eY ~ugJ t ~i°ne ~nd tbe same person. ·othing could be further from the truth. MaJ~r \\~y ey 'pr;fe to an older generation. A warrant dated 29 March 1662 (M.G.(? 5 I 'arrants, Od/Gd& D/37/i3) appoints him Keeper ofthe Gunpowder Store in the MinortCf· 
n a warrant ate 22 Sept~mber 1663 (M.G.O's Warrants PRO/G & D/37/1 5) he 15 
~a~e ie~er ofthe
~':'all Guns in the Tower vice Mr Hooker deceased His name also occurs 
0

i~ 1666.B~6~g ,i;"_uarter Book in March 1664 (PRO/W0/54/22)·. He was Proofma5ler ,. M G b• W e had become Governor of Upnor Castle. ,1 G~orge ;.Iarrf°a~ts, PR~/W0/55/515, no. 25. of
£ son 5 appointment as Superintendent of H.M. Foundries at a salary 
a13°c:frd;:i~°cnced_{0/{{8r,wry I 722. Warrant dated 27 September I 722 (Warr,an;s 
p. 8). ounci • 0/55/348 and M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/W0/55 52 ' 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 
can Words describe their Misery. About g of the 17 are already dead, the other 8 are yet living, but in such a condition that the Surgeons say they have very small hopes of above 2 of them. 
The autobiographical memoir of Lieutenant-General Albert Bor­?ard, which incidentally was damaged by enemy air action in r940, Is preserved in a MS. in the Royal Artillery Institution, Woolwich. It contains the following account of the accident: 

1716. On our arrivall at London I was order'd by the Board of Ord­nance to lay before them Tables and Draughts ofall Natures ofBrass and Iron Cannon, Mortars, etc., which was done accordingly and approved of. After the said Draughts 2 Twenty Four Pounder Brass Cannon were order'd to be cast by Mr. Bagley in his Foundry at Windmill Hill, at the Casting of which I was order'd to be present. In the Founding, the Mettall of one of the Guns blowed into the Air, burnt many of the Spectators of whom Seventeen dy'd out of 25 Persons and myself received 4 wounds. 
The gun itself, the casting ofwhich cost so many lives, is exhibited in the Rotunda Museum at Woolwich. It is about I I feet long and show s distinctly the signs of a faulty cast. In the catalogue it is n u m bered 'Class II, no. 32'. 
From fact, let us turn to fiction. 

There has been a story regarding this accident which has been current for I 50 years. Lacking any basis in fact, it belongs to that group of fables concerning the Royal Arsenal which should be pub­licly contradicted and discountenanced for ever. It first appeared in 
John Moser's Vestiges, Vol. IV, October 1802, and is repeated in the Beauties of England and Wales, Vol. VIII (Kent by Brayley), published in I 808. It is also printed in extenso in Cleaveland's Notes of the Royal R egiment of Artillery. Although completely unsupported by any cor­roborative evidence, it still has its champions. Official records, by their lack of any mention of it, prove the tale to be a mare's nest. It runs somewhat as follows: 
Andrew Schalch, founder, a native ofSchaffhausen in Switzerland, who by the common law of his Canton had to travel abroad for three years to improve his professional abilities, at last reached England during _his wanderings. Being interested and hearing about the proposed ca~t~ng operation at Moorfields, he decided to attend on 10 May 1716. Arnvmg early on that bright spring morning he ·was by virtue ofhis calling, allowed to inspect the moulds before the day's work began. At once he detected dampness in the moulds and, addressing Colonel Armstrong in French, warned him of the dire consequences which would result were casting to take place. Realizing the force ofSchalch's remarks, the Surveyor-General questioned him as to his experience and, satisfied with his bona fides, decided to follow his advice and leave the foundry as soon as possible. He, therefore, collected his friends and others who had been per uaded 
247 
DIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

of the danger, and quitted the premises.98 Scarcely had they reached a safe distance when the furnaces were opened and the explosion occurred. A few days later an advertisement appeared in public prints stating in substance that 'if the young foreigner who, in a conversation with Colonel Armstrong on the day of the accident at the foundry at lVIoorfields, had suggested the probability of an explosion from the state of the moulds, would call on the Surveyor-General at the Tm,ver, the interview might conduce to his advantage'. Schalch, informed of this intimation by an acquaintance, visited Colonel Armstrong who, after some preliminary remarks, told him that the Board of Ordnance were contemplating the 
erection of a new foundry at some distance from the metropolis, and that he, Colonel Armstrong, was authorized, owing to Schalch's qualifications, to offer him a commission to choose the best spot within twelve miles of London for the construction ofsuch a building, bearing in mind the nature of the works involved and the carriage of heavy material. In addition, he v,ould engage him as superintendent of the whole concern. 
This advantageous proposal was readily accepted by Schalch, who at once set about to select the most suitable site for the enterprise, and, having inspected various localities, decided that the Warren at Woohvich offered the best facilities. 
Such was the singular train ofcircumstances which led to the establish­ment of the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich. 
A pretty story, but one which unfortunately collapses like the proverbial house of cards when subjected to a critical scrutiny . Five reasons may be adduced to prove its utter worthlessness. 
(a) 
There is no record of Andrew Schalch being present at the Moor­.fields foundry on IO May r7r6. 

(b) 
There is no record of the apocryphal 'public prints'. 

(
c) The 'Warren' had already been in existence for some considerable time prior to the events recorded. 

(d) 
The Board ofOrdnance had for long considered building their Ov\ n brass foundry. 

(e) 
The appointment of Andrew Schalch as Master Founder was brought about by quite different means. 


Two other journals-the Flying Post and the Week{y Journal-of 12 May 1716, refer to this matter. Neither mentions the presence of the founder from Schaffhausen. 
There can be no doubt that this heavy blow shook the Board to the c?re: As a cal_amity it was unprecedented, and for armament supplies 1t was a mmor national disaster. The following day, 11 May, the Board dire_cted ~hat proper clerks should go down to Mr Bagley's 
foundry at Wmdrrull Hill to investigate the accident and render a detailed report.99 They were also concerned about the state of their . "This supposed episode does not place the Surveyor-General in a very favourable 
light. Instead of adopting a policy of sauve qui peut he would naturally have at once 
countermanded the order to cast. ' "OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47;29, p. iog. 
248 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

servants and, on 15 May 1716, directed that Mr Bamber and Mr Pawlett, surgeons, were to attend Colonel Borgard, Mr Mercator, Mr White, Mr Gibson, Mr Michelson, Mr Huchinson, Mr Ogborne and Mr Silvester, all ofwhom had been severely injured and burnt.100 On 20July 1716, the Board wrote to Dr Gardiner, their own surgeon, to examine the accounts presented by Messrs Bamber and Pawlett, for their professional services. These were subjected to careful scrutiny by Dr Gardiner, who was not backward in coming forward for an additional fee on his own account owing, he said, to 'his extra trouble in this affair'.101 Thereupon the bills for attendance by the two doctors were considered by the Board, who once more, on 18 
January 1717, referred Mr Bamber's 'bill of cures' to Dr Gardiner.102 Finally Mr Bamber's account of £245. 1,µ. 10d. was accepted and settled on 25January 1717.103 Mr Pawlett was paid £30. Is. od. for the same service on 8 February 1717.104 
M eanwhile, on 18 May 1716, Mr Wright, clerk of the cheque, was ordered to proceed to the foundry on Windmill Hill with two labourers and demand the keys from Mrs Ann Bagley, widow of the late founder. The labourers were to remain on the premises to watch the m etal.1°5 The Board on 12 June 1717, forwarded to Mrs Bagley a statement of the brass ordnance which had been sent to her late husband for recasting, and informed her that she was expected to return such guns to his Majesty's stores. They appointed Mr Henry Robinson to adjust, on their behalf, any differences with such persons as M rs Bagley might select as her agents. She was to inform the Board, from time to time, when she was in a position to return 'mettle' (metal), and they would detail proper persons to receive it.106 The Board, although accepting liability in the case of their own dependents, resolutely refused to be moved by compassion on account of other unfortunates involved in this catastrophe. They rejected without argument the pleas of Ann, widow of John Wightman, mould-maker, and ofJohn Davis, labourer, both employees of the late Mr Bagley, who had been blown up in the foundry, the former 
fatally. The petitions prayed for the Board's charity, which they obviously considered should begin at home.107 
On 30 July 1716, the Board agreed to purchase the utensils from the late Mr Bagley's foundry, on the petition of Ann his widow, at reasonable rates, for the use of the new 'Royal Foundery' which was 
100 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 111. 101 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, p. 173, 20July 1716. 
Ordnancc)ournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, p. 183, 30July 1716. 102 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/30, P· 15. 103 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/30, P· 20. 104 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/30, P· 25. 105 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 119. 106 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 137. 107 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, p. 154, 3 July I 716. 
249 


contemplated at_ Woolwich.108 The Board were not completely stony­hearted and their bowels of compassion were capable of movement. They stated on 30 November 1716:109 
Upon examination th!s day of Mr Bagley's account of metal from 1 704 to 1 716, th<: balance be!ng 12 c:1 t. 2 qrs. 28 lb., in consideration of the grea~ suffering the family sustame~ by the loss of the father, son and 
seveial "orkrnen at the late blast m recasting g d I h · 
• r d uns, an t 1e c arge 1n
fittmg t11e roun ry, ordered that the whole acco t b 11 d d h
balance remitted. un e a owe an t e 
The construction ofthe foundry at Woolwi"ch · fi t c: h d d 
. . 1s rs 1ores a owe 
m the fo11owrng extract from the Journal Bo k d d J
o . s un er ate rg une
J7I6: A1artis 19° die Junij, 1716 It havino-for 
ofthe most experienced otri . th \ many yeares been the Opinion Foundery of their O\\n a 1dce1s1 at t e Government should have a Brass 
, n w 1ereas Mr Ba l , F d . 
1
own [sic one] for Casting Brass Ord . g ey s oun ry is the on y Accidents wcli cant be prevented. nance and 1yable to dangerous 
It is therefore order'd that a Pro .
1
Building a Royal Brass Foundery at Hbo~ _and, Estimate be made for wich; and the Charo-e thereof D fi aJeStY s Tower Place at Wool­Year by Parliament for recasting eBrayed out of the £ 5 ooo given this 
. . rass 0 rdnce and t · b 1 t
herem, masmuch as there are but p Y no time e os
2 1 2
Pounder for Land Service. ounders, and not 1 I 8 or 24 A Jetter to Mr Henry Lidgbird t about providing Bricks for the Ro rBattend the Surveyr ·en1 the 20th Once the b 11 h d y~ rass Foundery at Woolwich.110 
a a started rollmg it . gathered speed. No grass was allow: s momentum increased as 1t new foundry. The Board must have d to _grow under the feet of the cariousness ofthe position No ffi . reahzed only too w 11 the pre­
O 1
as Mr Bagley's had been ·dis ~la brass foundry in the kingdom, of for the Land Service In n:iant ~d, and no guns worth speaking apparently not going to. cha viewho. the state of Europe they were 
nee t eir arm h As 

we sha11 see, the new found more t an necessary. .Meanwhile, a master founi was compl~ted within twelve months. selection of the internal fitfer was required to supervise the final 
nd

r7r6, the following adverti mgs a arrangements. So on ro July the Daily Cou"ant:111 sement appeared in the London Gazette and 
Whereas a Brass Founde . Majesty's Service, all Foundry is now building at Woolwich for his 
. . ers as are d . 

are to give In their prospect' p esirous to cast Brass Ordnance 
regulated by the Principal ~~ roposals _forthwith, upon such terms as 
may be seen in their office in thlceTrs of his Majesty's Ordnance, which 
e ower. 1oa Ordnance Journal Book p m Ordnance Journal Book' p ROfW0/47/29, p. 183 uo OrdnanceJoumal Book' p:grwo/47/29, p. 287: 
m OrdnanceJoumal Book; PROfWg//47/29, pp. 139, 140• 47/29, p. 163. 
250 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

Andrew Schalch, a founder at Douai, must have answered this advertisement along with others whose names have remained un­:ecorded. Selection followed in due course, and on 14 August r 7 1 6, it was ordered that, if Mr Leathes, his Majesty's Minister at Brussels, should give a favourable report on the abilities of Andrew Schaich as a gunfounder, he should be employed in building the furnaces and p~oviding the necessary equipment for the Royal Foundry at Wool­wich at 5s. a day until everything was provided and his performance approved.112 Eventually, on 15 October 1716, Andrew Schaich was appointed master founder by an order couched in the following terms: 'The Board having reed a Ire from Mr Leathes, his Majesty's Minister at Brussels, giving an accot that Mr Andrew Schalck (sic) bears a good Character at Doway and was an able founder, Ordtl that the said Mr Schalck (sic) be employed in the Royal Foundery at oolwich at 5s. per Diem from 20th of Sepr last.'113 
This disposes of another fabulous tale which has been accepted without question for nearly a century. It will be seen that Schalch's pay , as 5s. a day and not £5. The latter sum amounting to £1,825 a ear would of course have been fantastic and out of all proportion to 'allowances' then ruling. Even the Master-General himselfreceived basically less emoluments than this. The figure of£5 as the daily rate for A n drew Schalch's services first appeared in Historical Notes on the Royal Arsenal at Woolwiclz, by Lieutenant G. E. Grover R.E., published in r 870 in the Proceedings of the Royal Artillery Institution, Vol. VI 
p. 23 r. I t has been repeated ad nauseam, particularly by Clode in !1is Military Forces of the Crown, Vincent in his Records of Woolwich, Walford in his Greater London and Thorne in his Environs of London. No doubt Grover was considered the authority and succeeding authors slavishly copied his statement. As Hitler said: 'Make your lie big enough and everybody will believe it.' 
The question is 'Did Grover really misread the Journal Book or was the "£5" a printer's error?' That point, of course, can never be settled after this lapse of time, Grover's original MS. having long since disappeared. It is agreed that the sign in the Journal Book used to denote 'shillings', a rather large 'l', might have been mistaken for the pound symbol and given rise to the error. Yet Gro~er was a careful student and if he did assume that the sum ment10ned was 
' 

five pounds, one would have thought that such a figure would have struck him as odd. In any case, it is a pity he did not turn over the next thirty pages of the Ordnance Journal book in question, because he would then have seen a statement which would have set all 
doubts at rest :114 
112 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, PP· 198, 199. 113 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/4 7 /29, p. 241, 5 October I 7I 6. 114 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 271. 
18 251 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
15 November 1716. Andrew Schalch, founder, for 57 days pay between 20 September 1716 and 15 November following at the Royal Brass Foundery at Woolwich the rate of 5s. a day pursuant to an order of the Board of 15 October last-£14. 5s. od. 
The building of the brass foundry, which will be described later, initiated a burst ofconstructional zeal which swept away the lethargy of the preceding years. New buildings in the neighbourhood of Tower Place were planned and began to take shape besides certain other improvements ofa minor character which took place in various parts of the Warren. This activity was due, partly to the realization that a standing army required a steady flow ofequipment with which a national factory would be better able to cope, and partly to the 
fact that the Tower was losing its importance as the main government arsenal and storage depot. These circumstances demanded some conv~nient place near the metropolis, where production, proof, in­spection and storage could be grouped at one spot. The big effort lasted for four years and between 1716 and 1720 the ring of hammers and the screech of saws must have destroyed the peace and quiet 
of 'Woolwich Green'. Four main building ?rojects were carried out during these four years. They may be said to have formed a consecutive whole co­rel~ted, as they were, with the formation of the Royal R egime~t of Artillery. Th~se were !he building of the 'Royal Brass Foundery'; the constructi?n of a Great Pile of Buildings' designed at T ower 
Place, Woolwich, 9 July 1717-a block afterwards known as D ial Square from the sun-dial being built in over the main entrance in 1764; the remodelling and conversion of the mansion or 'Great House'. at Tower Place itself; and the erection of the first block of the ar~~lery barracks. One result of these changes was to strengthen
th
e ~htary_e!ement_of t_he future Royal Arsenal and inculcate that martial tradition which it retained fi
'Th R or 200 years. 
1 
. h fie oya Brass Foundery' was, as its name implied a building ~t urnaces where brass ordnance was to be cast for H:M. service. 
t.must not be confused with the old foundry a place in existence 
1716
pfnTor to , which was an iron foundry situa{ed within the bounds 
o ower Place It und .

fc d · erwent repair at the same time as the new oun ry h'":as under construction. Four entries in the Bill Books support t IS contention i th f • .
b fi. h ' n ree o which the work was earned out e ore t.J contract for the brass foundry was placed. The Lidgbirds ;eredpaib £29, 4-J. 4d. for repairing the brickwork and tiling in the oun dd· . etw:en 27 February and 30 June 1716.115 They were paid:a:g: thitJon; £2o3. r5s. 41d. for building new furnaces and a iu ere :tween the same dates.us William Ogborne was paid Ordnance Bill Book Series II PROfW111 Ordnance Bill Book: Series n' PROfW0/51/98, p. 5, 30June 1716. ' O/51/98, p. 6, 30June 1716. 252 

THE WARREN 1701-1720 

£12. os. 3} d. for repairing the roof of the old foundry at Tower Place,117 and later received another sum of £85. I 7s. I 1 {-d. for work done in the iron foundry at Woolwich.118 Finally the iron foundry was pulled down between 3 1 March I 724 and 30 June 1724,uo and any competition between old and new was stilled. 
The 'Great Pile of Buildings' was composite in character, con­sisting as it did of three portions connected by brick walls which formed two courts or squares between the blocks. The axis of the whole was approximately S.W. to N.E. The south western end con­tained the turning, washing and engraving house for the foundry and a series of artificers' rooms known as the smiths' shop. These sur­rounded the southern-most square called The Artificers' Court. The n ext building proceeding towards the N.E. was the Land Service Carriage Storehouse. On the other side of this was a larger square containing a fountain which plashed pleasantly into a basin. This rejoiced in the name of Fountain Court, though in later years it was known as Basin Square. In this courtyard were the armourers' shops and an additional workshop for technicians; there were houses there appropriated to the master founder and storekeeper.12°Finally, the northern end of the 'Great Pile', which received the appellation of Grand Square, was closed by the Sea Service Carriage Storehouse which contained the carpenters' shop. At the north-eastern entrance to the whole, was placed that beautiful gate-way designated 'Front of the gate next the River Thames for the Ship Carriage House designed at Tower Place at Woolwich instead of A markt 1717'. 
Besides the buildings mentioned, there was_a call-house_, p?wder~ house and several 'usual offices'. This collect10n of toolsrmths shops with their crude machines formed the mechanical engineering
' .

nucleus of the Warren's technical activities and was the orgaruza­tional centre. It was the toolroom of the rudimentary gun factory. 
The 'Great House' underwent a complete transformation though its ground plan remained the same. The remodelling was so thoroug~, both inside and out that the term 'rebuilt' is generally used 1n
' . .

describing the conversion. Rebuilding, however, requ1:res previous demolition and this never actually took place as a specrfic act.. As a building it was converted piecemeal into a new ho~se. By ~ 7I 9 it was very questionable whether anything of the old edifice, with the ex­ception possibly of a few bricks, still remained. The _fr~nt part of th_e mansion was pulled down and a new facade put up in ~ts place. This was shorter than the original so that the tower, which had been integral with the original structure, became detached as can be seen 
117 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/V\'O/51/97, P· 82, 30 November 1116. 118 Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/WO/51/100, P· 28, sJanuary 1717• 110 Ordnance Bill Book' Series II; PRO/WO/51/117.120 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/33, 20 April 1720. 
253 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

in the painting entitled The Royal M ilitary Academy at Woolwiclz by Paul Sandby (engraved by M. A. Rooker). This tower, or turret as it was afterwards called, was demolished in August 1786. It was the new front portion of the house which contained the 'Great Room' and the 'Academy Room'. The 'Great Room', on the right hand side of the central doorway, was the first to be built. It contained a large bow window overlooking the river and was used as a Board Room for the Principal Officers of the Ordnance. The other large chamber to the left of the main entrance was the original Academy of 1720. 
All these alterations deprived the Lieutenant-General of the Ord­nance of his bedroom etc. in the Great House, whereby he lost his pied-a-terre in the Warren. As compensation he was allowed £2 per quarter in lieu by a Board order dated 16 December 1718.1 21 
The barracks, afterwards referred to as the 'Old Barracks' to distinguish them from the second block built in 1739, was th e struc­ture lately consisting ofNos. 1-4 Officers' Quarters, Dial Square. The present Nos. 1 and 4 each then contained two officers' houses, while Nos. 2 and 3 were then the men's barrack rooms. 
Three, at any rate, ofthese four main projects, namely the foundry, the Dial Square group and the remodelled mansion of To er Place formed a synthesis and were clearly the concept of one architect. Who was he? A certain Andrew Jelfe was, by ·warrant dated 16 January 1719, appointed 'Architect and Clerk of the W orks of all buildings erected, or to be erected, in the several garrisons, forts, castles, fortifications etc. belonging to the Board of Ordnance in Great Britain'.122 He, therefore, must have been given this post too late for him to have had anything to do with the designs of the buildings in question, and, so far as is known, he was the Board's first permanent architect. The Surveyor-General at that time was Brigadier-General Michael Richards who had been appointed to that office on 2 December 1714.123 He was a great intimate with the Duke ofMarlborough, Master-General, and SirJohn Vanburgh, Comptroller ofthe King's Works, and the three of them had formed a close friendship. Michael Richards was given, by warrant dated 18 March 1717, a special responsibility as 'Superintendent of Our fortifications and all other military buildings in Our Kingdom of Great Britain and all other Our Dominions'. He would therefore have had an immediate interest in the growth of the Warren and any plans would have come under his personal notice. Tradition has always associated Sir John Vanburgh with these specific buildings and, for once, tradition appears to be right. There can be very little doubt that the foundry, the 'Great Pile of Buildings' and the 
::~ Ordn~ce Bill Book, Series I, PRO/W0/50/8.
M.G.O s Warrants, PRO/WO/ss/4go. m Patents and Warrants, Vol. V, p. 56. 
reconstructed Tower Place were the handiwork ofSirJohn, that man ofmany parts, soldier, courtier, herald, playwright, and architect. As early as January 1858 the Quarterly Review says in Article VII, 'as the visitor gets to the gates of the Arsenal, he finds no difficulty in tracing the whereabouts of the labours of Andrew (Schalch) for straight before him, with stately solemnity which marked the con­ceptions ofits builder, Vanburgh, stands the picturesque gun foundry with its high-pitched roof, red brickwork and carved porch, looking like a fine old gentleman amid the factory ranges which, within these few years have sprung up around. It is impossible to con­template this building without respect, for forth from its portals have issued that victorious ordnance which, since the days of George II, h as swept the battle grounds of the old and new worl~s:' 
Among the King's maps in the Map Room of the Bntish Museum are a number of volumes containing original designs of barracks, fortifications and other military buildings in different parts of the country. These obviously derive from the pen of one ~an. T~e technique is certainly that of Sir John '(anb~rg_h, who delighted 1n a para-military style of his own which, 1nc1dentally? no .other draughtsman attempted to copy save Hawkesmoor, his assistant. H awk smoor's work, however, lacked the breadth and boldness of his master's conception, and is easily distinguishable from ~hat of Vanburgh. Volume XVII of this series is devoted to Woolwich. In 
it are four drawings: 
(a) 
Plan of the Foundry built at Woolwich anno 1 7l 5 · 

(b) 
Plan ofpart ofa Great Pile ofBuildings designed at the Tower Place at Woolwich g July 1717. 

(c) 
Front gate at Woolwich 1717. . . 

(d) 
Front ofthe gate next the River Thames ~or the Ship C_arnage designed at the Tower Place at Woolwich instead ofA (1.e. (c)) markt 1717. 



The name of ( c) is misleading. It is in reality the entrance to the buildings mentioned in (b), i.e. the south western gateway, to ~he Artificers' Court leading to the turning, washing, and engraving rooms; ( d) is the design of the main gate at the north eastern end 
of the 'Great Pile of Buildings'. . None of these plans is signed, no record exists ofVanburgh_hav1n~ executed them and no relevant Ordnance document ment10ns his name. Yet so defined is the hall-mark, that experts have no doubt as to authorship. Vanburgh apparently received no payment at_ an,y time from the Ordnance Treasurer. As Comptroller of the Kings Works, he may have received fees through anothe~ chan~el, or ~he execution of such plans may have been p~rt of his ~ffic1al duties. Alternatively, he may have made these drawings as a friendly gesture 
255 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
to his two highly placed friends. Unless further evidence be forth­coming in future, the enigma must remain unsolved. 
Mr Lawrence Whistler, author of Sir Jo!zn Vanburgfz-Architect and dramatist, gives the foIIowing reasons why Sir John Vanburgh must be considered the creator of these Woolwich drawings in the British 
Museum: 
(a) They must be considered in relation to the rest of the military designs in the same series all dating from the same period, i.e. those for Deptford, Upnor Castle, Sheerness, the Tower of London and Berwick. The style is the same throughout, both in architecture and drauo-htsman­ship. Although not included among the others the new suo-gest;d layout 
for Tower ~lace, Woolwich, :le~rly belongs to' the same gr~up. 
(b) Architecturally the bmldmgs are exactly in Vanburgh's 'martial' ~anner, such as he used in his house, Vanburgh Castle,124 at Blackheath, m the outworks of Castle Howard and elsew·he H · ted this 
, , 1 d . d fi re. e mven 
manner ,fpa_rt Y_ en~e ram the medieval, and no other architect was capable o usmg 1t, or mdeed wished to adopt i"t L I b ·1d times 
· d · b h . oca m ers some
cop1e it, 1 · y
ut t ey a ways faltered or modi"fi d ·t to 
. . e 1 m som.e way eas
S f
detect. ome o the details m the 'barracks' ld · d d have
group cou , 1n ee ,h b
been wroug t y Hawkesmoor who caught th V b 1 d. · but
I ffi f ' e an urg 1 tra it10n,
~he genel:ka le ect o e~ch design is such as to rule out Hawkcsm oor. Nor 
1s he so i e y an architect as Vanburgh th· · 
( ) v b h h On 1s occasion. 
_c an u~g was _t e obvious architect to choose. He was pre­emmently a cast1e-bm1der'. He had be ld" d h d d" d 
· · b ·1 · en a so ier an a stu 1e 
Hrmlitary 1m din? t? some extent; his work was full of military 'allusions'· 
e was a so enJoymg great popula ·t d · f 
G I afi h" n Y an esteem in the new reign o 
eorge ter is temporary eclipse under the Tories. 
Mr Whistler, himself is co · d h ' nvmce t at the 1716-1720 layout ath W

t e arren was the work of Sir J h V b
O

unity and spacio b n an urgh. There is clear1y a 
. usness a out the whole 'dThISbIIarge builfding programme cost t.he Board of Ordnance con­

s1 era e sums o money as th T testify It · h . e reasurer's Ledgers and Bill Books 
. 1s somew at difficult t d 

specific heads as th O separate the various items un er 
, e master craftsm h · h a

tions, often received a corn . en, w o superv1s:d t e _oper ­ticular share in the k prehensive payment covermg their par-the records reveals t:o~ as ha whole, but even a cursory glance at 
e J.act t at the yea d · · d a

spate ofconstructional f . . rs un er review witnesse the past. ac ivity foreign to the laissez faire methods of 
The 'Royal Brass Founder ' 

for it was dated 19 J Y was the first to be built. The contract une 1716 125 Th · • • 1 d n
24 July 1716 to Mr Willia · e m1tia step was an or er o estimate.12e Concurrentl Wr.n. Meades to prepare the necessary 124 • Y, Ilham Edge and George Shakespear 
ow Van/Ju hC l 

121 0 dn rg ast e School in Maze H"JJ r anceJournaJ Book PRO/W 1 • J11 OrdnanceJournal Book: PRO/W00//47/29, p. 199. 47/29, p. 180. 
256 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

went ahead between 1 July and 30 September 1716 with preparing the foundations, a task for which they were paid £50. 8s. 1 i½d.127 The site chosen had necessitated the demolition of the Greenwich barn which was promptly pulled down.128 Then the Lidgbirds, father and son, carried out the necessary brickwork at a cost of £334. 3s. 3d.,129 a sum they were paid by Mr Farman on 5 October 1716.130 As the original foundry building was constructed mainly ofwood, the lion's share of the work fell to William Ogborne who received a payment of £1,675. 1s. 2¾d. for his part in the new venture.131 Mr John Burgess, the master plumber, then entered the lists, and, on an order dated 30 November I 7I 6, proceeded to cast in pigs 24 tons, 1gcwt. 3qrs. 13lb. of lead for the roof.132 For this he was paid £ 405. 19s. 1½d., his account being presented on 30 June I 717 .133 Mr John Mist, the master pavior, was al~o e~rolled for_ th~ common cause. He did a certain amount of paving 1n the srruths yard by the foundry and at other places nearby.134 William Ogborne, too, was paid additional sums for making wooden plates, pattern~ and scaffolding in connection with the erection ofthe ne': foundry:13., The fabric ofthe foundry being completed, the c~nstruct10~ ofwh1ch had demanded, among other things, 35,534 W1ndso: bricks at £3 per 1,000, which with 17 tons 2cwt. of loam for use 1n _the ~oundry at 25s. per ton, were delivered to the site by Messrs L1dgbird at a cost of £r34. 3s. od.,1as the building of ~he furn~:es ~ook place. There were two furnaces known as the 'great and the little . The great 
· 1a1 y· tl

furnace could melt about seventeen tons of meta1at a time. irs Y Messrs E dge and Shakespear dug the necessary pi~s, r~ceiving_ in payment the sum of £78. rgs. 1id.138 The~ the L~dgb1rds, usmg 28 500 place bricks and 10 ooo hard stock bncks, bmlt the furnaces 
, · , J..d 1ao 

between r8 March and 23 May 1717 at a cost of £ 237· gs. 7-2 · By the late spring of 171 7, the new foundry was completed save for the finishing touches and as early as 4 January of tha_t year, the Surveyor-General w:s instructed to issue warrants to arb.~cers fr_om time to time so that the necessary implements could be provid~d with­out delay.Ho The last act, bar the painting, was the embellishment 
127 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO I5 1l9J, P·a8' 3° tpteh~;r ; 7~tof\\ 0 I 

128 Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/5119 , P· 1• 3° arc b · 51 /99 p 10 31 Decemb~r 1716. PRO/WO/51 /100, P· 41, ~ Septem r11717· 
120 
Ordna~ceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 199, 14 ugust 171 • 
130 
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 241. 
131 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/100, P· 1, 29June 1717• 
132 
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 289· 
133 
Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/51/98, P· 68· 
134 
Ordnance Bill Book'. Series II, PRO/WO/51/ 100, P· 137, 3° Septtmber 1Jl7· 
135 
Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/51/97, P· 82, 31 Decem er 171 • 136 Ordnance Bill Book'. Series II, PRO/WO/51 /98, P· 47, 31 December 1716• 137 Guide to Woolwich John Grant, 184I. b 6 138 Ordnance Bill B~ok, Series II, PRO/WO/51/97, P· 9, 31 DMem er 171 • 189 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51 /99, P· 10, 2 3 ay 1717• uo Ordnancejournal Book, PRO/WO/47/3o, P· I. 
257 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

of the main entrance. Mr Thomas Green, a stone-cutter, pre­sented a 'draught' for the King's Arms, which it was proposed should be fixed over the doorway of the 'Royal Brass Foundery'. They were to be cut from Portland Stone, 6 feet high, 8 feet long and r foot thick, i.e. a block of stone containing 48 cubic feet. H e demanded a fee of £26 for 'performing the task in a workmanlike manner'.141 The Board were a little dubious of paying the price quoted, but on Mr Meades's recommendation they accep ted it.142 Mr Green then agreed with the Board to carve the Duke of M arl­borough's Arms, surrounded by th~ Garter and bearing his motto FIEL PERO DESDICHARD0,143 on the keystone of the arch im­mediately below the Royal Arms, for a sum of £7. This figure was accepted on 30July I 7I 7, the day on which Mr Green was paid for executing the King's Arms.144 Finally, Mrs Jane Hill, paintress to the Board, painted the foundry where necessary. This included the painting ofeigh~een wa~er cisterns on the stacks ofthe pipes there, ten 
ofwhich were gilded with the letters 'G.R.' and the date of the year, the other eight being gilded with the letters 'G.R.' and the Crown. The price ofeach cistern was 7s. 6d. Her warrant for this work was dated 7 August r7r7, and she presented her bill for £157. 3s. o½d. on 30 September r7r7, a sum which included several other la rge 
items besides her work at the foundry.145 As soon as the ~oun~ry was in operation the boring 'engine' was i~t~lled. Henry L1dgb1r~ was ordered to dig the pit for it,146 while Wilham_ Ogborne w~s P~1d £57. gs. 4-}d. for erecting a cupola over it.147 Tius was no engme in the modern sense of the word· but a very elementa~ typ~ ofhorizontal boring machine worked b); horses. To mo~ern mm~s it appears a most antiquated contraption, but doubt­less 1t s~i:ved its J?urpose _at the time, though hardly with any degree of precmon. This machme was constructed in situ as we are told that fine copper mixed with other gun metal was issu~d to Mr Schalch for the 'female of the great screw of the boring engine at the Royal
149 

;oun~ery'. ~n those days no private manufacturer dealt with machme tools of that description. On 30 April , Andrew
171 7

Schalch rep?rte~ that he ~as ready to make the moulds for the two 24 pdrs. ~hich, ~t was decided, should be cast.149 He then prepared a memorial relative to the service of the fco d fc h t" of 
Th. . un ry or t e atten 10n
d 18 th

the Boar · e Prmcipal Officers read and approved. In it he 
m OrdnanceJoumal Book PRO/WO/ / m Ordnance Journal Book' PRO/W0/47 3°, P• 89, 2 April 1717. m Spanish meaning Faithf;l though unrorf13°, P• 104, 16 April 1717. 144 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO vvi5 unate. m Ordnance Bill Book Series II /PRJ47/3o, p. 210. m OrdnanceJournaJ Book PRO/WO /W0/51/100, p. 132. 
m Ordnance Bill Book, Se;ies II, PRJ/'VJ3 1, P• I 11, 22 April 1718. 
m OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/ /0/5i/rn5, p. 74, 31 March 1720. 
u, OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/3°, p. 166, 21 June 1717. 
47 30, p. I 18, 
258 


THE WARREN 1701-1720 


suggested casting two heavy cannon and several small mortars once a month in the great furnace, and, in alternate months, four guns from a 6 pdr. downwards, or r3 to I o inch land mortars and 8 inch howitzers in the little furnace.150 The two 24 pdrs. were duly cast. 
~ndrew Schaich took the greatest interest in his work, as well as be1n?" _a very capable founder. The Board had a high opinion of his qualities, so much so that they raised his daily rate of pay from 5s. to I 2s. on 2 r March r 7r8. It is recorded that: 
The Principal Officers of his Majesty's Ordnance having made a proof the I 3 th inst. of 2 brass 24 pdrs cast, mounted, bored, turned and engraved by Mr A ndrew Schalch, both which stood the full proof of powder and shot,_ and although one of them did not search so well as the other, yet cons~dering it was the first time of his casting, and he a stranger to the quality of the loom151 etc. the Board judged he performed his duty as a good and able founder and thereupon resolved in pursuance to their resolution the 30th April 1717 to make him an allowance of 12s. per diem, w ork or not work, according to the 2nd article of his proposal, from the day h e began to make moulds for the 2 above said brass ordnance, and that Mr Felton make out his certificate to the 31st December last to be 
1:assed into Bill and Debenture; nevertheless, that the Board shall be at 
liberty to agree with him upon any other of the three articles of his proposals if they shall think fit. Letter to Mr Felton accordingly.152 
Arising from this, a warrant dated 16 May 1718, appointed Andrew Schalch to be Master Founder at Woolwich at a salary of £ 219 per annum with effect from 1 April 1718.153 
The Board also approved of Andrew Schalch employing the number ofmen he proposed at the 'several allowances' stated against their names, taking as many as he could from the marching company of the Royal Artillery, their only insistence being that they must be the ultimate judge regarding the capability and the terms ofemploy­ment of the engraver. Mr Felton was accordingly ordered to make up the pay of those men taken out of the company and of those employed as artificers• half the extra only to be paid to the persons ~arrying out their dut~ who should be next on the roll.154 Pro_cedure 1n the Royal Gun Factory has altered during the passage of time, as tradition asserts that in the days of George I, the master founder would never allow the furnaces to be opened until the workmen and spectators had joined him in prayer. Schalch was a conscientious man who looked after the interests of his workmen. For example, he 
ISO A ·1 8
Ordnance Journal Book PRO/WO/47/31, P· l 11, 22 pn 171 • 
161 loam. ' 
uz Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/31, P· 69. 
::: M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/WO/55/502, P· 155· . 
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/31, p. 111, 22 April 1718. 
259 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
recom,mended the following increases of pay, which received the Board s approval on I April I 720 ;165 
Jacob Schalch -foreman1sG 2s. 6d. to 3s. } Jacob Plaine -turner Is. Bd. to 2s. George Waugh -smith rs. 6d. to 2s. per day 
John Magar -moulder Is. 6d. to Is. rod. 
While the star of the Ro 1F d .
of the Laborator ass . ya o_un ry was m the ascendant, that fireworks was ply pd ed mto eclipse. In 1716, the manufacture of 
ace on a care a d . . d
bombadier and · t . n mamtenance basis un er a
11
Colonel Hopkey :: ~ Y hibernated for a period of thirty years. of the times stili e t'ompdtroller of Fireworks, following the custom 
' con mue to draw h. II f £ .
being transferred to r k is a owance o 200 a year, He enjoyed this ben:fitt~nown as 'the Establishments to be sunk'. had other duties under th th,e autumn of_1734.1s1 Col?nel Borgard Chief Firemaster under th; New Establishment' besides those. of his £150 p.a. for that office . old, yet _he, too, continued to receive
158
remained in retirement tilf11 the s~nng ~f 1722. The Laborat?ry allowed it to resume •t fi ~746, m which year a reconstruction W 1 s unct10nal activities 
e must now return to th . . · . 
building projects which wer e co~siderat10n ?f the other three main years. Owing to the method e earned ~ut dunng the e four stre:1uous it will be simpler to t ofcomposite payments before mentioned, Buildings' the con .reat the construction of the 'Great Pile of barracks 'as one vpersrn_n of the mansion at Tower Place and the 
' O erat1on rather th 'b eh
individual erection se . an attempt to descn e ea 
T parativelyhe story begins on l 2 J 1 . 1.d 
before the Board 'a drau h~ Y 1717 ~hen the Surveyor-General 1~ room a turru'ng g and estimate for building an ingrav1ng
' room and a h' 1
Foundery', amountin to was mg room f?r the use of the Roya accepted without muct detf752• .7s. 5d. This seems to have been were ordered to b d iled discussion as contracts and warrants 
e ma e out ac d' d t d 
12 July 1717 and k ~or mgly.159 The contract was a e difficult to underst:~~ w:as ~ut m hand immediately. It is therefore estimate of £ Ynme months later 'the Board agree to the
nd
530 8
engraving house ·atqsW. dl. ~or building the turning, washing a 
oo w1ch' 1so n·d tter
further and repent of th . · 1 they consider the ma d 
nd
esti~ate finally approv:~;>u ~e ~aste, ?r was a modified plan ans earher, on g April ~It." 1mposs1ble to say. Three rnon~hd 171 7, bricklayer had been ordered to buil 
m Ordnance Journal Book p ~'; ~ ~clative of the Master' fo~~/W0/47/33, p. 194. m r nance Quarter Book PROer. m grrance Quarter Book' PRO~g/54/22. 110 r nancejournal Book 'PRO l/54/80. 
Ordnancejournal Book' PRO/~g/47/30, p. 191. 
' /47/31, p. 98, IO April 1718. 
260 
THE WARREN 1701 _ 1720 

a smit. h,s shop and forge according to the following dimensions :161 
Breadth of forge from back to coal trough -3 feet Length -4 feet Height -2 feet 

This was presumably in the Artificers' Court close to the turrun· morn. g h O!1 7 March I 7I 8, the Board approved the draft for building t e Great Room' and saloon in the mansion at Tower Place 162 an. approval followed on I o April 1 7I 8 by the following detailed eStlmates presented to the Board by the Surveyor-General as under:163 Land £2,255. 5s. 1o¼d.
_For building a carriage shed at Wool-\ 
Sea £2,202. 12s. 7¾d.

wich for Land and Sea Service J ~or building the Great Room, saloon,] staircas~, with 2 rooms adjoining to be done this year at Woolwich 


A warrant was issued to William Edge and George Shakespear on 7 ~vember I 718 for digging the foundations for the barracks ac­cording to an estimate laid that day before the Board. Similar warrants were given to William Ogborne, HenryLidgbird, and John Burgess .for carpentering, bricklaying, and plumbing respectively, in co1;1-n~cb.on with the same.164 On 8 May I 7 1 g, the estimate for building the original barracks in the Warren, amounting to £2,038. 6s. 3l d., was placed before the Board and agreed to, the work being or~ered to be put in hand.165 On 7 July 1719, a small pair of back ~tairs 2 feet 6 inches wide were ordered to be made behind the saloon in .the re-constructed 'Great House',166 and on the same day an estimate of£503. r6s. r 1d. for fence walls for the officers' houses was 
approved.167 For some reason it was decided to remove the pantiles from the roof of the 'Great Room' at Woolwich, storing them for future use, and to re-cover the new roof with lead. Henry Lidgbird received a warrant to carry out this service on 25 August I 720, and at the same time was ordered to 'new lay the bottom of the great furnace with new bricks in the Royal Brass Foundery'. William Ogborne also had a warrant of similar date, to prepare and board the new roof of the 'Great Room', while Hezekiah Walker, who had repla~ed John Burgess as master plumber, was instructed to cast sufficient lead for the purpose.168 Finally, on 31 August I 720, the 
161., 0 rclnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/30, P· 98. 16; OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/31, P· 57· 16 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/31, pp. 100, 101. 164 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/31, P· 333· 165 0 rdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/32, P· 217. 166 0 rdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/32, p. 280. 187 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/W0/47/32, P· 284. 188 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO fWO /4 7 /33, P· 267. 
261 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
Surveyor-General was ordered to lay before the Board 'draughts and estimates for another great room at Woolwich for an Academy equall to the "Great Room" already built, with a house for the mathematical master'.169 
It is quite impossible to record all the detailed operations which together formed the complete programme. Many were small items such as making wooden centres for arches and windows, glazing, plastering, painting, paving, tiling, levelling ground, and other essen­tial though minor services. They may be perused at leisure in the Ordnance Bill Books by those who have the time and inclination for such a study. There were five classes of tradesmen employed; seavel­men, bricklayers, carpenters, plumbers, and paviors, excluding paint­ers whose efforts do not appear to be chronicled, and it is proposed to outline the work each did in the order indicated. 
Scavel-men 
Receiving a warrant dated r 2 July r 7r 7, William Edge and George Shakespear set to work to dig part of the foundations for the turning, washing and engraving house, to raise and level the floors of the Laboratory and the old fire-barn, and to erect supports in Collick Lane; jobs for which they received the sum of £84. 7s. 7d.170 Later on, they removed some heavy timber which would have obstructed 

the erec~on oft~e turning, washing and engraving house, dug further foundat~ons for 1t, and, with William Meades, took the depths of the foundat10ns ofall the new buildings rising in the Warren for a further charge of£47. os. 6d.171 Between r October and 3r December 17 ~ 8, they opened up the d:ains in the new storehouses to lay pipes 1~' protected th,e foundation walls against frost, grubbed up trees ?1 front of the Great Room', screened mould there and filled up pits in the foundry. They were paid £2 o. rs. 3d. for these items.112 Later on, Edge and Shakespear were given a warrant dated 10 April 17 18 and a co~tract dated 7 ~ove_mber ofthe same year for a large amoun; of scave!lmg work. Their bill amounting to £ r 3r. ss. 1od. was fo completmg the fo~ndations for the turning, washing and engraving house and excavatmg the foundations for the Land Service and Sea Service Carriage Storehouses , the 'Gre t Room,, the saloon, the 
. a , staircase and the room adioining in the 'G t H se' the artificers
h . Ar .fi , ~ rea ou , s ops m tl. cers Court, the barracks and kitchen, the outworks ~o 
!he barra~ks, bog-houses, vaults, drains and digging for the fountain 
m Fountam Court. In all they removed 6 302 yards of soil at 5d. a yard.11a ' 
m OrdnanceJournal Book PRO/WO/ / 
1;0 Ordnance Bill Book S '. I 47 33, pp. 269, 270. 111 Ordnance Bill Book' S er!es 1f' t~O/WO/51/100, p. 81, 30 September 1717. 111 Ordnance Bill Book' S er~es 11, p O/WO/51/100, p. 82, 31 December 171i· 
11• ordnanceBiIIBook' S;~~es 11' PRRO/WO/51/102, p. 68, 31 December 171 . ' Ies , O/WO/51/104, p. 106, 30June 1719. 
262 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

They next had a warrant dated 7July 171g to clear the ground for the fence wall to be built at the barracks and to raise the level of the soil within the enclosure, to finish Proof Place, to clear the Artificers' Court, to make a cartway to the old fire-barn and to lower part ofthe ground before the upper Warren gate. They carried out these tasks between I July and 30 September 1719, for which they were paid £52. 6s. 7d.17'1 A further warrant, dated 15 August 1 7 I 9, instructed them to level the courtyard before the 'Great Room' and to fill up a passage leading to the kitchen and to level the shed and the shot-yard. Their bill amounted to £26. 6s. 2d.175 William Edge then seemed to disappear as subsequent warrants were ad­dressed to George Shakespear alone. On a warrant dated 13 July 1 720, he ducr the foundations for the two labourers' cottages and the piers whichb were to be built at the entrance to the Warren, he excavated the vaults at the barracks176 and dug the drains at the back together with three wells. He also prepared the foundations _for the fence walls of the garden which had recently been planted behmd
177

the b arracks. For these tasks his payment was £27. 10s. 2-}d. Finally, George Shakespear was paid £53. 18s. 4d. for levelling the ground and sinkincr the floor of the Great House on a warrant dated I '2. April 1720,118 :nd £g4. 6s. gd. for digging the foundations of the A cademy and of two bog-houses.179 
Bricklayers 
Henry Lidgbird was responsible for all the brickwork which this large b uilding programme entailed. Between l October and .31 December 1718 he carried out a series of minor jobs among which 
th

Were taking do~n the great elipses (i.e. ellipse) ne:'t. to e bow window in the Board Room, on the instruction of William ~eades, 
• . . h • h place and covering the

erecting a semi-circular arc 1n t e same 180
115·

Work with straw. His fee for these items was £48. 3¾d• Henry Lidgb· d d'd h • t· ofhi·s business on two large contracts. 
1r 1 t e maJOr por 10n d 181 The first was dated I o April l 7l 8 and w_as valued at £4,66l. 5s. 4 . 
It comprised bricklaying in the following: 
(a) Building the 'Great Room', saloon, staircase and;o<~;.;5:dJo;:~:~kitchen piazza bog-house coal-house, shed next to t e i c e . shot-ya;d, and ~he fence w~ll running from the kitchen to the great pier; 
also work under the stairs going up to the saloon. 3 d
£1,410. 13s. 7"4 • 

11~ O/WO/ 1/io5 p 97 30 September 1719. 
17~ Ordnance B\11 Book, Ser~es II, PRO/WO/11105: p: 99: 31 December 1719. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PR b k. 5 the gardens of the houses.

176 These are the present cellars at the ac m 6 0 June 1720.
1 
1:: Ordnance B\ll Book, Series II, P[gf{\~g~5~ ~~~t ~: 3t ;0 June 1720. 
17 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, P ro/5 /l 10 121 31 March 1722. 
18: Ordnance Bill Book, Ser~es II, PRROO//W'\i\ 5~ pp: 54 '31 December 1719.
01 1104' 
Ordnance Bill Book Series II, P 5 ' ' J 1719
181 Ordnance Bill Book' Series II, PRO/WO/51/104, P· 55, 3o une · 
' 
263 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
(b) Land Service Carriage Storehouse £ 1d
. C . 920. os. I I 4 . ( ) c Sea Serv1ce arnage Storehouse £ 8 J...d
· • 1,1 o. 2s. 12 • 
(d) Turnmg, was111ng and eno-ravino-t> ho t'fi , k h h
· d . t> use, ar 1 cers wor s ops, t e piers an great arc11 Ieadmg to the Art'fi , C (. h d . 
marked A amongst the plans in the M ; cers ourt . i_.e. t e es1gn 'the Front Gate at Woolwich , ap oom of the Bnt1sh Museum­in the Artificers' Court. 1 717 ) ' the fence walls and the bog-house 
(e) The call-house, powder-house and£ . . £738_. I os. I I d. fence-walls enclosing Fou t • C ountam m Fountain Court. The 
n am ourt. £ BJd
4 11. 17s. 2· • 
Between the two contracts he r . d 
the fence-walls vaults b h eceive £308. 7s. 3¼d. for building
' ' og-ouses d ki h ffi ,
houses in the barracks.1s2 ' an tc ens for the o cers 
His next large contract dated 6M consisted offour main items 183 ~h arch 1719, worth£945. 3s. 2¾d. 
· ese were: 
(a) Building the tv,,0 Iabou ,
to the Warren. rers houses and the piers at the entrance 
(b) Building a wash-hous d ki 
Captain's apartment build' e an tchen with a shed for coals in the
' ma-vault fc ,
house and at that belonging t t> h C s or coals at the master founder s Building a room near the O ~ ~ lerk ofthe Stores (MrJohn Portman). steps going to the saloon 1a':acs -ouse at the master founder's under the 
· onstr · 
and also fence walls for the ·d uctmg a necessaryl85 at the shot-yard 
. gar ens heh· d h r.
these 1tems was dated 21 Ma m t e barracks. The warrant 1or 
(c) Plastering in the fou yffi I 720 · 
f< r O cers' h · · h
our rooms at the entranc t F ouses m the barracksI86 and 1n t e 
e O ounta· C II 
on a separate contract dated 8 M In ourt. This work was actua Y I 720. ay 1719, the warrant beino-dated 2 l N.[ay 
(d) Work in the saloon a d . o 
. th ull n m the b 'Id'
m e sc ery and the lard ui mg adjoining the great kitchen,
er. 
~enry Lidgbird next plastered
received £120. gs od I87 L the Great Room for which he 
. · · astly he • ' h 
~ork h. e d1d at the Academ was paid £51 r. 1Bs. Bd. for t e mcludmg the building of th y on a warrant dated r 8 April I 72 1, chimneys in the saloon of theJreat pier, fence walls and additional was dated 30June 1722 and eh reat_ House.iss The debenture for this 
e received 1s9
payment on 14 May I 723. 181 Ordnance Bill Book S . 
m Ordnance Bill Book' er~es II, PROfWo 
1" The Mastcr-founde; 1tcsII, PRo;wOf51/io4, P· 59, December 1719. 

120). a O appeared to ha 5I110,7, p. 78, 30 September 1720. m It is a somewhat c . ve a residence in Fountain Court (see note 
a 'necessity' in the ei hur1ous reflection on mo 
'convenience'. g teenth century had b dern civilization that what was considered .11~ These four officers' h y the twentieth century merely become a 
origmally contained two oouscs ~re the present N e 
on1~7housc in 1743. fficers quarters until os. l and 4 Dial Square. Both of t~es Ordnance Bill Book S . General Borgard had No. 4 rnade into 
111 Ordnance B'U Bo ' cries II PRO/W
111 0 1 ok S · ' 0/5 /
rdnancc Trcasurc;'s ~ II, PRO/W0/5:/10, P• 59, 31 December 1720. ger, PROfWo; a;J~~• P· rr6, 30June 1722.
4 264 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

. Peter Meades having calculated that 700,000 bricks had been used in the saloon, ~itchen etc. of the Great House, Mr Lidgbird was ordered to provide 350,000 greystock and slate bricks for the corning season.190 
Carpenters 
Between 1 April and 30 June 1718, William Ogborne took up the old floor and staked out the ground for the new portion of the Great House, made a fence in Warren Lane,191 carried out work on the Sea and Land Service Carriage Storehouses, fixed up iron work in the turning, washing and engraving rooms, and made good the roof to the brick chimney in the foundry.192 He did his share of the main b1:1ilding scheme on the same contract as that on which Henry Lidgbird carried out the bulk of his work. His warrants for this were date_d 7 November 1718, 7 April 1719 an~ 10 April 1719, and he received a total of £3,416. 3s. 8¾d.193 The items were: 
(a) 
W ork in the 'Great Room', saloon and rooms adjoining, and in the kitchen, coal-house and bog-house £8or. 15s. 6¾d, 

(b) 
Work in the Land Service Carriage Storehouse 



£1,022. 19s. 7d. 
(c) W ork in the Sea Service Carriage Storehouse £981. 6s. 8¾d. 
(d) Fitting up the middle pavillion for small stores 
£97. 9s. 4d. 
(e) Work in the turning washino-and engraving house 
' 0 £282. 8s. 7-½d. 
£2
(f) 
Building two sheds in the Artificers' Court I. 14.s. 6d. 35

(g) 
A boa-house £7. • B¼d. 

(h) 
Work in the call-house and powder-house in Fountain Court 


£97. 4-5· 1!d. 
(i) Building four sheds in Fountain Court £97. 4-5· 7}d. 

.William Ogborne received two further contracts in connection 
171

With the barracks. The first for £1,018. 7s. 7{-d. dated 8 May 9, for wood-work in the construction of the barracks,10<1 and the other for £99. Is. ¼d. dated July 1719, for building outhouses a~d fence 
47

Walls on the barrack site.19s He then completed the lab~urers houses at the entrance to the Warren. His contract for this was dated 16 March 1720, and his bill amounted to £251. 25· 3-}d.1~ 6 It ,~ill be remembered that Henry Lidgbird had fulfilled the bncklaymg part of the contract and had built the piers (see note 183). Between 
::~ Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/33, P· 2.67, 2 5 August 1 7 20• • 
19., Not to be confused with the present \Varren Lane, formerly called R';fged Rou:. 
11 

10 ~ Orclnance Bill Book Series II PRO/WO/51/101, P· 67, 3° June 7 · 1
u: Ordnance Bill Book' Series n' PRO/WO/51/104, P· 4, 3° September 17 19· 195 O rdnance Bill Book' Series n' PR0/\\'O/51/105, P· 67, 31 Decem~er 17 19·
1 
grddnance Bill Book: Series n: PROfW0/51//105, P· i6,3 rec~:i;;r\77;~

188 
r nance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO/51 107, P· ' 3° ep · 
19 265 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
these uprights were hung a · f ·
d R . pair O iron gates made by Messrs Peters an emnant, smiths, at a cost of£68 1Bs J,d 197 •
act in enclosing th lV b · · 42 · This was the last 
. t ed harren Ya wall. The total estimate for building
tile piers, ga es an t e t\,vo lab , h
ourers ouses at the entrance to the 'Varren was £ 523 gs 11 1..d fi
Mr Meades on 16. M. h·2 ., a gure presented to the Board by 
arc I 720 who a d . d d h
necessary warrants and ' ccepte it an cause t e
contracts to be d A .c. b 
seen the estimate was t rawn up. s 1ar as can e
' no exceeded 10s William Ogborne then fitted · h . 
in the new building at Tower PI up t e kitchen, scullery and larder he also boarded the roof of th:~~on a warra~t dated 2 1 May 1720; 25 August 1720 For these . reat Room on a warrant dated 
· services he 'd d
30 September 1720, a sum of £ was pa1 , on a debenture date
11
the same day and on a • il 5• 5s. 5fd. on 14 July 1721. On
' s1m arly d t d d b . 
sum of£147. 16s 8.1-d .c. ki a e e enture, he received the 
· • 2 • 110 r ma •
Arch and Piers' kno .. ,n • h ng a pair of gates under 'the Great
' ., in t e d .
Woolwich-1717' and t . esign stage as the 'Front Gate at 
' wo pairs of r.
eastern and western si"de f F gates 1or the entrances on the 
s O •ount · C 199 "d
£424. l4S. 7d. for doing th . . am ourt. He was next pa1 House on a warrant dated ~ntenor decorative work in the Great
8 200 
more to accomplish before h:y 171g. ~ illiam Ogborne still had 1716-1720 building sche could claim that his share in the 
me was finish d
he was, ?n a debenture dated e • On 29 September I 72 I, for odd Jobs carried out b tw 3° September 1720 paid £4.6. gs. gd. the Great Room saloo e een 1 April and 20 September 1 720 in 
' n, great kit h · · d
the saIoon, and also fco . · c en and m the rooms behin 
d · h r certain c .
an m t e houses ofMr p arpentenng work in the barracks three warrants, dated 22 oltm_~n and Mr Felton.201 He then received account of work in th b pn ' 2 1 May and 5 December 1 720 on 
e arracks a d ffi ' . ' 
on 29 September 1721 h b . n ° cers houses. For this also 
' e o tamed h ' 
a debenture dated 31 Dece t e sum of £ 195. rgs. 3¾d. on . As the storekeeper's h mber I 720.202 
th · ouse was · 
e wamscoting of his ro contained within the Great House, b "Id" oms com · h"
m mg programme. Th es wit m the orbit of this large stages, why, it is not clea: ~ork was apparently carried out in two ail<l 3° September 1720 ' ut _two debentures dated 30 June r 72° 
first Willi ' respective!
' am Ogborne , . Y, covered the operation. On the 
vas paid £21 . 
::; Ordnance Bill Book S . · 4-J. 9t d., 203 for the portion Ordnance Journal B enes II, PRO/WO/ 1 
m Ordnance Treasure/or, JROfWo;47; 5 /118, P• 87, 6Junc 1723.
33 1
Ordnance Bill Book S~ ger, PRO/WO/' f1· 53•
6 
200 Ordnance Bill Book' er!es II, PROfWo 4 2. 
Ordnance Bill Book' ~enes II, PRo;w0 f5 1/107, p. 86, 30 September 1720. 201 Ordnance Treasure•, cries II, PRo;wo/11107, p. 91, 30 September I 720. m Ordnance Bill Boo{sL<:dger, PRO/W0/5~//6107, P• 87, 30 September 1720. 
Ordnance T , enes II PROfW 4 2. 
rcasurer's Led ' 0/51/108
0 rdnancc Bill Book S . ger, PROfWO/ , P• 86, 30 September 1720.
816
so• Ordnance T • enes II PRo;w 4 2. 
reasurcr's Led ' 0 / 5 1 / 
ger, PROfW0/4816~_7• P• 98, 31 December 1720. 
266 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

he ~id between 31 March and 30 June 1722, on the second he received £24. 7s. 4d. ;204 both payments being made on 14 May 1 7~3: On the same day, too, on a debenture dated 30 June 1722, Wilham Ogborne was paid £240. 17s. 7¾d._ for his part in building the Academy Room,200 and finally he supplied the furniture for the 
od.206

Great Room at a cost of £46. 1Os. 
Plumbers John Burgess was paid £435. 11s. 1id. for plumbing carried out at the turning, washing and engraving house, and at the foundry.207 On a warrant dated 10 April 1718, he received the sum of £298. 8s. 1o¾d. for his work in the Land and Sea Carriage Storehouses the 
'G ' 
reat R oom' and the building adjoining.208 Later on, he received additional warrants dated 1 o April 1718, 24 October I 718, 8 May 1719 and 7July 171 7, to cover his plumbing activities in the barracks, the 'Great Room' and the Land and Sea Carriage Storehouses b et, een 1 J anuary and 30 June 1719. For these later services he 
received £ 262. 4-5. 6d.209 
Paviors 
John M ist, master pavior, had a contract dated 19 November 
171 7, to pave the Land and Sea Service Carriage Storehouses with 
17,985¾square feet of Purbeck squares at 7d. a square foot. His bill 
was £524. 11s. 7d.210 On a warrant dated 29 July 1718, he laid 
down 2,903 square yards of rag paving, at 18d. the square yard, in 
the foundry, artificers' shops and the Sea Service Carriage Store­
house, and also raised the ground at the foundry. For this he was 
paid £ 313. 14s. 6d.211 He next raised the level of Artificers' Court 
and ofFountain Court between the two Carriage Storehouses, laying 
the ground around the buildings ; the whole being well rammed. His 
fee for these operations was £357. 17s. 8d.212 John Mist also laid 
down pavino-stones in front of the saloon, before the 'Great Room', 
• b
in the little yard behind the 'Great Room', and at the barracks, on 
a warrant dated August r 71 g. On further warrants dated 2 I May
5

and 5 August r 720, he paved the roadway at the entrance to the Warren by the labourers' houses. On these three warrants he was paid £185. 19s. d.213 His final payment in this connection was a
7 

20" Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/64. 
206 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/64.
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROjW0/51/110, p. 114, 30 June 1722. 

200 Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/WO/51 / 1 13, P· 62, 3o June 1723· 
201 Ordnance Bill Book' Series II' PRO/W0/51/100, P· 122, 31 December 1717.
:os Ordnance Bill Book: Series II: PRO/W0/51/102, p. 112, 20 December 1718. 
:00 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/104, P· 115, 30 June I 719· 
-io Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/\\ 0/51 /102, p. 113, 30 September 1718. 
211 Ordnance Bill Book' Series 11' PRO/W0/51/102, p. 113, 31 December 1718. 
~:: Ordnance Bill Book: Series 11: PRO/W0/51 /104, p. 108, 30 June 1719. 
-Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/108, p. 31, 30 Septemb r 1720. 
267 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
sum of£43. 7s. 4d. for some additional paving work in the kitchen courtyard before the saloon, at the Warren entrance, and in front of the barracks, which he carried out in the late autumn of 
r720.214 
In conclu~~g t~is somewhat lengthy and detailed description of the great bmldmg impetus between the years r7r6-r720, it may be stated that Messrs ~eters and Remnant, smiths, though strictly with­out the five categories oftradesmen under consideration did the last embellishment to the Academy by fitting ironwork within at a cost 
4d.215
of£2. 2s. ~hile it is o~vious that these four main building projects, ab­sorb1_ng as t?ey did the main energies ofthe constructional staff, were ofp_nmary importance to the growth and effectiveness ofthe Warren dunn~ the second dec~de of the eighteenth century, there were other impr?vemcnts dunng the years in question which contributed to th~ effidc1ency of the Establishment. Some of these may be briefly
ment10ne . 
Wharves and cranes were refurbished. William Ogborne pulled up the old wharf between r April and D b 6 21s and in
th fcO11 · . . 3I ecem r I 7r , e owmg year ~illiam Edge and George Shakespear were paid£32. 6s. Bd. for ramng the wharf 211 o d d April 
1 18 Willi O b · n a contract ate 29 T7h ' am g orne built a new crane costing £276. 7s. 6d. zis 
ere was a good deal of u·d · · 11 d
h ymg m the v\Tarren. Trees were pu e updwl erell ndot wanted, various fences Were built ground was raised 
an eve e and d · ' 
· t · h' ~e~ rams were made. The Board took a great
m erest m t e amemtJ.es ofth y
1
'bl . e Pace. They resolved to plant as man
I
e ms as poss1 e m and d T ti
fyi th aroun ower Place with a view to beau ­fen:! waellsprTospteh~t, bodth al~ng the various paths and around the · o 1s en they t d h · the
S G ms ructe t e storekeeper to receive 
urveyor-eneral's order5 · h · ffi s 
could control th m t is respect so that the Principal O cer
1
e ayout as a wh I 219 S f ere a 
menace to th15• ab · °e. torms, o course, w 
oncu1tural ex · • a: ing
from the strong wi d penment, the young saplings suuer d
1. 
1
therefore, to find ~;tw;~: swept the marshes. One is not surprise ~ May 1720 to stake ham Ogborne received a warrant o°: 2 water su li b 150 ofthese new elms.220 With all the new building,
PP es ecame a p bl d an
estimate on 5 Jul ro em, and the Board accepte . in Woolwich to rh17,1 for £27° to convey water from the condwt e oyal Brass Foundery' the Laboratory, the 
mo ' 
m rdnance Bill Book, Series II p 111 g:nance B!ll Book, Series II' p~g/W/W0/51/110, p. 120, 31 December 172o. 117 nance Bill Book, Series II' p O/51/1 I 1, p. 1, 31 December 1720. datedOrdnJ~nce Bill Book, Series II ~6Wtw0/51/97, p. 82, 31 December 1716w rrant 
118 0~u Y 171_7. ' O/51/99, p. 3, 30 March 1717. a llt Or nancc Bill Book, Series II PRO . 118 0~anceJournal Book, PROfWO//W0/51/104, p. 1, 31 December 1718. 
anceJournaJ Book, PROfW0/47/33, P• 27, 15January 1720. 47/33, p. 230. 
268 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

storehouses and the storekeeper's residence; the estimate to include the laying of new pipes.221 
Three large bills were paid, two to Henry Lidgbird and one to William Ogborne, for certain work carried out in I 7I 7. The first one of £500. gs. 7¾d. rendered by Henry Lidgbird,222 concerned the following items on warrants dated 25 March and 25 June I 7I 7: 
(a) 
At the smiths' shop adjoining the new brass foundry. 

(b) 
In the house of easement223 in the Laboratory. 

(c) 
Sheds in the Laboratory. 

(d) 
Fence wall between the Laboratory and the foundry. 

(e) 
Fence wall from Pritton's house to the foundry. 

(f) 
Walls and sheds in the shot-yard. 

(g) 
In the two porches before the mealing and driving houses. 


(h) 
In the piece of outward fence wall and buttresses near the angle of the moat. 

(i) 
For ripping the tiling off the roof of the buildin:5 where Colonel Borgard's and Captain Baxter's rooms are, the porter s room and the watch-house. 


The second one of £207. 6s. 7¾d., payable to Henry Lidgbird, was for the following jobs carried out between 26 October 1716 and r r M arch 1717:224 
(a) 
Altering chimneys and other services in the Laboratory. 

(b) 
:r..-1akino-a window in the rope storehouse. 

(c) 
Cleari;g a way for the foundation~ in :he shot-yard. 

(d) 
Making a chimney and other services m the foundry. 

(
e) Repairing tiling in the dwelling houses. . 


(f) 
Pulling down the old storehouse in the shot-yard and clearmg away the bricks. · 

(g) 
Building a smiths' forge in the O~d Carriage Yard. 

(h) 
Clearino-foundations for the turnmg house. 



• b 

(1) 
Making a curb for the wheels. 

(j) 
Making a base for a grindstone trough. d •


(k) 
Making a new cistern at the conduit in Collick Lane an owermg the pipe there. h


1
and other services in t e

(1) Pulling down part of a dwelling house Warren. 
ad as on behalf of William
The third one of £1,735. rgs. 94' · w 
.c , k ·n.22s

0 gborne ior carpenters wor 1 • 
(a) 
The rope storehouse at Woolwich (over £r,ooo). 

(b) 
The watch-house. 

(c) 
Gates at the upper end of the Warren. 


!!1 Ordnance J'?umal Book,. PRO/PWR00//~{5°1•;·1/::·p. 31 December 1717. 
5 ~ 4
--2 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, ' ::> ' ::: Another na1:1e for a 'nec~ssary' 0~~ 0/~~u/~~-/rno p. 210,11 March 1717. 
Ordnance Bill Book Series II, P ::> ' J 171 7 
22 s Ordnance Bill Book: Series II, PRO/W0/51/100, P· 12, 3° une • 
269 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD THE WARREN 1701-1720 

(d) 
The Laboratory. 

(
e) The bog-house. 

(f) 
Sheds in the shot-yard. 

(g) 
Door case leadino-into the shot-y ·d . h


house. -=> ai agamst t e cordage store­
(h) 
New fire-barn. 

(i) 
The weighing post at Proof Plac 

(j) 
The smiths' shop near the found;~ 

(k) 
The f~nce wall going into the foundr . 

(1) 
Covenng the drains in Collick L Y 

(m) 
The timber platform at the e d a~e.


° th storehouse next the wharf

with the planking on the s'd r. n e 1• . • 1e P atrorm above the capsill ( n) Repamng and revetting the wharf next th . . . . (o) The guardhouse. e n ver.  
(p)  The storekeeper's house.  
In addition to the above M , essrs5s. 1Oi·d., on a contract dated 1 J 1  L'd .1 gb1rd .  w ere  · d pa1  £395·  

the cordage storehouse. 226 u Y1715, for their share in building 
Other alterations and new cons . . .
tion of Proof Place 22; fu th ti uction comprised the reconstruc­
' r er work on th h 22s
fence wall costing £l6g. 1 . ld. b . e rope store ouse, a 
the lane with the sheds 1 4-S_ mlt between the shot-yard and Meades having prepared t~avm~ ro feet clear within the wall, Mr house 229 and the old sto he eStimate, the demolition of the saltpetre
' re ouse 2ao d h .
house on the site of the old . h' , an t e erection of a new store-bank.2a1 smit s shop near the wharf on the river 
The regulations governin
eighteenth century allowed g proof at the Warren in the early 
· contractors d · f • h · 
pieces, to use the butts th h . , es1rous o proving t eir 
. ere at t eir own . . 
corn med with an almost ent" b converuence. This laxity,
b highly dangerous, giving rise ire ~ fisence ofsaf~ty precautions, proved In I 718, MrJohn Withers 'as i~ requently did, to serious accidents. stead on the marshes facing:~: ~e Su~erer. He had a pleasant farm­yards from the main Warr oolwich-Plumstead road some 350 the boundary of the estab el~hentrance. It lay about r 20 ya;ds beyond 
b . h is ment and r d b f

utt m t e direct line of fi Th 50 yar s ehind the proo ­1777 and presumably con~e. de far~ was still shown in a map of advancing tide of build' ~e to exiSt till it was engulfed in the must have run consider:~1· . {un-proof was frequent Mr Withers 
occasion instanced he cl • e nds when firing became e:ratic On the 
, a1me · ·
£4 owmg to two of his cows having 
221 Ordnance Bill Book S . 
m Ordnance Bill ' cr!es II, PRO/WO/-1 

m Ordnance B'll Book, Series II, PRO/WO/' /100, p. 71, 30 September 1717. WO/51/105, p. 66 1:;'tks, Series II, PRO/Wor/j°~• P· 97, 30 September 1719. 
m OrdnanceBiiIB3 ~P~m.ber 1719. 51 9, P· 97, 29June 1717, and PRO/ 
zao Ordnance Bill~ ' eries II, PRO/WO/ 1/ 
u 1 Ordnance Bill Book, Ser!es II, PRO/WO/1/99, P• 10, 31 December 171 6.
100
k, Series II, PRO/W0/5 , P· 41, 20 September 1717. 
51199, P· 10, 31 December 1716. 270 

cast their calves prematurely on the proving of an iron mortar. The Board accepted liability and instructed Mr Felton the storekeeper ~o settle with the outraged farmer as reasonably ~s possible,2a2 bu~ in order to prevent any repetition ofsuch an occurrence they issued an order that, in future, no merchant should be allow:d to fire his ~uns at Woolwich without the previous consent ofthe whole Board.233 
hey also arranged for the butt to be raised, the ground before the butt to be levelled and the stand for weighing guns to be removed.2a<1 I n a dd'1t10n,· they considered an estimate of £96. 12s. od. for a new ~roof-butt at Proof Place presented by Mr Meades.235 At the same time, George Shakespear, who was ordered to demolish the old butt for shot recovery, scamped his work. He was told to do his work properly or take his discharge. As he still continued in the Board's employ, h e must have repented of his evil ways and abandoned his 
236

effort of going 'ca'canny'. On I M ay 1716, a sale of unserviceable stores took place at the Warren. This was the first of a series of disposals which eventually culminated in the modern sale-yard. On 6 April 1716, the Board ordered the insertion in the newspapers of a notice calling attention
237 

to a public sale to be held at Woolwich on I May. On 24 l\,fay 1 716, Captain Baxter and Mr Felton, the two storekeepers concerned, were ordered not to deliver any goods purchased at the sale till the purchasers had deposited the money.238 A Mr Robinson bought the complete lot, and having complied with the injunction, received from the two storekeepers the stores he had acquired.239 Three years later, Captain John Baxter asked to be relieved of his post as Storekeeper to the Laboratory, owing to his great age and infirmity. The Board agreed and ordered a remain to be taken:240 As the Laboratory had, by this time, been placed on a care and maintenance basis, the post 
of storekeeper was abolished. Even as early as 8, Russians were a problem. Correspondence
171 

took place between the Board of Ordnance and James Craggs, Secr~tary-at-War, about the possibility ofAndrew Tretreacuff being admitted to the Royal Foundry to be trained as a gun-founder. The Secretary-at-War wrote on 7 August 1718, saying that the King would like to gratify the Czar's wishes in this respect, but the Board's 
a · 2-11 F. 11 th
Bnswer of 10 August 1718 was not very encouraging. ina Y~ . e oard wrote again on October 1 718 to James Craggs enclosing
1 0 
:~: OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/4.7/31, P· 122, 29 April 1718·
18 
2 Ol'clnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/31, P· 58, 7 Marc_h 17 · 
34 9·
Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/WO/47/32, P· 136, 3 April 17 1 18 236 OrclnanccJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/31, P· 319, 28 OctC?ber 1 117 ·238 OrclnanceJournal Book, PRO[WO/47/32, P· 15°, 13 April 7 9· 237 OrdnanceJournal Book, PROfWO/47/29, P· 8I. 238 Ordnance Journal Book, PROfWO/47/29, P· 120· 16239 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/29, P· 129, 5June 17 · 1
2 
40 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO/WO/47/32, P· 68, 20 February 17 9· 241 Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/W0/55/347. 
271 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
a copy of a letter they had despatched to the Earl Stanhop~, Secretary of State, representing the inconvenience of the proposi­tion and expressed their hopes that His Majesty 'would not be pre­
vailed upon in this affair'. 242 During this period of growth two new posts were created on the Warren's establishment. These were the Clerk of the Stores, after­wards called the Clerk of the Cheque, and the Clerk of the Survey. 
John Portman was appointed Clerk of the Stores at W oolwich at a salary of £54. 15s. od. per annum with effect from r October 1718.2 J 3 He was given assistance three months later in the shape of an 'extra clerk of stores' ·when David Stephenson became that extra clerk at a salary of£36. ros. od. a year on r J anuary r7 r9. 244 The first Clerk of the Survey at Woolwich was icholas H unton, ap­pointed on I Oc~ober 1720, at a salary of£Bo. os. od. per annur:i-245 As ·we shall see m the next chapter, neither of these officials hved 
very long. 
In 1720, therefore, the Civil establishment at the arren com­
prised: 
Storekeeper-James Felton­
os. od. p.a.
£ 160. 
Clerk of the Cheque-]ohn Portman­
I OS . od. p.a.
£54. 
Extra Clerk-David Stephenson-
IOS. od. p.a.
£ 36.
Clerk of the Survey-Nicholas Hunton­
od. p.a.
£ Bo. OS.
Clerk of the Foundry-Thomas Jones­
IOS. od. p.a.
£54. 
The Master Founder-Andrew Schalch­
od. p.a.
£ 219. OS.
3 labourers in ordinary (Military B h) 
w·1 . ranch P .

T omas ntton, 1 liam Sumpter and William Mesmer) Each £ 6 os. od. p.a.
£2
3 Extraordinary labourers E h • od p a. 

ac -27. ros. • · In_adciition, there were 4 artificers working in the foundry with a certam n_umber of gunners, together with aver small mixed com­
plement m the Laboratory. y 
This gives a P?ssibl~ total ofthirty men in the whole ofthe Warren. Not a vast multitude m modern ey 
0 h M . es. ) _n anrung, on whom the mantle ofJohn Packman had fallen,

died m 1718 and Willia M . · h 
,,.6 ' m esmer took over his house 1n t e

Warren...... A glance at the building h h . . 
ss ows t e changes since 1700 to have been· AD. TThhe ~GoyaltFP~lundfry o? t_he site of the demolished Greenwich Barn. 
. e rea 1 e O Bmldin , . . 
(a) Artificers' Co t . h ?s compnsmg the: 
. ur Wit its shops. 
(b) Turrung, washing and engraving house. 

m Ordnance Journal Book PRO/WO/ 
m M.G.O.'s Warrants, PRO/Wo 47/3 1, p. 289, ru M.G.O.'s Warrants, PROtwo?5/5o2, P· 167. Warrant dated 27 November 1718. 146 M.G.O.'s Warrants, PRO/Wo/5?02, p. 176. Warrant dated 10 December 1718 
2

m OrdnanceJournal Book, PRQn~{/1 °, p. 189. Warrant dated 31 August 1720. 1" 47/3 1, p. 332, 7 November 1718. 
272 
THE WARREN 1701-1720 

(c) 
Fountain Court. 

(
d) The Land Service Carriage storehouse. 

(
e) The Sea Service Carriage storehouse. . . h S k , 


C. 
The new building at Tower Plac~, contammg t e tore eepers residence and the H.Q. of the Royal Artillery. 

D. 
The first block of the artillery barracks. 

E. 
The turret left standing 0~ its own. ld smiths' shop near the cranes 

F. 
A new storehouse on the site of the 0 by the water's edge. 

G. 
A carcass house. 

H. 
A cordage storehouse. . 

I. 
An additional crane, making four ~n a · 

J. 
A new proof-butt alongside the hol · t side where the moat still 

K. 
A surrounding wall, except on t e eas ern 


11

remained as an effective barrier. d d inistration of the Warren ha 
It must be appreciated that the a ~ cl •n the straitjacket which not alter cl since 1700. It was still con ne ~ Physically it had ex­had env loped it since its commencem1n ~er number of stores, a panded. There were more buildings, a ar Mentally however, it slightly bigger staff and a greater tdur1:o~er.had not be,en increased, 
h d . d I er of ecis10n 1f
a remained dwarfe . ts po~ . d centralized contro rom the storekeeper had no 1:1ore discretrn;.~: Establishment was still in 
London continued to reign supreme. the chrysalis stage. 

273 
Chapter 8 
The Warren I72I-I749 
In 1 7 2 1, th r e ins of go ernment passed into the capable hands 0£ Sir Robert vValpole, tl-1e great Whig statesma n , whose policy a£ security brought peace at home and a broad by b a nishin g during the next nvcnty years the party quarrels, the dyn astic f"euds and the state orarmed conflict v,,h.ich had troubled England since the begin­ning or the century. This is not the place to appraise the vfrtues a nd raults or the f"uture Earl of Or£ord, but his long leadership did give the country a sense of'equilibrium she had not experience d :for several 

generations and allowed her to turn h er attention to more profitable enterprises. It was only natural that this f'reedom from f'rustration should be reflected in conditions in the ,i\Tarren w·here a quiet inter­lude succeeded the hectic rush or the preceding four years a nd ga e time and opportunity :for consolidating the r esults of that p eriod of' 
turbulent acti ity. Unf"ortunately no one has bequeathed to th e present generation a description of"the Warren under the early Georges thoug h b y piecing together the scraps of evidence available an impres ion of the first national arsenal may be gleaned from the d ebris of f'orgottcn facts. It should be realized at the outset that the place bore little resem­blance to a modern industrial establishment and therefore a ll thoughts ofbustling ·workmen, busy shops and teeming traffic must b banned .from the mind. Th.ere ,vas no source of' pov.,e r save man and horse no means of artificial light except the candle and the oil l a mp and no machinery ,vorthy of the name. 1\-1:ass produc tion ,vas unknown and each operation ,vas performed as an individual act by hand. It could ,vell be described as a collection ofgarde n w orkshops s t down in a pleasant estate of' some 30 acres, each self-contained ·within its ,-valls and gardens, among ,-vhich were dotted the residences and the orchards of' the small band of men who contributed to its life and its output. Two f"ountains added their delights, and in summer the scent of flowers and the sound of' :falling water must h ave been instrumental in creating a w·orkers' paradise, a true setting :for the rural craftsman. The Warren, itself, liberally afforested with elms was bounded on the north by the river, on the east by the moat which separated it from the marshes and on the south and west by the recently constructed wall having its main entrance in what is now known as Beresf"ord Square. 
Two deaths marred the serenity of the Warren's social life at this time; the clerk of" the cheque and the clerk of the survey both 
274 

. . 
• :...-.f­
'• .. .
·-· .. 
-rl.~~ 
--~~~,~,'.1 
'An exact survey of the "arren in Woolwich' 1749 
2H 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 


dying after holding their appointments for a brief span.John Portman passed on in 1721 being replaced by Thomas Baker on r July 1721,1 while Nicholas Hunton followed soon afterwards, as on g February 1722, David Stephenson, the extra clerk, became acting clerk of the survey in his stead.2 
Little ofinterest happened within the next three or four years, save the proving of guns and the inevitable round of repairs. In 1724, William Ogborne submitted a bill amounting to £42. os. 7½d. for removing the old fence and gates at the entrance to the Warren.3 In the·same year the old stables were pulled down by the Board's order dated 12 May 17244 new ones being erected in the Carriage Yard between 1 July 1 724 and 30 September 1724, for the use of the Principal Officers of the Ordnance and the storekeeper.5 On a warrant dated 29July 1725 George Shakespear was paid£126. 7s. g¾d. for making a new butt between 1July I 725 and 30 September 17256 
and between the same dates the old watch-house was demolished.7 
The officials in the Warren at the time we are considering were five in number, namely the Storekeeper, the Clerk of the Cheque, the Clerk of the Survey, the Master Founder and the Officer com­manding the Royal Regiment of Artillery. Between them they con­trolled all the various activities which took place there, and each was master in his own department. In fact they were not unlike the 
Persons of the T rinity in the Athanasian Creed where 'None is afore, or after other ; none is greater, or less than another'. Acor­porate society, however, must have some ruling body to which items ofcommon interest can be referred so these officials, four civil and one
' .

military, were formed into a council or 'soviet', called the Respectwe Officers W oolwich who were responsible collectively to the Board for the Warren as a whole. Luckily for posterity there is a MS. book8 in the Public Record Office entitled General Instructions to the Officers at Woolwich-I725 by the Right Honourable Charles Wills Esq.-Lieu­tenant-General, 9 which gives an outline of the administration of ~he Warren and details the duties and responsibilities of the Respective Officers as w ell as of each individual official. It is hardly feasible to reproduce this document verbatim, but a precis will give an indication of its contents, sufficient for the purpose in hand. 
1 M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/W0/55/505, p. 27. Warrant dated 23 June 1721. 
2 Ordnance Journal Book, PRO/W0/47/20B, p. 73· 3 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/ll5, 30June 1724. "Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/ll6, p. 29, 30 September 1724· 
5 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/ll6, p. 32, 30 September 1724· . 8 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/116, 30 September 1725. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/118, p. 87, 31 December 1725. 7 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/118. 8 PRO/W0/55/1809. 
9 Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Wills, appointed Lieutenant-General ofthe Ordna~ce 22 April 1718, made at K.B. on 17 June 1725. Died 25 December 1741 and was buned in Westminster Abbey. 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
(A) General /11slr11clio11s for tlie Officers al T,Voolwic!zl0 
They shall attend the office every evening, or as often as the Service shall require. They shall deal with all correspondence and decide on work for the morrow and appoint a sufficient number of men and horses for the same. Ajournal ofwork performed is to be kept by the Clerk ofthe Survey, and the expense and costs of all ,,._ ork is to be collected and placed in a ~edger kept br tl~e Clerk of the Cheque. Men may not be shifted from one Job to another mthout the consent of the Respective Officers. The Clerk of the Cheque is to keep a Minute Book wherein is to be entered minutes of everything that is ordered or transacted at each meetino-the names of tI1ose present and extracts of letters received. A fair copy b> of this book is to be sent to tl~e Board once a year or oftener as occasion shall require. To prev_ent disputes ?etween one another and the Artillery Officers and Y?u, no?e is to be s~penor to the other but each to do his work and perform lus services accordmg to his own instructions. Each is to have free access to all books, accounts, orders and letters relatina-to the business of the ?ffice. You are to see that the extra clerks attend ;egularly and keep their 
Journals, books and returns which are to be compared monthly with those kep.t by the Clerks of the Cheque and Survey. 
• 0 ex1:a labourers are to be hired ifthe number ofgunners and matresses are sufficient to do the extra work, for which both gunner and m a tross sh~ll be paid 6~. p.d. each by the Storekeeper from his imprests. All artificers belong!ng to the Royal Artillery, whether gunners or matrosses are. to have ~heir pay made up 2s. 6d. when employed in their several c~gs ~rovided they deserve it; otherwise only Is. od. over and above their regunental pay. If their pay is to be raised to 2s. 6d. it must be with 
the consent of you all. 
Established rates far engraving Brass Ordnance Nature Land Service Sea Service 42 pdr........ £5. os. od. ....... . £2. ros. od. 32 pdr. . . . .. . . £5. os. od. . ..... .. £2. 10s. od. 24 pdr. . . . . . . . £4. os. od. . ...... . £2. ros. od. 18 pdr........ £4. os. od . ....... . £2. OS. ocl. Brass 
12 pdr· · · · · · · • £4. os. od. .. ..... . £2. os. od. Cannon 
9 pdr· · · · · · · · £3. os. od. . ...... . £r. I5s. od. 6 pdr........ £3. os. od . ....... . £r. I5s. od. 3 pdr........ £2. os. od. . ...... . £I. OS. Oa. r½ pdr........ £2. os. od. 1 pdr...... . . 10s. od. 
½pdr...... . . 10s. od. 13 inch ........ £3. as. od. 10 inch ........ £2. 10s. od. 
Brass 
8 inch........ 7s. od. Mortars 
7 inch. . . . . . . . 7s. od. 5! inch. . . . . . . . 5s. od. 4½ inch. . . . . . . . 5s. od. Brass Howitzer 8 inch ........ £2. 10s. ad. 

10 Th 
· ·1· ffi ·a1s · 
c c,v, ,an ° Cl , 1.e. those who belonged to the Civil branch of the Ordnance. 
276 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

The Master Founder is to certify to the Storekeeper of the performance of all gravers' work before payment is made for same. (For gravers' rates, see page 276) 
Established rates to be jJaid-Labourers Extra labourers Is. 6d. to be paid for Sundays and Holy Days. If employed in watching IS. od. per night. Bombardiers, gunners and matrosses 6d. per diem over and above their regimental rates. 
Established rates to be paid to Brass Foundery Workmen s. d. 
Foreman, if approved by the Board 5 o p.d. Foreman of the Smiths 2 6 p.d. Hammer men and Filers 2 2 p.d. Carpenter 2 2 p.d. Chief T urner 2 6 p.d. Under Turners I 10 p.d. Chief Moulder 2 o p.d. U nder Moulders I IO p.d. Firemen and Filers 2 o p.d. 
2 6 p.d.
File Cutters 1 6 p.d.
Labourers I O p.d.
Boys 

Apprentices to the Master shall be paid IS. 6d. p.d. the first year, t~ be raised 6d. p.d. each year until their apprenticeship be expired. Apprentic:s must first be approved by the Board. No other allowances are to be paid without the Board's authority. As many as possible are to be taken out of the marchino-companies and their pay made up to the above rates. Th:Y 
t> F cl h1le

are, however, to be wholly under the orders of the Master oun er w employed in the foundry. cl 
The Clerk of the Cheque shall make out a pay list of all gunners an matrosses at the end of each month for all who have worked in that mont~. This is to b e attested by himself and the Clerk of the Survey. Payment is to be made ·without loss of time in the public office in the presence of the Civil Officers. Each man is to sign in the Storekeeper's voucher. 
The Clerk of the Cheque is to make out a similar pay sheet for all labourers. The pay sheet is to be attested by him and the Clerk of the Foundry. Payment to be made at the public office. k f 
If any workman military or civil shall neo-lect his work the Cler 0 
, ' b • k' y as the

the Cheque shall mulct them of so much of their wor mg mone crime will admit. cl' The care of each crane with its utensils shall be committed to or mary labourers while livino-and after their death to some responsible ~erson recommended by the;:,Storekeeper. They should not expend stores without 
the consent of the Officers. b h The keys of the storehouses shall be locked up in a place selected Y t c Storekeeper and the master key kept by him, or in his absence by such 
277 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
person as shall be deputed. No one shall show visitors or other persons the storehouses without the sanction of the Storekeeper. Instructions then follow in regard to his Majesty's ships ,._,hen they are ordered to put to sea. 
The furbisher is to be allowed 2s. 6d. p.d. and £4 p.a. house rent to be paid by the Storekeeper out of contingencies. He is to repair and keep clean all arms in store. 
Stores are not to be delivered to purchasers till the latter have deposited the money in the office. The lower gate of the ,i\Tarren is to be kept shut as often as possible and the key delivered to the Storekeeper. No stores, except those which normally should be, are to be kept in the Laboratory storerooms. Patterns of Laboratory stores are to be kept in the working rooms of the Laboratory. You are to see that all fireworks etc. made in the Laboratory are to be charged to the Storekeeper and securely lodged. 
Barracks 
Each room in the barracks which shall be occupied by the Captain, Lieutenant or others shall be allowed 1l pecks of coals p.d. and 2 lb of candles per week from 29 September till 25 March and half a peck of coals the rest ofthe year. The Storekeeper is to provide the same according to the regulations.n 
Fires and candles are not allowed to any room that has lodged in it less than four men under the degree of Lieutenant. 
Other coal and candle allowance 
2 peck of coals per 24 hours during the winter half of the Guard room year. 2 lb ofcandles per week during the winter half of the 
{ 
year and I lb during the summer half. Infirmary { r½pecks of coals a day and 2 lb of candles per week. 

A Regulation of the number of Rooms for the Officers and Private Men allowed Fire and Candles 
The Captain ............. . .... . . . . r Two Lieutenants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . r Seven Fireworker Lieutenants . . . . . . . . 3 Cadets ........................ . .. 2 One Sergeant, one Corporal 
and four Bombardiers .......... • • 7 Private Men six to a Room . . . . . . . . . 6 

The Storekeeper is allowed £2 p.a. to furnish certain articles to N.C.O's and men. The Master Founder is not to cast any ordnance without a warrant for so doing. 
11 These regulations are given in full in the MS. 
278 

THE WARREN 1721-1749 

Any foundry stores which can be purchased cheaper locally than bei~g obtained from the Tower are to be purchased by the Storekeeper m conjunction with the Master Founder.12 
No alterations are to be made in any storehouse, carriage house etc. without leave of the Board. The storekeeper shall keep similar accounts etc. of the Foundry as he does for the Laboratory and the storehouses. The Storekeeper is to deliver to the Master Founder all such tools as he may require for the service of the foundry. All fire engines etc. are to be exercised once in every three months. 
(B) Instructions for the Storekeeper at Woolwich 
He shall attend the office every evening, deal with the correspondence and arrange the work for the following day. 
He shall receive all stores on charge. He shall examine and attest all bills and see that all are correct. He shall take a remain of the stores on board his Majesty's ships when 
they return to Woolwich from sea. . He shall see that the extra clerks shall perform the business of stock­taking properly. He is to supply the correct stores to all H.M. Ships ordered to sea. He is to keep the Foundry and Laboratory stores with all the necessary 
ledgers, accounts etc. He is to send up the ledgers etc. yearly to t~e Board. . h He shall not issue any Laboratory store without the authority of t e 
Board or of some of the Principal Officers of the Ordnance. . He is to pay allowances, contingencies etc. out of the imprests which are given him from time to time. The remainder of his instructions are similar to those given in the general instructions under (A). 
(C) Instructions f or the Clerk of the Survey at Woolwich nd
He shall attend the office every evening, deal with correspondence a arrange work for the following day. . He is to h ave free access to all books, ledgers, Journals etc. 
He is to see that the Clerk of the Cheque keeps a particular account of the day's workmen, and keep a counter-book to that kept by the Clerk of the Cheque. . 
He will in conjunction with the Storekeeper and other officers, assiSt in making timely demands of all stores and materials required for the Service. 
· 1 · · ] · · t' w1'th the Storekeeper all

He w1l survey [1.e. mspect , m conJtmc 10n , ' . stores etc. and place them in the 'Serviceable', 'Unserviceable' or Repair­able' categories. He shall examine and countersign all bills made out for stores. He shall survey and examine all servic~s perfor~ed by artificers. All building work orders shall be submitted to him. 
12 The beginning of local purchase. 
279 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
He is to attend the proofofall guns, and assist at the proofand gauging of all shell taking an account of the number, nature, and weight of all 
such that shall pass proof. He will see that the fire-engines are exercised once every three months. He will demand from the Storekeeper in writing all tools and materials 
needed for the Service. He shall take care to re-charge the Storekeeper with all iron work saved from ol~ carriages or anything else which may be fit for H.M. Service. He will attend and take account of all stores delivered to the master g~nners ofships, artificers and others and see that they are duly chargedwith the same. 
(D) Instructions for the Clerk of the Cheque at Woolwich 
He shall attend the office every evening, deal with correspondence and arran~e work for the following day. He IS to make a proper extract of all letters orders etc. received and enter them in the lVIinute Book. ' th He ~vill draw up all reports, representations, memorials etc. and, with ~as~15tance of the extra clerks, keep entries thereof. 
h e 15 to keep a cheque book13 and call over the names of all labourers, w etber ordinary or extraordinary and ofall gunners and matrosses who may be employed in the work ' 
He will see that they work ~roperly and mulct them of money if they

do not. 
He w~ make out pay lists every month. ~fie will make out all bills for stores received or services performed by

arti cers and others. di ~e will attend the sale of unserviceable stores and draw up the con­
tions of sale. He will in · • .

mak '. coruunction with the Storekeeper and Clerk of the Survey, He o~t timely demands for stores and materials required. He ~l assist the Clerk of the Survey in surveying stores. 
br : will re-charge the Storekeeper with any old iron saved from the :e-u~lof unserviceable carriages. on th ~ see that the Clerk of the Foundry keeps an exact cheque book 
e ioundry. Hewillatt d d k .

ofsh· . en an ta e account ofall stores delivered to master gunners
ips artific d h •

He w·iz' k ers an ot ers so that they may be charged with the same.
1

Surv eep a counter account with the Storekeeper and Clerk of the 
ey. 

(E) Instructions for the Master Founder at Woolwich 
He will b · 
He will be constant m personal attendance at the Foundry. materials ree ~r~ent at the purchase by the Storekeeper of all stores and He w·u qu151te for carrying out the work of the Foundry. stores a;d rnake _Proper demands in writing on the Storekeeper for such rnatenals as he may require. 
11 AM
USter-roU or daily state. 
280 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

He shall give a quarterly receipt to the Storekeeper for the stores 
delivered to him. He will assist in taking the annual survey of the Foundry. He will cast no piece of ordnance without a warrant, which shall be 
lodged in the public office. When finished the ordnance which has been 
cast shall be delivered to the Storekeeper. He will supply the Storekeeper with certificates of the graver's work. He is to be present at the payment of foundry workers and staff. Men 
to work from 6.o a.m.-6.o p.m. in the foundry all the year round. The Clerk of the Foundry is to see them to and from their work. When foundry workmen are engaged or discharged he will acquaint 
the Board with the number and quality of each. He will instruct the apprentices in all the arts of the trade. He will enter no servants without the Board's approbation. 
(F) Instructions for the Artillery Officers at Woolwich 
You are to keep a Sergeant's or Corporal's guard and regulate the number of men for guard, having regard to the fact that they must at least have two nights in bed. The sentinels at the Upper Gate are to prevent the entry of any unauthorized person. 
Orders are to be put up to prevent smoking. 
The Commanding Officer, himself, is to attend the office every evening with the Civil Officers to prepare minutes, etc. and he will attempt no superiority over Civil Officers in the execution of their duties. 
He will assist in performing any work ordered for his Majesty's Service. 
You are to direct the Orderly Corporal of the work to call at the office and receive from the extra clerks copies of all minutes relating to the work which shall be given to the officer having charge of the work. 
Immediately guns, carriages etc. are landed from ships you will survey and inspect the same before they are charged to the Storekeeper, and distinguish and separate the ordnance according to its nature and length. Guns are to be marked 'Serviceable' or 'Repairable' according to their state, and a rrangements will be made for the exchange of pieces if they will admit of it and the Board do not think fit to continue them. You are to observe that honeycombs before the trunnions are not dangerous and that, if the cylinder from the trunnions backward be agreeable to the 
nature, it is not to be refused notwithstanding it be wore above the nature at the muzzle. All ships' guns are to be carefully searched, scaled and fielded at the vent with cork before they are stacked. 
You are to attest the monthly pay-lists of the Royal Artillery made out by the Clerk ofthe Cheque oftheir working money and attend thepayments in the public office and see that the men receive their correct amounts. 
You are to see that the Storekeeper furnishes the barrac~s with the correct and requisite number of utensils, give him proper receipts a_nd be accountable for the same, as well as for bedding which shall be delivered to you from time to time. 
Certain references drawn from these instructions throw a light on 
' 

conditions then prevailing. 
20 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

(a) 
A suspicion ofjealousy, which persisted down to the first World \Var, was already in evidence between the civil and military members of the factory staff. 

(b) 
The Storekeeper was the paymaster, auditing and accounting officer and financial head of the Warren. He acted in the capacity of quarter­master to the Royal Regiment. 

(
c) The Clerk of the Cheque was the sales officer, principal worktaker and accounting and pay clerk. 

(d) 
The Clerk of the Survey acted in the capacity of technical and inspection clerk. 

(e) 
Royal Artillery Officers acted as Inspecting Officers. 

(f) 
A system ofchecks and counter-checks between the various officials existed to minimize the chance of mal-practice. 

(g) 
Workmen worked 12 hours a day 6 days a week. 

(h) 
\,Vorkmen received overtime for Sunday work and for duties carried out on public holidays. 


(i) 
The skilled man drew approximately £1 a week in wages and the unskilled labourers ros. 


It may seem at first sight that these sums were paltry compared to those in the "'eel<ly pay packet brought home by the worker at the present day, but a moment's reflection should convince the sceptic that in monetary value the rates of pay in I 725 were on a par with those of I 95 I. 
First, there was no income-tax in the eighteenth century and purchase tax lay in the womb of the future. Secondly, commodities were then very much cheaper. As an example, the following prices are taken at random from Roger's History of Agriculture and Prices, Volume VII. Part I. To the modern housewife, of course, they appear unbelievable. 
Mutton and Beef 2d. per lb. 
Ducks gd. each Chickens 
6d. each Geese 
Is. 6d. each Rabbits 
8d. each Turkeys 
Is. 5d. each 
Pigeons 2d. each Partridges gd. each Butter 
4½d. per lb. Cheese 3d. per lb. Sugar 6d. to Bd. per lb. Tea I2s. per lb. Coffee 5s. 6d. per lb. Tobacco Is. 8d. per lb. Wine 6s. per gallon 
Brandy 6s. 8d. per gallon Rum 7s. per gallon Eggs rd. per dozen 

THE  WARREN 1721-1749  
Port and SheA sheep A Horse Beer  rry  6d. a bottle 8s. £5 5d. per gallon  

While the cost of these items has not risen proportionately, one or two having actually fallen, over the last 225 years, it would be fair to assume that the average increase of price is in the neighbourhood of 1,000%. This means that the skilled craftsman in the reign of George II ·was paid the equivalent of £10 a week and the approved foreman of the foundry £15 a week in our depreciated currency. Though the working day was longer in 1725, the standard of living then was on the whole comparable to that enjoyed by the tradesman of today, bearing in mind the difference in spending opportunities between the two centuries. No wonder Andrew Schaich died a wealthy man. 
In I 722 the clerk of the foundry was Thomas Jones who received a salary of£ 54. ros. od. a year. There were, in addition, three extra clerks named James Delestang, Neil Campbell and James Barker drawing similar rates of pay. Since r 720 the establishment of labourers had risen. In 1722 there were nine ordinary labourers and thirteen extraordinary labourers. By 1723 the extra clerks were Edward J ackson, Peter Hunton and Thomas Fur~ss. . 
The first payment of any importance in the penod under review was made to Mrs J ane Hill, paintress to the Board. On 14June 1728 she received £17. gs. 6d. on a debenture dated 30 December 1727 for painting the outside of two cranes.14 . . 
The authorities had been slow to realize that gun-carnages, unlike the guns they support, tend to deteriorate when stored_ in the op~n where they are subject to all the adverse conditions ofclimate. While the seasoning of timber may be effected by outside storage under special precautions, the mere stacking of carriages exposed _to the elements rusts the ironwork and rots the wood. This fact had evidently been appreciated as early as 1718 when the Land Ser~ice and Sea Service Carriage Storehouses were build around Fountam Court, but the position must have been miscalculated because ten years later the problem again reared its head and further steps _had to be_ t_aken to rectify the situation. It was therefore decided to bmld an additl?nal Land Service Carriage Storehouse and close down the tw~ ~arnage Yards. The latter probably disappeared when the new bmldm? was completed as Barker's map of 1749 shows no trace of them. Incident­ally the site of the Old Carriage-Yard in Prince Rupert's ~~ttery became the Storekeeper's orchard. Although the actual position of this new Carriage Storehouse is not stated, there can be no doubt 
14 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PR0/W0/48/69, 14June 1728, 
283 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

that it was the first unit of that group of buildings which afterwards became known as Carriage Square, indicated in Barker's map as the 'Lesser Square or Storehouse'. This block is now the R.C.D. main machine shop. The warrant for this new construction was dated 14 J unc I 728. Firstly George Shakespear was paid £4.. ros. 9d. for removing certain young elms which stood in the way of the projected new building.15 Then Sir William Ogborne, who had been knighted on 31 January I 727, built the new storehouse. On I o December 1729 he was, on a debenture dated 31 March 1729, paid the sum of 
£1,304. 12s. 1d. for his work in this respect.16 A year later, he fixed timber grooves in the building for sliding gibbets, or what would now be called 'travelling overhead cranes'. For this additional service he received £ 128. 15s. 6d. on a debenture dated 31 March 1730.17 Sir William Ogborne, then erected on a warrant dated 25 September 1729 a metal storehouse for the foundry and a m agazine, the latter probably being the 'powder magazine' in the corner of the new carriage store-house, his charge being £142. 19s. 8d. This was paid on the 8 July 1730, the relevant debenture being dated 31 December I 729.18 
The next building undertaken was a small re-housing programme. The reasons which prompted it are unrecorded but th dwellings allotted to the clerk of the foundry, now Peter Hunton, and the two labourers were presumably past repair. George Shakespear dug the foundations and removed the resultant rubbish and, though not stated, probably demolished the old buildings and cleared away the rubble as well, as the size of his bill, £173. 17s. 10d., appears to indicate something more than mere scavel work. H e ,-ms paid on a debenture dated 31 December 1 734.19 Sir William Ogborne then built the new houses at a cost of £598. 13s. gd. on a arrant dated 
g April 1 734, at the same time doing some minor repairs to the storekeeper's residence. He was paid this sum on 17 February 1736, his debenture being dated 3 I March 1735.20 While Peter Hunton was homeless he received £28. 15s. od. onadebenturedated4June 1736for house rent between 10 October 1730 and 31 March 1735. This proves that his house must have been uninhabitablefor at least three and a half years before the authorities took any steps to rebuild it.21 Finally, five 
years laterJoseph Pratt, master bricklayer, was paid £72. 16s. I od. on a debenture dated3r March I 740for buildingwash houses for the three 15 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/125, 31 March l7!.?9. 16 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/70, IO December 1729. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 /125, p. 61, 31 March 1729. 17 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/71, 18July 1730. 18 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/71, 8 July 1731. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/124, p. gr. 19 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/76, 10June 1735. 20 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PROfW0/48/77, 17 February 1736. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO/51/137, p. 157, 31 March 1735. 21 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PROfWO/48/77, 8June 1736. 
284 
THE WARRE 1721-1749 

persons concerned, the warrantfor his work being dated26June 1739.22 
The next improvement in the Warren was the enlargement of ~he guard-house at the main gate. This addition became necessary owmg to the larger military guard required to keep wa_tch and ward over the growing Establishment. The work was earned out by George Shakespear and Joseph Pratt on a warrant dated 9 September 1735· The former's account was settled in two instalments. On a debenture dated 31 December 1735, he wasyaid £47. 6s. 8d. for diggin~ t\~ 
additional foundations and clearmg away the resultant rubbish, while some six months later he received a further sum of£13. 1Is. ~d. for completing his task.24 The necessary bricklaying and plasterm~ was effected by Joseph Pratt who received £123. 14S. od. for his share in the undertaking.25 • 
The Royal R egiment of Artillery had, by 173~~ qmte out-grown its barracks and further steps to house the additional officers and men became essential. The original block built in 1719, to be called henceforward the Old Barracks, had been pl~nned solely for the original companies and therefore failed to provide the extr~ accom­modation required by the ever-growing regimental estabhshme~t. The buildin g of a second block, known as the New Barracks, had m consequence to be undertaken, and for this purpose a sum of £3 590. gs. 6·\d. was taken up in the Ordnance Estimates for 1739: 
' -· · l four officers
It was similar in style to the other, contammg a so houses and two barrack-rooms. In after years it became No_s. 7-10 Officers' Quarters, Dial Square. The warrant for _its cor_istr~ctlon was dated 20 arch 1739. Joseph Pratt did all the bncklay1~g m connec­tion with th erection of the new barracks and he receiv~d £ 1,64?· 
10s. 1 rd. on a debenture dated 30 September 1740 for h:5 eff~rt~ m this direction.26 Roger Morris, who had succeeded ~ir William then earned out the
Ogborne as master carpenter to the Board, d carpentering part of the programme. He was p~id £ 1,609£ ~{' 0 d on a debenture dated 31 December 1740.27 Hezekiah Walke~0 owd~ 
. . . Th to have been eaecte m
with the plumbmg operat10ns. ese seem d d two stages. First he was paid £100. 15s. 4d. on a debent~r~ ate 0 September 1740 28 and secondly a sum of £130 on a e be_nture
3 
' h h ld h e been 'two 1tes at

dated 30 September 1742.29 Why t ere s ou av 
22 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/81, 25 ~ovembMa~~t;740. 
31

Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/145, P· ~•1 6 23 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/77, 6 Aprt8 173 December 1735. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/13~, P· 20 ' 31September 1736. 2" Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51113 'P· 21 ' 30 March 1737. 2u Ordnance Bill Book Series II PRO/W0/51/138, P· 51, 3\ 2G Ordnance Treasure:'s Ledger'. PRO/W0/48/,81 ,631 Dece3~ s:;t~~ber 1740. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 14 , P· 25, 

27 
Ordnance T;easurer's L~dger, PRO/W,0/4B//82 ,_4J~;.174/necember 17-\0,

Ordnance Bill Book Senes II, PRO/V-.0/51 14:>, P· :>, 3 28 Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger, PRO/W0/48/82, 4June _1741, 29 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/84, 21 April 1743· 
285 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
the cherry' is not recorded. After the completion of the new block of barracks, Joseph Pratt made the areas and vaults in front of the old block.3° For this he received £ I 78. I 2s. 4d. on a debenture dated 3o_Junc I 740, h_is ~·arran~ for ~he job being dated 18 April 1740.31 Fmally John vV1lkms, pav1or, did the necessary paving at the barracks, at a cost of £161. 15s. 4d., his debenture being dated 31 December I 74_0.32 In <:onnection with the above, Henry Foucquet, clerk of the Cluef _Engmeer travell_ed to v\Toolwich to supervise operations. He received £45 travelling allowance, i.e. go days at ros. per day, between I January 1741 and 21 April 1741. Jn view of the dates involved his visits must have taken place after the main fabric had been erected. 33 

The establishment of a School for Practitioner Engineers etc. afterwards known as the Ro)'al Military Academ)', under warrant dated 30 April 1741,34 necessitated considerable alterations in the 'Great House' at Tower Place. These formed the last major modification of the mansion, the final change which transformed the whilom Tudor Manor House into a State utilitarian building. After 1741 the structure assumed its present-day aspect except for the piers and walls supporting its facade which have long since disappeared. Inside too, the last 200_ years h~ve left l~ttle mark, such changes a; have occurred bemg occas10ned by its variations in occupational 
use. 
According to the Warrant of George II there was 'A Convenie t Room at Woolwich Warren, which is Our Property and may ~ fitted up for that purpose'. This was, of course, the Academy roo e 
of 1721 devotedhto th<: interests of its ill-starred prototype, standi; on the left oft e mam entrance opposite the Board Room. Little money was therefore needed on the Academy itself, the bulk of th expenditure on this new venture being in connection with the fashioning within the large house ofdwellings for the First and Secon~ Masters. Though ~uch of these masters' quarters are now derelict some rooms are sail used as stores and offices. The First Master' house covered the site of the old brew-house of Stuart times whils that of the Second Master l~y b~t~een it and the Academy Room~ The two front doors are still v1s1ble. Each master was given an ample _garden, and t~e se_nior ped~gogue had the doubtful privilege of haVIng the turret m his. True, 1t was the sole vestige of the old 
.'° Some of these vaults were converted into air-raid shelters during the Second Wo Id 
\\'ar and proved of great use. r 31 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/81, 25 November 1740 Ordnance Bill Book,, Series II, PRO/WO/51 /145, p. 60, 30 June 174-o. 11 Ordnance Treasurers Ledger, PRO/WO/48/82, 4.June 1741. Ordnance Bill Book,,Series II, PROfWO/51/146, p. 82, 31 December 1740. 11 Ordnance Treasurers Ledger, PRO/WO/48/82, 21 April 1741. Debenture dat d 31 March 1741. e " Warrants and Orders in Council, 1740-1744, PRO/WO/55/351, p. 65. 
286 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

Manor House, but it must have dominated the scene and dwarfed the enclosure like some grim megalith of old. 
Only Joseph Pratt and Roger Morris were employed in adapting the Academy Room to its new purpose. Bricklaying had first priority and so the debenture on which Joseph Pratt was paid £66. 18s. 2d. was dated 30 June 1741. Actually this sum included the payment for making brickwork piers under the cisterns at the new barracks.35 Roger Morris, on a debenture dated 30 June 1742, completed the work by doing carpenters' jobs to the value of £123. 19s. 7d.36 The warrant issued for this conversion was dated 10 March 1 741. 
The masters' houses cost approximately £2,000 to build. This was not surprising bearing in mind that adaptation is usually more expensive than straightforward construction. Joseph Pratt's bill amounted to £1,085. rs. 7d. It states that the money was due on a debenture dated 31 March 1742 :37 'For cutting down a buttress from and new facing the turret where the brickwork of the old building bonded with it. Cutting out and making a new door-way into the storekeeper's garden and a doorway and windows in his cellar.38 Building a wall to divide his garden from the Second Master's garden. Levelling the ground and digging the foundations for the plumber's pipes to lay water to the masters' and storekeepers' houses. Building the foundations and tiling the bog-house. Clearing away rubbish. Digging a way for the fence between the two masters' gardens. Clearing away sinks and stoves from the old Lav-house. Works in the barracks. Fitting up the old fire-barn as an infirmary. Making a grand sewer behind the old barracks. Carrying down two drains from the old and new barracks into the water-course. Making a bridge over the water-course and a well for the foundry. Warrants 
dated 2 June 1741, 17 October 1741 and 26 January 1742.' It will be noted that this bill contained items other than those connected with the construction of the masters' houses; it is not possible there­fore to assess the charges exclusively devoted to that end. The carpentering was carried out by Roger Morris on a warrant dated 2 June 1741, the same on which Joseph Pratt performed the brick­work. Morris was paid £865 on a debenture dated 31 March 1742, a sum which also included the charge for repairing a stable.39 Hezekiah Walker laid on the water to the two houses. His bill amounting to £13r. 1s. 11d. was paid on a debenture dated 30 
35 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, II May 1742. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/149, p. 30, 30June 1741. 
36 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/84, 21 April 1743. 
37 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, 16 November 1742. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/148, p. 231, 31 March 1742. 
38 A larder. What is now termed a 'cellar' was then known as a 'vault'• 
39 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, 16 November 1742. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/149, p. 135, 31 March 1742. 
287 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

September I 742.40 Apparently some drains were installed as an after­thought for we arc informed thatJohn Shakespear, who had by now replaced George Shakespear as master scavelman, made 'drains from the cess-pools of the two masters' houses at the Academy'. His warrant for this sanitary convenience was dated 28 January 174.3, the cost being £7. Bs. 3d.41 Finally Henry Foucquet, the Chief Engineer's clerk, received £45. rns. od. travelling charges on a debenture dated 30 June 1741 for his visits to Tower Place in connection with the Academy building programme.42 
The turret must next claim attention. It was the oldest structure in the '" arren having stood for at least two centuries when the Royal Academy was founded. It was solidly built, its robust nature being attested by the fact that it still survived as a proud reminder ofa more romantic age after severance from its parent building h ad left it unsupported and alone. As a landmark it towered over the collection of shops and sheds clustered round its base, yet despite its massive appearance it did require the care which its years dem anded. First, Joseph Tarbox, glazier, repaired its windows on a warrant dated 8 May 1730.43 Then Joseph Pratt was paid £167. 16s. 10d. on a debenture dated 30 September 1738 for plastering and repairing it and for tiling the triangle shed where the fire-ships' stores were lodged, the warrants for these two services being dated 13 April 1736 and 16 May 1738 respectively.44 Misfortune seemed to have over­taken its windo~s again for Thomas Young, m aster glazier, carried out further reparrs on a warrant dated 21 October 174.0.45 After the foundation of the Academy the turret was used as an annexe to the main lecture room. Having five floors it contained ample sp a ce, so no surprise need be felt when Roger Morris received £ 48. 4-S· od. 
on a debenture dated 31 December 1743 for fitfng up its fourth and fifth rooms for the use of the drawing master and model maker, and repairing the stairs to the vault in the Academy itself.46 
The wharf and the butt were perennial sources of expense. Both required constant maintenance. The former was subjected to daily erosion while the latter, acting as an 'Aunt Sally', disintegrated under the repeated blows of solid iron shot. 
The following entries in the Treasurer's Ledgers and the Bill Books portray the amount of work carried out on the wharves between the years 1720-1749. 
,o Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/84 21 April 1743. 41 Ordnance Bill Book,,Series II, PRO/W0/51/15~, p 297, 30June 1743. 42 Ordnance T_reasurer s L~dger, PRO/W0/48/82, 14 August 1741. u Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/129. 44 Ordnance 1:reasurer's L~dger, PRO/W0/48/79, 30 December 1738. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51 /141, p. 78, 30 September 1738. "Ordnance Bill Book, Series 11, PRO/W0/51/145, p. 229, 31 March 1741. 41 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/85, 21 December 1744. 
288 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

(A) 
A new wharf 400 yards from the new butt was made on a warrant dated I 2 November r 725.47 

(B) 
The wharfwas completely rebuilt on a warrant d~ted 19 Febru~ry 1734 at a cost exceeding £3,000. George Shakespear did the scavellmg work at a cost of£663. 7s. o½d, which he did on a separate warrant dated 


I g October I 734.48 Sir William Orrborne was paid £1,087. 5s. 6d. on a debenture dated 
"' . f h . 49 R

30th September 1734 for the timber portion o t e reconstruction. . oger Morris and Joseph Pratt received £1,541. ros. 11jd. for the brickwork in making the new wharf.SO Christopher Cass earned out the necessary masonry work at a cost of £424. 1s. 6d. on a debenture dated 30 Septem­ber 1734. This sum also included work on three s~all houses for laboure~s 
(warrant dated g April 1734) and some repairs on the storekeepers h 51
ouse. ld fi . . h
(C) John Shakespear was paid_ £86. 18s. 0 2 _-or repamng t e wharfing at Prince Rupert's Walk."2 He also received £30: 6s. gd. for diaging the foundations and making a causeway at the landmg-stage on 
o h 53
a warrant dated 22 Marc I 744· 
(D) 
Roger Morris received the sum of £236. 15s. _od. on a debenture dated 30 September r744 for repairing the wharfat Pn,nce Rup::t's Walk, clearing the foundation and repairing the storekeeper s house. 

(E) 
Roger Morris was paid £1,071. 16s. 8d. on a de~enture dated March 1745 for repairing the wharf and the firesh1p storehouse.


31 
55

Warrant dated 27 November 1744. 
(F) John Shakespear received £428. I 2s. 3d. on a debenture dated 
31 March 1745 for repairing the wharf on a warrant dated 27 November I 744.56 . 
These last two items show that over £ I ,ooo was spent on the wharf m 1745, notvvithstanding the earlier expenditure of £3,000 ten years before. 
(G) 
Roger Morris was paid £n3. 19s. 6d. o~ a debenture dated 30 June 1745 for repairs carried out on the landing place, wharf and fireship storehouse between I April and go June 1745.57 • 

(H) 
On a debenture dated 30 June 1745 Joseph Pratt receiv~d £453. 7s. d. for carrying out the undermentioned repairs between 27 November


4 1744 and 30June 1745.58 
(a) 
At the fire-ship storehouse. Warrant dated 27 November 1744· 

(b) 
At the wharf. Warrant dated 22 March I 745· 


4 7 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/120, P· 110• 4B Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/W0/51/135, P· 127, 3oJune 1734· 40 Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger, PRO/W0/48/76, 26 August 1735· 5o Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/135, P· 131, 29~une 1734· 51 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/76, 10 June 173::i· 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/134, P· 211, 3° September 1734· 02 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/150, P· 298, 3oJune I7i3· 0 a Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/W0/51/161, P· 51, 30June 174::i· 54 Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger, PRO/W0/48/86, 12 February 1745· 0s Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/87, 13 March 1745· _ 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/158, P· 86, March 174:.,• 5 s Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/87, 13 March 1746· 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/158, p. 98, 31 March 1745· 0 7 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/87, 17 June 1746. 0s Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/W0/48/87, 17 June 1746. _ 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/W0/51/160, p. 21, 30June 174:>· 
289 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
CJ At the landing place. Warrant da ted 22 March r 745 (d, At Captain Pattison's house. Warrant dated 30 Ma .l 
745 
(e1 At the foundry. Warrant dated 22 March y · 
1745 
ff1 On the drains at the barracks and in General B d' h
Warrant dated 1745. orgar s ousc. 111 John Shakespear was paid £ 1 6 1 d 30June 174-5 for raising the ground at th~ ~:c~ ~f~~ a i eben~ re_ dated foundation for a causeway, clearing drains at th b e w arf, d1ggmg ~he he moat by Prince Rupert's Walk b . e . arracks and cleaning 
. . etwecn r Apnl and 30 June 1745 59 The fol10\\,1ng entncs refer to the butts: · 
l a1 John Lidgbird was paid £32 1Is . middle platforms and making a bric.k wh~rid. for enc!osmg 1;he lower and platform for exercising against the new b ofold bnck agamst the lower GeneraJ.ro utt by order of the Surveyor­
1b; George Shakespear received £6 12 .. the new exercising butt on a warr t 3d· ds. od. for repamng and raising 
an ate 17 July 8 01
(c1 George Shakespear was paid £Bl 172 · 30 September l 733 for repairing th : _os. gd. on a debenture dated 
. e exerc1smg butt a d • h b 
and wharf at Prmce Rupert's W lk 62 n secunng t e ank ldJ Sir William Ogborne rece:ed on a the sum of£30. 4S. l d. for repairing th 1 tebenture dated 30 June I 733 target for the butt, repairing the buttanJ:~cd1}-ouse, making a _new post and 
(e) George Shakespear repaired th n !~gthefence behmd the butt.G3 21 October 1735. His fee of£ 135_ 6s.e i;ercismg _butt on a warrant dated 12 ~fay 1736.64 • was paid on a debenture dated 
(fJ J ohn Shakespear was paid £
301 8
and building a new proof-butt d • 1 . · s. 6d, for demolishing the old and cleaning out the bog-hou~es!~~es~;~ers for the old_and new ba rracks work was dated I 7 October h. h . barracks. His warrant for this
1741
in the foundry.65 w ic included the digging of a w ell 
(g) John Shakespear received £r J.. •.
49 0

ening the exercising butt on a · Js. 2d, for repam ng and length­
(h) The next entries presup;o:~:~t ated 6 February r742.66 consequent advent of flood wat Teh~ccurrence of a great storm with 
1 • . . ers. 1s as we k r 

natura VIS1tat1on from which Woolwich ~ft now, was a 1orm of dated 30June 1744John Shak ~n suffered. On a debenture
Ii . . espear was paid the s f £ 
or repamng the proof-butt part of which h um o I 53. l 5s. od. much damaged by the inroads f th Th ad been washed away and subsequent encroachments by tho . e . ames and securing it against 
. . e nver m bad w th Th

repairs were earned out on a w d d ea er. e necessary
arrant ate 22 May 17 67 u Ordnance Treasurer's Led er PR 44. '0 Ordnance Bill Book SeriesgII, PRg1wg;4B/B7, 17June 1746. 11 Ordnance Bill Book: Series u' PROrw0//5r//rr9, P• 75, 30 September 1726. u Ordnance Treasurer's Led e 'PRO/ 51 120, p. 110. 
" Ordnance Treasurer's Led:e;• PRO/~g14gf75, 9 May 1734. u Ordnance Treasurer's Ledge 'PRO 14 175, 16 April 1734. 
Ordnance Bill Book Series Ir' PRorwg//4B/77, 23 November 1736. u Ordnance Bill Book' Series n' PRO O 51/133, P· 189, 12 May 1736. •• Ordnance Bill Book: Series u' PRofwo;/51//149, p. 56, 3r December 174r. 
Ordnance Treasurer's Led er' PRO 5r 15°, p. 42, 3r March 1742. Ordnance Bill Book, SeriesgII, PRO;w/Wg/48//8\ 12 February 1745. ' 151 15 , P• 136, 30Ju_ne 1744. 
290 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

(i) 
John Shakespear was paid £299. 7s. 2d. for taking down and 'new making' the proof-butt on a warrant dated 16 May 1746.68 

(j) 
John Shakespear received £88. 4S. 1d. on a debenture dated 31 December I 748 for levelling and regulating Proof Place and for repairing the face of the butt.69 


Except for these specific projects already described, constructional work in the Warren during these years of comparative tranquillity was limited to individual acts ofmaintenance and repair. These must be tabulated chronologically for purposes of record. 
George Shakespear received £230. 1 7s. 3d. for scavel work between I July 1 729 and 30 September 1729. ·warrant dated 24 June 1728.70 New fences in the marsh wall behind the butt next to the sluice were erected on a warrant dated 25 September 1729.71 Roger Morris and Joseph Pratt were paid £6r. 2s. g¾d. for repairs including those on drains.72 Roger Morris and Joseph Pratt received £284. 19s. 7½d. for re­building the Conduit House in Collick Lane on a warrant dated 8 May 
I 731.73 
Sir William Ogborne was paid £147. 4>. 5d. on a debenture dated 3 I December 1731 for repairing the Laboratory, the infirmary and several houses.74 
Roger M orris and J oseph Pratt received £go. gs. 1½d. for repairing the foundry storehouses and barracks. Warrants dated 19 November 1734 and 10 J anuary 1735.75 
Samuel R emnant, smith was paid £110. 11s. 8d. on a debenture dated 30 June 1735 for 59 cwt. o qrs. 27 lb. of new iron work in making a new balustrade a t the shot-yard.76 
George Shakespear received £135. 5s. 6d., which included the sum of £ 1 3. 1 1 s. 4d. for building an addition to the guardhouse, for digging a bomb-room for a sea mortar, fixing stepping stones in the road at the Warren gate and sinking guns to serve as posts in the footway in Warren Lane.77 
Joseph Pratt was paid £16. gs. 8d. on a debenture dated 16 November 
I 738 for m aking a new hearth and funnel for the armourers' forge.78 
Roger M orris was paid £100. 6s. 2d. on a debenture dated 31 Decem­ber I 741 for fitting up the fire-barn as an infirmary for the use of the Royal Artillery. Warrant dated 5 December 1741.79 
68 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/163, p. 230, 31 December 1744. 
68 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/89, 31 December 1748. 
70 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/ 51/124, p. 64, 30 September 1729. 
71 Ofdnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/124, p. go.
72 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/131, 8 May 1731. 
73 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/131, p. 25, 31 December 1731. 
74 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/73, 11 May 1732. 
75 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/135, p. 227, 31 March 1735. 
76 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/,µ3/76, 21 October 1735. 
77 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51 /133, p. 233, 30 September 1736. 
78 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/80, 7 August 1739. 
79 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, 16 November 1742. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/149, p. JO, 31 December 1741. 
291 




BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

Hezekiah Walker received £341. rs. od. on a debenture dated 30 June r 741 for plumbing repairs in storehouses and dwellings.80 
Joseph Pratt was paid £76. r 7s. id. on a debenture dated 30June 1 742 for building a brick funnel for the smiths' forge and re-tiling certain store­houses. ,varrant dated 8 January 1742.81 
Roger Morris received £379. Bs. gd. on a debenture dated 30 Septem­ber 1742 for building a new fuel storehouse for the foundry, a fire-barn, a bog-house, a coal house and a 'corps' room; also for carrying out sundry repairs in the Laboratory. Warrant dated 15 June 1742.82 
Roger Morris was paid £253. 15s. B½d, for pulling down the old clock­house and rebuilding the same. v\Tarrant dated 15June 1742.83 John Shakespear received £12. os. 7d. for digging the foundations of the fire-barn and wood-barn. Warrant dated 15 June 1742.84 Joseph Pratt was paid £300. 5s. 6d. on a debenture dated 30 September 1742 for bricklayers' work in building the fire-barn and wood-barn.85 
Roger Morris received £34. I Is. 7d. on a debenture dated 30 June 1743 for repairing the south gate of the Laboratory and making frames and gates for the shot-yard.86 
Joseph Pratt was paid £163. I4S. 11d. on a debenture dated 30 June 1743 for bricklaying in the repair of the damage inflicted on the barracks by the bursting ofa gun, for repairing the tiling ofseveral storehouses and of the masters' houses at the Academy, and for carrying out renovations in the Laboratory, kitchen and wharf.87 
Joseph Pratt received £31. 5s. 3d. on a debenture dated 3r December 1743 for white-washing the houses of the storekeeper and Major M ichel­son; also the room of the extra clerks.88 
Roger Morris was paid £81. 7s. 5d. on a debenture dated 31 M arch 1744 for building a house for the night watch on the wharf. vVarrant da ted 8 November 1743; also for other repairs on a warrant dated 26 July 1 743.89 
John Shakespear received £91. 11s. o½d, for cleaning out the moat which divides the Warren from the marshes.90 
Roger Morris was paid £118. I4S. od. on a debenture dated 30 September 1744 for making a new frame and case for the large lead cistern, a new door in the foundry yard and for carrying out several repairs in the foundry.91 
Roger Morris received £182. 7s. 10!d, for work carried out at the new hand crane; warrant dated 22 March 1745; and at the pallisades to the 
80 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, 11 May 1742. 81 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, 16 November 1742. Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/148, p. 202, 30June 1742. 82 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PROfWO/48/84, 21 April 1743. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO/51/152, p. 12, 30 September 1742. 83 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/152, p. 198, 31 December 1742. "Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/152, p. 24. • 85 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/vVO/48/84, 21 April 1743. 81 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/51/153, p. 178, 30June 1743. 17 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/85, 21 February 1744. 81 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/85, 24July 1744. 11 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PROfWO/48/85, 21 December 1744. 
Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO/51/154, p. 199, 31 March 1744. 
•0 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PROfWO/51 /154, p. 211, 31 March 1744. 
91 

Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/86, 6June 1745. 
292 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

landing place; warrant dated 25 June 1745. The sum also included pay­ments for repairs at the foundry, barracks, storehouses and General Borgard's house.92 
Joseph Pratt was paid £84. 5s. 8d. on a debenture dated 31 December I 745 for repair work carried out at the foundry, the first master's house and certain storehouses between I July and 31 December 1 745.03 
Joseph Pratt received £131. 2s. gd. on a debenture dated 31 December 1 745 for repairing the Sea Service Storehouse, the Laboratory and several stores between I o October and 3 1 December I 745.94 
Joseph Pratt was paid £218. 9s. 6d. on a debenture dated 3~ December 1 745 for repairing the old cranes and Mr Muller's house (1.e. the on: allotted to the first master) between I October and 3 r December 1745·9" 
Roo-er Morris received £365. r rs. o½d, for building a new shed on a warr:nt dated 29 March 1745 at a cost of£294. I IS. r¼d,, and for making a foot-way from the dipping-house to the fire-ship storehouse.96 
Hezekiah \!\Talker was paid £79. 3s. 4d. on a debenture dated 30 September 1745 for repairing the pipes in Mr Muller's house and ;~e conduit pipes in the Warren between I July an~ 30 ~eptember 1745·. 
Joseph Pratt received £281. qs. 6½d, for d1v~r~ Jobs, among which were (a) Building a shed for the painters (b) Ra1~mg th~ fe~ce walls of the Warren and constructing buttresses (c) Makmg drams m the coa:­yard. The ·warrant for the work which was carried out between 1 Apnl 
. 6 98

and 30 September r 746, was dated 29 March I 74 • John Sh akespear was paid £146. 16s. rd. on a debenture dated 31 
December I 745 for : 
(a) 
Digging the foundations for the hand crane and levelling the ground. Warrant d ated 22 March 1745· 

(b) 
Moving ·he west crane and levelling the ground. 

(
c) Making a foot-way in the orchard. Warrant dated 26 November 1745· 

(d) 
Laying guns. . h k l 

(e) 
Makino-a causeway at the landing place all of wh1c too Pace 


b 99 

between 1 J uly and 31 December 1745· d d 
1

Roger Morris received £223. 15s. nd. on a debenture at~ 3 · · C · M' h 1 's house the palhsades
December 1746 for repamng aptam 1c e son loo and the barracks between 1 July and 31 December 1746. John Shakespear was paid £137. 17s. 2d. on a debenture dated 3o]une d. d 101 
1 7 4 7 for levelling ground and men mg roa s. S Roo-er Morris received £go. 17s. 3d. on a debenture date~ 3° eptem­
0 . k h and dwellings between

ber 1747 for repairs to the barrac s, store ouses I July and 30 September 1747.102 
92 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/162, P· II, io Sept6mber 1745· 93 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/87, 14 October 1746· 94 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/87, 14 October 1746· 96 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/87, 14 Octo er 174 · 6 00 Ordnance Bill Book Series II, PRO/WO/51/163, P· 205, 3oJune 174 · 07 Ordnance Treasure;'s Ledger, PRO/WO/48/88, 17 FebruarySl747· b 98 Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/163, P· 21 4, 3° ep~em er 1746 · 
1

99 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/87, 14 October 748· 100 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/89, 28 January 174 · 1o1 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/89, 5 July 1748· 8102 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/89, 3 October 1 74 · 
293 

BIRTH AND CHILbHOOD 

Joseph Pratt was paid £303. 7s. 7d. on a debenture dated 30 September 1747 for his part in the above mentioned repairs between I July and 30 September !747.10~ . . 
Roger l\1orns received £9. 7s. 2d. for erecting a new flagstaff 1n the Vlarren. " 'arrant dated 4 December 1747.104 
Having outlined the works services carried out during the pre­ceding twenty years, let us turn our attention to the Laboratory which had been in a state ofsuspended animation since r 7I 6. Though not completely closed down, its output had been reduced to the level consistent with the effects of Sir Robert Walpole's administration. Since the absence of war had left stocks undisturbed, the limited demands of peace were easily satisfied, and during the first tw enty­three years ofits torpidity it manufactured just enough to fulfil the 
requirements of exercise and proof. Though placed under the care ofa bombardier in 1716, the gathering war clouds in 1739 quickened its tempo and demanded the presence of a more senior official to step up its production. This is supported by an entry in the Treasurer's Ledgers under date I June 1742 which states :105 
Lieut-Colonel Thomas Pattison paid £222. ros. od. on a debenture dated 21 May I 742 for his care and trouble in superintending the business of the Laboratory between 20 November I 739 and 21 May I 742, being 914 days at 5s. per day. 
The dates in this entry are significant. The 'peace and prosperity' era introduced by Sir Robert Walpole was rudely shaken and finally brought to an end in I 739 by a great national fervour in favour of a maritime war with Spain. This movement, founded on past m emories, was uncoordinated and amorphous, but it was the beginning of the flood-tide which twenty years later bore William Pitt to office and 
swept away the French power in India and North America. The wrongs ofJenkins and his ear, said to have been torn off by an irate Spanish Customs official, brought matters to a h ead by arousing such a popular demand for action that Walpole perforce had to bow before the storm and draw an unwilling sword against Spain on rg October 1739. It was an unfamiliar implement in Walpole's hand and he resigned on 2 February 1742. With his fall from power the policy of restraint faded into the background, and the Spanish war, inconclusive and indecisive, broadened into the current whicheventu­ally carried the country into conflict with France on 15 March 1744 whenthe Warofthe Austrian Succession once more setEurope aflame. Meanwhile, after the temporary management of Lieutenant­
Colonel Thomas Pattison, who in I 742 had become the Lieutenant­
Colonel of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, the Laboratory slipped 101 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/89, 3 October 1748. 10, Ordnance Bill Book, Series II, PRO/WO/51/164, p. 226, 31 March 1748. 101 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/83, I June 1742. 
294 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

back under the exclusive care of a bombardier and, although its work was increasing in scope and importance, carried on for the next four years as best it could. At the beginning_ ~f 1746, h?wever, the increasing strains of war spurred the authorities to a~t1on and broucrht home the fact that if the Laboratory was to function effect­ively0 it must be placed on a proper footing. A Council meeting was therefore held with this end in view.106 
LABORATORY AT WOOLWlCH 
At the Court of St James's 12 February 1746 

Present The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council v\Thereas there was this day read at the Board a report of the Lord~ of 
· f C ·1 d t d 30th oflast month upon a representation

the C omnnttee o ounc1 a e f O d for the Master-General and Principal Officers of the Boar~ 0 ~ n~nce relating to the defective state of the Laboratory at Woolwich which is at 
b d. Although the Works nowpresent under the care only of a Bom a ier. 

. · derable and of great

constantly carrymg on there are very consi 
11 

consequence, and therefore proposing that the Officehof ~r-1p;o~~~ 
8

Firemaster and Firemaster's Mate which were put upon t e in mg s d 
. . . f ) may now be restore
hshment in the year 1716 (bemg time O peace . h th Art with the addition of a Clerk to the Comptroller. By whic mean~ e . of making Fireworks for real use as well as for Triumph may e agam recovered. The Charge whereof as estimated by the sa~d MBo~rd amh. ou~ts 
d num His r aJesty avmg

to Four hundred and Seventy Poun s per an · . h th dvice of taken the said Report into Consideration was pleased wit. e a h. h . h f d f the said Estimate w ic is llis P rivy Council to approve t ereo_ a_n ° rdered That the said hereunto annexed and to Order as it is hereby O b t d
' F" t , Mate e res ore

Offices of Comptroller Firemaster and iremas er s G 
1
5t

with the addition of a Clerk to the Comptroller And th~ Ma erd·. enera 
. . D · ctions herein accor mg Y· 

of the O rdnance is to give the necessary ire W. Sharpe 
Officers proposed for the Laboratory at Woolwich 
A Comptroller .... • • • · · · · · · · · · at £200 
l 1 
Firemaster ................ • • • · at £ 15° per annum Clerk to the Comptroller..... . • • at £ 4° Mate to the Firemaster .. • • · · · · · at£ 80 
£47o r6 December 1746 In Estimate 1748 
. . C ·1 Charles Frederick was ap-

Arising from this Order m ounci , L. t Colonel 
. F b 1745 and 1eutenan ­
pointed Comptroller from 12 e ruary 6 101 the James Pattison, Chief Firemaster, on 1 3 Febr:1ary 174 ' 1 remainder of the staff being posted in the following year· In 7 4 7' 
· h 1748 PRO/W0/55/408, P· 113· 

10a Warrants (King's and others), Woolw1c ' 1744-Warr~nt dated 13 February 1746. 107 M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/W0/55/508, P· 164· 
295 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
therefore, the establishment of the Laboratory was as follows :108 
Comptroller-Charles Frederick ........ . ... . .... . ... £200 p.a. Comptroller's Clerk-Edward Wilkes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £40 p.a. Chief Firemaster-Lieut.-Colonel James Pattison. . . . . . . . £ 150 p.a. Firemaster's Mate-Christopher Newton. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £80 p.a. Turner-John Jones • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £54. 15s. od. p.a. Joiner-William Pincher ............ £54. 15s. gd. p.a. Carpenter-John Cooke ............. £45. 12s. 6d. p.a. Smith-Robert McGill . . . . . . . . . . . . . £45. 12s. 6d. p.a. Labourers Robert Poulton ......... £27. 7s. 6d. p.a. Mathew Younger ....... . £27. 7s. 6d. p.a. 
The Civil establishment of the Warren in 172 7 was as under: 
Storekeeper-James Felton ................... £160 p.a. Clerk of the Survey-David Stephenson . . . . . . . . £54. 15s. od. p.a. Clerk of the Cheque-Thomas Baker . . . . . . . . . . £54. 15s. od. p.a. Clerk of the Foundry-Anthony Spencer. . . . . . . . £54. 15s. od. p.a. Clerks extra-Edward Jackson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £36. ios. od. p.a. 
d. Peter Hunton £ 6 od. p.a.
or mary Th F . · · · · · · · · · · · · • • • • . . 3 . 1os. 
omas urruss . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £36. 1os. od. p.a. Master Founder-Andrew Schalch ......... . .. £ 219 p.a. 

During 1728, however, Peter Hunton succeeded Anthony Spencer as clerk to the foundry, Charles Marriot replaced Pet r Hunton as a clerk extraordinary, and Hopton Twynihoe supplanted Thomas Furniss as a clerk extraordinary. During 1727 and 1728 no labourers appeared on the Woolwich books; they were borne apparently on the strength ofthe Tower. Since the main appointments at W oolwich are given in Appendix VII it is only proposed to record here the changes which took place among the clerks extraordinary. A hoyman, by the name of Anthony Swift, was added to the establishment in I 729. Mr James Felton who had been storekeeper since 1695 died on g April I 734 after nearly forty years of faithful service. He was replaced by Mr George Campbell. In I 734, besides the change of 
109 Ordnance Treasurer's Ledger, PRO/WO/48/88. (?~dnance Establishment ~ook, PRO/WO/54/210. Ind1v1dual warrants of appointment are given in M.G.O's Warrants, PRO/W0/55/ 5o8, as under: 
Laboratory JohnJones to be Turner at 3s. p.d., w.e.f. 1July 1747. Warrant dated 10July 1747, 

p. 168. 
William Pincher to be Joiner at 3s. p.d., w.e.f. 1 October 1747. Warrant dated 1 October 1747, p. 174. John Cooke to be Carpenter at 2s. 6d. p.d., w.e.f. 1 July 1747. Warrant dated 10 July 1747, p. 169. Mathew Younger to be Labourer at u. 6d. p.d., w.e.f. r July 1747. Warrant dated 
10July 1747, p. 171. 
Richard Berry was later appointed 2ndJoiner at 3s. p.d., w.e.f. r August r 748. Warrant 
dated 27 October 1748, p. 103. 
THE WARREN 1721-1749 

storekeepers, John Twynihoe had succeeded Charles Marriot as an extraordinary clerk. William Sumpter also appears again as the labourer on the establishment. In 1736 the clerks extraordinary were Edward Jackson, James Delestang and Thomas Jones. By 1739 they had become Thomas Flight, John Jones and James Delestang, and by I 740 they were changed to James Delestang, Neil Campbell and James Backer. There was a complete turnover by 1743 owing to promotions and other movements of personnel. The three extra­ordinary clerks in that year were John Parr, Abel Cassell and William Severn. These remained at their posts until the end of the period covered by this chapter except that in 1748 William Folkes replaced William Severn. The only other posts worthy of mention which changed hands at this time were those of chief firemaster and firemaster's mate. Lieutenant-Colonel James Pattison vacated the former early in 1_748 and was succeeded by Captain Thomas Desaguliers on I Apnl.of that year,109 while Christopher Newton was replaced by Captam­Lieutenant Charles Farrington appointed I July 1749.110 Summing up, we arrive at the following picture of the total Warren establi ·hment in 1749. £160 p.a. 
Storekeeper-George Campbell ....... • • • • • · · · 
od. p.a.
£54. 10s.

Clerk of the Sur,rey-eil Campbell ... • • • • • · · · 
od. p.a.
£54. 10s.

Clerk of the heque-John Twynihoe ..... •. • • • 
od. p.a.
£54.

Clerk of the •01.mdry-James Delestang .. • •. • • · 10s. 
od. p.a.
£36. 10s.

Clerks extraordinary-John Parr.. ....... •••••· 
od. p.a.
£36. IOS.
Abel Cassell .......... . • 
od. p.a.
£36. JOS.
William Folkes . .... . ... • 
od. p.a.
£26. os.

Labourer-illiam Sumpter ......... • • · • • · · · · 
£219 p.a. 

Master Founder-Andrew Schalch ..... • • • • · · · 
Laboratory 
£ 200

Comptroller-Charles Frederick .............. • • • · · · · p.a. Chief Firemaster-Captain Thomas Desaguliers. • • • · · · · £ 15° p.a. Firemaster's Mate-Captain Lieutenant 
· £80 p.a.

Char1es Farrmgton ...... • • · · · · · · Clerk to the Comptroller-Edward Wilkes ..... • • • · · · · £4o p.a. Turner-John Jones ............... £54. 15s. od. p.a. Joiners-William Pincher ........... £54. 15s. od. p.a. 
R . h dB £54 i5s. od. p.a.

1c ar erry ............ • · Carpenter-John Cooke ............. £45. 12s. 6d. p.a. Smith-Robert McGill ............. £45. 12s. 6d. p.a. Labourers-Robert Poulton ......... £27. 7s. 6d. p.a. Mathew Younger ........ £27. 7s. 6d. p.a. 
In addition, there was a gentleman called The Superintendent of His Majesty's Foundries who had a salary of £500 p.a. Though not ioo MG O's Warrants PRO/WO/55/·08 P· 204. Warrant dated I February 17..iS:O 110 O;d~ance Establishment Book, PRb/'V\ O/54/211. M.G.O's ·warrants, PRO/\\ / 55/508, p. 210. Warrant dated 11 May 1749· 21 297 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

exclusively a Woolwich official he must have hadjuriscliction over the Royal Brass Foundry. These officials appear as shadows in the back­ground. They were, in turn, appointed by warrant, but after appoint­ment their names appear to be conspicuous by their absence in Ordnance records. In I 749 the Superintendent concerned was Francis Eyles, 111 the first holder of the post being George Harrison,112 one of the sufferers in the Moorfield explosion. The complete list 
of these highly paid officials is given in Appendix VII. 
In addition to the foregoing were Mr Marrow, the armourer, some four or five craftsmen working in the foundry and several labourers locally employed, making in all a total of some thirty civilian employees. These, together with probably a similar number ofsoldiers engaged in production gives the managerial, clerical, and industrial strength of the Warren as some sixty or seventy persons. Its rate of 
growth during the first eighty years was surprisingly slow. 
There was an accident at the Royal Foundry on 18 February 1745 according to the London Magazine of February 1745, p. IOI. An old bomb shell which had been landed some days before from a tender, and from which the charge had not been drawn, took fire and bursting injured six of the matrosses so badly that two of them died. 
A third man had both his legs and his right arm blown off. It was thought that if the remainder lived, they would in all probability never recover the use of their limbs. 
To give some idea ofthe amount ofproof taking place at vVoolwich in the middle of the eighteenth century, the following figures are selected from a host of provings. 
'One 7½ft 9 pdr, fifty-seven 7ft g pdrs and eighteen 5}ft 1 pdrs made by Messrs Wheatley and Coy. for the East India Company's ships were proved between 31 October and 1 November 174-9. Thirty-one pieces out of a total of seventy-six passed proof.'ll3 
'Thirty-six out of forty-three 12 and 18 pdr iron ordnance made by Messrs Sone passed proof on 7 November 1749.'ll4 
To conclude this chapter a survey of the Warren as it appeared in I 749 will be attempted. In this respect we are fortunate in having two beautifully executed plans. The first is headed An Accurate Plan oftlze Town of Woolwich, his Majesty's Dockyard and Rope Walk; Survey'd by John Barker with the Plan ofthe Warren as surveyed in 1748 with a view 
from Prince Rupert's Walk of the Royal Academy, Laboratory etc. John Barker Surveyed and Drawn Ju{y 1749: while the second is called An 
111 Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/WO/55/351, p. 175. Warrant dated 13July
1742. 111 Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/WO/55/348. Warrant dated 27 September
1722. m OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO{WO/47/34, 3 November 1749. 114 OrdnanceJournal Book, PRO{WO/47/34, 14 ovember 1749. Actually from 1749 the so-called 'Journal Books' are really 'The Minutes of the 
Surveyor-General', but the term 'Journal Book' will continue to be used in the footnotes. 
298 
THE WARREN 17111-1749 

Exact Survey of tlze Warren in Woolwich drawn by John Barker at the Royal Academy. Anno 1749. For our purpose the latter is the more valuable 
map. h B .. h
The original plans are kept in the Map Room of t e ntls Museum and form part of Volume XVII under the press-m~r~ k44. Together with seven other drawings they were placed _ongmally between two pages sealed together to form _a closed section of the volume. The nine maps and plans of Woolw1ch are: 
(a) 
An accurate plan of the Town ofWoolwich, his Majesty's Dockyard and Rope-,Nalk. Surveyed and drawn by John_Barker, July 1749· 

(b) 
An exact survey of the Warren in Woolw1ch drawn by John Barker at the Royal Academy. Anno 1749· . 

(c) 
A plan of His Majesty's Dockyard at Woolw1ch 1 774· 

(d) 
A plan of His Majesty's Dockyard at Woolwich. Drawn by Thomas 


Milton 18 June 1753· · h Wa ren at
(e) A plan of the 2 gun battery and born? battery m t e r_ Woolwich made under the direction of MaJor-General Borgard m the 
' 

year 1739. . 
(f) 
Plan of the foundry built at Woolw1ch. Anno ~7 15· h T 

(g) 
Plan of part of a Great Pile of Buildings designed at t e ower Place at Woolwich g July 1717· 

(h) 
Front ate at Woolwich 1717 Sh' C · 


th

(i) Front of the Gate next the River Than_ies :or ~ of1X [tt1(~g)e] House desicrned at the Tower Place at Woolw1ch mStea 
b 

markt 1717. t d 'secret' forms rather
The reasons why these plans were trea e as fid . 
. h' h highly con entia1at 

an amusing story. The drawmgs, w 1c were d 
. . t b the Board of Or nance

the time of their preparat10n, were sen Y d'd t to H.M. the King for his inspection. George III, hui,_~ve:, L\ no return them but placed them in his library. When the ng s 1 r~h was transferred to the British Museum in 182 8 the_ ~lahnMswent wifit 
t to the Bnt1s useum or

it. In 1837, the Board of 0 rdnance wro e d Th B d the return of these military papers but the latter refuse · e ohar 
d allow no access to t em

then asked the Museum to sea1them up an d d the without their permission. To this the Museu: ~r~/;i:cent's documents were placed under seal and for~otte . h t th plans 
. . . A ll h ffi ·al not1ficat1on t a e ,

happy mspirat1on. ctua Y, t e O ci d ·1 ble to the being of no further military value, could be ma e a~i a Offi f U Public was not given to the British Museum by the k aru· Tche 1. 
' 1 , h d been bro en. ., us is 21 March 1910 long after the seas a 

history made. . b M w T Vincent 
These plans were originally brough~ to light YM; F · C · Elliston~ the author of The Records of Woolwzch and, as · h · d t" Erwood remarks,m the story of their discovery 'forms t e rama ic 
m PRO/WO/32/556, Gen. No/1/17?. . . 
118 The Woolwich and District Antiquanan Socie91, vol. xxix, P· 17· 
299 


DIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
opening to his popular history, though it may be thought by some that he has allowed his sense of the theatre to overcome the demands of strict veracity'. The story of a 'sealed packet' was a flight of imagination. Actually, the edges of certain pages in a large folio had at one ~ime be_en securely stuck together and on them now appears a note m pencil to the effect that the sealed edges of this book were opened in 1869 and need not be sealed up in future. 
John Barker has left no trace in history. Who he was or what was his profession is a mystery. Presumably he was a surveyor. He was certainly a skilled draughtsman and a competent artist. His map of the Warren was d~awn at the Royal Academy, yet he was neither a master or a drawmg-master, nor a model-maker there. His n am e does not appear among those of the staff in the comprehensive list given in Tlze Records of tlze Royal M ilitary Academy , nor is it mentioned i~ any Ordnance Jour,nal Book, Establishment Book, Quarter Book, Bill Book or ~reasurer s Ledger. He must have been granted facilities to produce his Wa~ren survey but he received no payment for his 

work from any official source, which presupposes that his exercise in cartography w_as a priv_ate venture. Nevertheless posterity owes him a debt of gratitude. His map is the only existing one between the years 1717 and 1777. 
In 1749 the limits of the Warren were similar to those of 1671 the only difference being that it was now surrounded by a fence 'wall except where the moat still stood guardian over the marshes on its eastern flank. There was a plantation of elms near the main gate and a row oftrees along the boundary which separated the Establishment from the Plumstead marshes. A double row of foliage hrew its welcome shade over Prince Rupert's Walk while the old bastion itself was dotted with numerous saplings. 'Between the Fountain Court block of buildings and the Laboratory, an avenue lined with trees led from the foundry to the gun-park. A considerable part of 
the area was covered with private gardens and orchards. The principal buildings were: 
A. The Laboratory as it stood in 1701. 

B. The shot-yard, north of and adjoining the Great House now shut in by brick walls containing gates. ' 
C. The Great House_ containing the Academy, the Board Room, the Headquarters of the Artillery, the storekeeper's residence and the houses of the First ~nd Second Masters of the Royal Academy. ' 
D. The Firework-Barn, converted into an infirmary, almost on the site of the present surgery. 
E. The Proof-Butt as in 1 70 r. 
F. The Royal Brass Foundry, i.e. the present 0 .F. Garage. 
G. The guardhouse by the main gate. 
H. Three labourers' houses near the main gate. 
300 
THE WARREN 1721 -1749 

I. The old and new blocks of barracks containing seven officers' quarters and two barrack barrack rooms. 
J. The block of buildings containing the washing, turning and en­graving house, the smiths' shops, the armourers' shops, the Land Service Carriage Storehouse, the Sea Service Carriage Storehouse, the Car­penters' shops, Artificers' Court and Fountain Court. 
K. The Sea Storehouse on the site of the smiths' shop next to the water's edge north of the Shot-yard. 
L. The Lesser Square or Carriage Storehouse including the powder magazine, just east of the Fountain Court block of buildings. 
M. The turret in the garden of the First Master. . 
N. The Boring Engine room, near the north end of the Foundry Just inside the main entrance. In addition there were two practice batteries in Prince Rupert's Walk, an extensive gun-park between the Old Carriage Yard site 
and the buildings to the south of it, and the three cranes as of yore. Disappearances since r701 included: 
The Old Carriage Yard which had now become the storekeeper's orchard. 
T he New Carriage Yard. T he Powder-house close to the Old Carriage Yard. The Greenwich Barn. Pritton's house. 
The Bricklayers' storehouse. The Kettle House. H awthorn Tree House. J ohn Packman's House and 
The Smiths' Shop close to the water's edge. 

It will b e seen therefore that though developments during the preceding fifty years had been small and unspectacular, p~o?ress had been achieved. Slowly but surely the country estate was givmg place to the Civil and Military Government Establishment. 
301 



Chapter g 
The Beginnings of the Royal Regiment of Artillery 
Woolwich Warren was the cradle of the Royal Regiment of Artillery ~nd, as such, was clos:ly associated with its formation in r 7 r 6 and Its growt~ to I ?i8. It 1s o~y _fitting, therefore, that the early years of the regiments story which mtegrated with that of the expa nding Warren shou~d figure in a history ofthe Royal Arsenal. In the Warren were the regimental headquarters, the houses and barracks where the officers. an? men lived and the infirmary where the sick were 
tended, while Just across the way, in the Plumstead R oad, was the 0rd~ance chapel whe:e the troops afterwards worshipped. 
Pr10: to the for~~t10n of the Royal Regiment, the fee'd gunners belongmg to the military branch of the Office of Ordnance were in ?me of peace quartered at the Tower and at other forts and castles m t?e country_whe~e, und~r their respective master gunners, they came~ out their daily routme. They were in fact a kind of 'District 

Est~bhshme~t_' whose training for the field was nebulous to a degree. Du~mg a cnsis, or when for some other reason it was considered desira_ble to pl~ce an arn:iy in the field, a Royal Warrant authorizing a Tram ofArtillery was issued. These warrants laid down in meticu­lous detail the establishment and rates of pay of the personnel defi~e? with exactitude the number and types of ordnance and ~umt1ons to ?e collected, and listed with precision the stores to be issued from his Majesty's storehouses. The Train was then formed by dra~ting in ~pecified officers, master gunners and gunners from the vanous ?arnsons, mo~il~zing the necessary administrative person­~el and artific:rs ~f the civil branch from the offices and workshops 
m the Tower, 1ssm~~ !he guns and stores required and hiring horses and dn~ers fro?1 c1v1han sources. Experience proved that there w ere usually 1~suffic1ent_trained men to complete the laid-down establish­ment, so ~n the n:1~Jority ofcases, recourse had to be had to enlisting tempo~anly add1t1ona_l officers, gunners, matrosses,1 bombardiers, petardiers and _others m order to enable the Train to take the field. :-Yhen t~e Tram had served the purpose for which it was created, It "":as disb~nded. The permanent staff then returned to their normal duties, while the remainder were discharged with some form of 
1 
. At1,tha/rosses. Sol~iers in the Train of Artillery next below the gunners· their duty is to ass1s e gunners m traversing spo · I d" d fi · h · ' 
Jocks a d h • ' ngmg, oa mg an rmg t e pieces. They carry fire­wagg n hm~:{b a1in~ with the store-waggons, both as a guard and to help in case a 
Thons ou rea own (Chalmer's Cyclopaedia). e rank of matross was abolished in r 783 when all private soldiers in the Artillery
became gunners. 
302 

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY 
monetary compensation, usually half-pay. This led to swollen Ord­nance estimates and burdened the Office with a large non-effective vote. 
At best, this was an expensive and inefficient method of obtaining artillery for the country's defence, as many of the specially enlisted men were devoid of training. At worst, it failed in its object. Such w as the case in 1715 when the system broke down on attempting to organize a Train of Artillery for the Scottish rebel rising. Trained personnel in sufficient numbers just did not exist and something had obviously to be done to remedy the situation. As early as 1712 the Treasury had written to the Board of Ordnance2 suggesting that their establishment might be reduced, for the feeling was growing in authoritative circles that the Ordnance were not getting value for their money. Discussions with the Treasury took place, and brains were set to work on a problem which had a long as well as a short term point of view. Eventually the Principal Officers sent the following communication to the Duke of Marlborough, Master­
General, dated ro January 1716: 
The Board of Ordnance represent to the Duke of Marlborough that, 
upon examination of the several establishments of the military branch of 
this O ffice, it appears that above the sum of £11,000 is yearly paid in 
salaries to persons that are not appointed to any particular service; and are 
never employed without more than double the said expense under the 
titles either of travelling charges or pay. . 
It is likewise evident, from many years experience, that the aforesaid 
establishments are so defective that when there hath been any extra­
ordinary service required, this Office hath been obliged to inlist other 
persons, and to make demand in Parliament for payment of the same. 
It is therefore humbly proposed, that as vacancyes shall happen ~n the 
said establishments that the salarys of them be applied to the fornung ~f 
one or more companies of gunners, as shall be thought necessary for his 
Majesty's service. 
For the better explanation hereof, we humbly lay before y~ur Grace the 
annexed proposal for a regimental establishment of 4 compames ofgunn_ers 
with proper officers, consisting of 379 persons and 28 engmeers amountmg 
to £15,539. 17s. od. per annum. . .. 
On the other side is an abstract of several establishments, cons1stmg of 
369 persons belonging to the artillery and for rg engineers, the whole 
amounting to £r6,82g. os. 3d. per annum, by which it appears_ that what 
is now humbly offered is not only a less charge, but does consist of more 
in number. 
Out of the number of the 4 companies thus pro~osed, the fo:ei~n 
establishment will not only be supplied, but there will also remam m 
England near 200 persons at all times ready to march. upon any e~tra­
ordinary occasion, or otherwise to be usefully employed m those garrisons 
2 v\7arrants (King's and others), Woolwich, PRO/W0/55/404, P· 10, 8 Augu5l 1712• 
3o3 



BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 
or places where his Majesty's chief magazines are kept, of which persons there is now a great want. (Signed) Thomas Earle, Edward Ash, 
M. Richards, J. Armstrong Annexed to this letter were: 
(r) A list of employments on the North Britain establishment which it is proposed should be sunk as they become vacant.-A saving of £1,202. 
3s. gd. 
(2) A reduction in the salaries of certain posts.-A saving of £32. 
I2S. 6d. 
(3) 
An abstract of part of the yearly charge of the military branch of the Office of Ordnance proposed, as they become vacant, not to fill up again.-An eventual saving of£16,829. os. 3d. 

(4) 
A regimental establishment humbly offered as more advantageous to the service; per annum-A cost of £15,539. 17s. od. 

(5) 
The old establishments for Mahon and Gibraltar granted annually by Parliament. The former £3,504 and the latter £3,175. 10s. od. 

(6) 
It was proposed that the following should continue until further orders: 217 master gunners and gunners ofgarrisons £ 4,605. 1s. Bd. Half pay of officers who had served abroad £2,7ro. 15s. 2d. 



While these proposals were under discussion, the following artillery of the old establishment were serving during 1716 in the Tower Division at Woolwich and Greenwich :3 
Lieutenant James Deal 
Abraham Taylor Joseph Hughes
Bombardiers 
Henry Mainarde
{ 
Henry Brown 
rJames Campbell
Gunners 
LJohn Warrell John Osment Matrosses Richard Mills
{ 
Edward Miller 
The Master-General, upon receipt ofthis letter from the Principal 

Officers of the Board, gave it very serious consideration. The views expressed evidently satisfied him, as after a short interval he sub­mitted a proposal4 on the lines they suggested, pointing out that such a reorganization would in the long run effect a considerable financial saving by abolishing most of the half-pay vote. This proposal was accepted in principle though the number of companies comprising the Royal Artillery was limited to two, while keeping the local Minorca and Gibraltar companies on a separate establishment. The 
1 Ordnance Establishment Book, PRO/W0/54/199. 
• Ordnance Establishment Book, PRO/W0/54/199, p. 137. 
3o4 

THE BEGIN NINGS OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY 
Royal Warrant authorizing the two companies of Royal Artillery appeared on 26 May 1716.5 
The Duke of Marlborough, having represented the inconvenience and defects of the present establishment of the military branch of our said Ordnance, amounting to £16,829. 11s. 3d., and therewith a scheme shewing that a greater number of gunners, engineers and other proper officers may be maintained for less than the present expense; and whereas by Our Warrant of 27 November 1715, two companies of gunners and matrosses were raised for the service of our artillery sent upon the late expedition to North Britain, and having been found always necessary that a sufficient number of gunners with proper officers should be maintained and kept ready for Our service; and whereas there are several salaries now vacant of the present old establishment which are not useful by which part ofthe two companies may be maintained, viz. 1 sergeant, 3 corporals, 3 bombardiers, 30 gunners and 32 matrosses, such as have served well abroad during the late wars; and as other salaries shall become vacant in the military branch, you will complete the pay of the rest of the officers 
etc. according to the annexed list.  
Establishment of the two companies:  
First Company  
Rank  Pay per diem  
Captain  IOS.  
First Lieutenant  6s.  
econd Lieutenant  5s.  
Third Lieutenant Fireworker  4S·  
Fourth Lieutenant Fireworker  3s.  
3 Sergeants, each  2s.  
3 Corporals, each  Is.  8d.  
3 Bombardiers, each  1s.  8d.  
30 Gunners, each  Is.  4d.  
50 Matrosses, each  Is.  
Second Company  

The same establishment and pay as the First Company. 

This gives the total annual pay of each company as £2,445· 
. 6 

10s. od., i.e. £4,891 per annum for the two compames.. . 
These were the first two companies of the Royal Artillery, "vh1ch then cost the country less than £5,000 a year. They were stationed permanently at Woolwich and domiciled in the Warren. Not all ~he personnel, however, were quartered there, small detachments b:mg provided for the Tower, Portsmouth, Sheerness, and other garn~on towns. The gunners at Woolwich helped in the_ Labo~atory, earned out practice on the Plumstead Marshes and tramed with other arms in Hyde Park, Hounslow and other open spaces. 
6 Original Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/W0/55/491 , P· 5· 
6 
Warrants (King's and others), Woolwich, PRO/W0/55/4o6, P· 49· 3o5 
BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

Before the barracks in the Warren were built, conditions demanded that a certain number of gunners under an officer should be sent there to attend Ordnance business. To this end, the Surveyor­General, on behalfofthe Principal Officers ofthe Board ofOrdnance, wrote the following letter to James Craggs Jnr., Secretary-at-War:7 
Sir, 

His Majesty's service at Woolwich requiring that a detachment of gunners and matrosses should constantly attend the Ordnance store there, and the high constable making clifficultys on continuing them because his Malles Ordnco have not been renewed since the Rebellion, I am to desire you (by order of the Board) that you will be pleased to assign 
quarters there for a Lieut and 40 men. 
I am also to acqt you that they can give you no satisfactory answer to yr Lre of 15th inst. relating to the Barracks at Sheerness and Tilbury w11•out his Matles directions are signified by one ofhis Principal Secretarys 
ofState. I am, Sir, Your etc. 
18June 1717 
M. Richards He received this communication in reply: 

It is His Matlcs pleasure that you cause a detachment of a Lieut and 40 gunrs and matrosses belonging to his Maties Ordnance to Quarter in ,voo1wch and remain untill further ordrs to attend the Ordnance store there. Wherein the Civill Magistrates and all others concerr.ed are to be assisting in providing quarters or otherwise as there shall be occasion Given at Whitehall this 21st Day ofJune 1717. 
By his Matics Comand 
J. Craggs

To the Principall Officers ofHis Malies Board of Ordnance, or to the Lieut wth the Detachmt above mencioned. 
On 28 February 17 r 8, the Board of Ordnance requested the Secretary-at-War for one Captain, two Lieutenants and sixty-five gunners for the Ordnance store at Woolwich. This request was granted in a letter dated r March 1 7r 8. 8 
The Trains of Artillery raised for the defence of Gibraltar and Minorca, after their capture, were reorganized as companies in 1717.9 These were on a different footing to the two home companies 
raised in 1716, and did not belong to the Royal Artillery. On r r June 1720, the home establishments were altered and a headquarter staff 
7 Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/WO/55/346. 1 1 Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/WO/55/347. Warrants and Orders in Council, PRO/WO/55/346, p. 355, 22 August r7r 7. 
306 

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY 
of one Colonel, one Lieutenant-Colonel and one Major were added. In x722, the Companies at Gibraltar and Minorca were brought on to the establishment of the Royal Artillery which then became the Royal Regiment of Artillery consisting of a headquarters and four companies; two at home at Woolwich and two overseas, one at Gibraltar and the other at Minorca. 
During the days ofits infancy the Royal Regiment obtained many ofits officers from the ranks. Trained gunners graduated up becoming possibly the Chief Bombardier (who received 3s. per day) or the Chief Petardier, until finally they graduated into the commissioned ranks. The system thus differed from that of the Army where pur­chase was the normal method of obtaining commissions in the cavalry and infantry. But very soon afterwards, a new method of providing future officers was instituted. The establishment of the two Woolwich companies was increased to admit two cadet gunners and two cadet matrosses to each. These received the same rate ofpay as their enlisted namesakes, namely 1s. 4d. for the cadet gunner and 
rs. a day for the cadet matross. They were paid monthly by the Captains in whose companies they were mustered. These youngsters, who were supposed to be taught the elements ofgunnery, fortification and mathematics to get them to be commissioned when vacancies among officei·s occurred, at first received no regular form of instruc­tion. They were apparently under little discipline, some never even appearing at Woolwich at all, and such training as they did re_ceive was valueless for their future careers. In 1720, however, as will be described in Chapter 10, some attempt was made to place th~ir education on a better footing, but the system never prove~ satis­factory. The establishment of the Royal Military Academy m 1741 opened up further possibilities of properly training_ a~ office~ corps, so in 1744 a cadet company was formed as a d1stmct umt. The warrant authorizing this, dated 30 July 174410 stated th~t a company offorty gentleman cadets was to be formed by withdrawmg the cadets from the marching companies11 and by adding 4d. a day to the pay of twenty of them, i.e. the cadet matrosses, to bring up the pay of 
every cadet to 16d. per diem. . . 
The next change ofimportance after the settmg up of Regiment~l 
headquarters, was the appointment of a surgeon and a surgeons 
mate to the Royal Artillery on 3 r March 1728.12 A fifth c_ompa~y 
was formed in 1740,13 and the formation of three ~ore m ra~id 
succession brought the strength ofthe regiment up to eight compam~s 
by 1743. Three more companies were adde~ in